San Francisco Bay
San Francisco Bay is a shallow estuary in the US state of California. It is surrounded by a contiguous region known as the San Francisco Bay Area, is dominated by the large cities of San Jose, San Francisco and Oakland. San Francisco Bay drains water from 40 percent of California. Water from the Sacramento and San Joaquin rivers, from the Sierra Nevada mountains, flow into Suisun Bay, which travels through the Carquinez Strait to meet with the Napa River at the entrance to San Pablo Bay, which connects at its south end to San Francisco Bay; the Guadalupe River enters the bay at its southernmost point in San Jose. The Guadalupe drains water from the Santa Cruz mountains and Hamilton Mountain ranges in southernmost San Jose, it enters the bay at the town of Alviso. It connects to the Pacific Ocean via the Golden Gate strait. However, this entire group of interconnected bays is called the San Francisco Bay; the bay was designated a Ramsar Wetland of International Importance on February 2, 2012. The bay covers somewhere between 400 and 1,600 square miles, depending on which sub-bays, wetlands, so on are included in the measurement.
The main part of the bay measures three to twelve miles wide east-to-west and somewhere between 48 miles 1 and 60 miles 2 north-to-south. It is the largest Pacific estuary in the Americas; the bay was navigable as far south as San Jose until the 1850s, when hydraulic mining released massive amounts of sediment from the rivers that settled in those parts of the bay that had little or no current. Wetlands and inlets were deliberately filled in, reducing the Bay's size since the mid-19th century by as much as one third. Large areas of wetlands have been restored, further confusing the issue of the Bay's size. Despite its value as a waterway and harbor, many thousands of acres of marshy wetlands at the edges of the bay were, for many years, considered wasted space; as a result, soil excavated for building projects or dredged from channels was dumped onto the wetlands and other parts of the bay as landfill. From the mid-19th century through the late 20th century, more than a third of the original bay was filled and built on.
The deep, damp soil in these areas is subject to soil liquefaction during earthquakes, most of the major damage close to the Bay in the Loma Prieta earthquake of 1989 occurred to structures on these areas. The Marina District of San Francisco, hard hit by the 1989 earthquake, was built on fill, placed there for the Panama-Pacific International Exposition, although liquefaction did not occur on a large scale. In the 1990s, San Francisco International Airport proposed filling in hundreds more acres to extend its overcrowded international runways in exchange for purchasing other parts of the bay and converting them back to wetlands; the idea was, remains, controversial. There are five large islands in San Francisco Bay. Alameda, the largest island, was created when a shipping lane was cut to form the Port of Oakland in 1901, it is now a suburban community. Angel Island was known as "Ellis Island West" because it served as the entry point for immigrants from East Asia, it is now a state park accessible by ferry.
Mountainous Yerba Buena Island is pierced by a tunnel linking the east and west spans of the San Francisco–Oakland Bay Bridge. Attached to the north is the artificial and flat Treasure Island, site of the 1939 Golden Gate International Exposition. From the Second World War until the 1990s, both islands served as military bases and are now being redeveloped. Isolated in the center of the Bay is Alcatraz, the site of the famous federal penitentiary; the federal prison on Alcatraz Island no longer functions, but the complex is a popular tourist site. Despite its name, Mare Island in the northern part of the bay is a peninsula rather than an island. San Francisco Bay is thought to represent a down-warping of the Earth's crust between the San Andreas Fault to the west and the Hayward Fault to the east, though the precise nature of this remains under study. About 560,000 years ago, a tectonic shift caused the large inland Lake Corcoran to spill out the central valley and through the Carquinez Strait, carving out sediment and forming canyons in what is now the northern part of the San Francisco Bay and Golden Gate strait.
Until the last ice age, the basin, now filled by the San Francisco Bay was a large linear valley with small hills, similar to most of the valleys of the Coast Ranges. As the great ice sheets began to melt, around 11,000 years ago, the sea level started to rise. By 5000 BC the sea level rose 300 feet; the valley become a bay, the small hills became islands. From 15,000 – 10,000 years ago, the Ohlone tribe inhabited the area, now the San Francisco Bay; the natives were displaced 5,000 years ago as the bay filled with water due to the rising sea level at the end of the ice age. The first European to see San Francisco Bay is N. de Morena, left at New Albion at Drakes Bay in Marin County, California by Sir Francis Drake in 1579 and walked to Mexico. The first recorded European discovery of San Francisco Bay was on November 4, 1769 when Spanish explorer Gaspar de Portolà, unable to find the port of Monterey, continued north close to what is now Pacifica and reached the summit of the 1,200-foot-high Sweeney Ridge, now marked as the place where he first sighted San Francisco Bay.
Portolá and his party did not realize what they had discovered, thinking they had arrived at a large arm of what is now called Drakes Bay. At the time, Drakes Bay went by the name Bahia de San
Eel River (California)
The Eel River is a major river, about 196 miles long, of northwestern California. The river and its tributaries form the third largest watershed in California, draining a rugged area of 3,684 square miles in five counties; the river flows northward through the Coast Ranges west of the Sacramento Valley, emptying into the Pacific Ocean about 10 miles downstream from Fortuna and just south of Humboldt Bay. The river provides groundwater recharge and industrial, agricultural and municipal water supply; the Eel River system is among the most dynamic in California because of the region's unstable geology and the influence of major Pacific storms. The discharge is variable; the river carries the highest suspended sediment load of any river of its size in the United States, in part due to the frequent landslides in the region. However, the river basin supports abundant forests – including some of the world's largest trees in Sequoia sempervirens groves – and one of California's major salmon and steelhead trout runs.
The river basin was populated by Native Americans before, for decades after the European settlement of California. The region remained little traveled until 1850, when Josiah Gregg and his exploring party arrived in search of land for settlement; the river was named after they traded a frying pan to a group of Wiyot fishermen in exchange for a large number of Pacific lampreys, which the explorers thought were eels. Explorers' reports of the fertile and timbered region attracted settlers to Humboldt Bay and the Eel River Valley. Starting in the late 19th century the Eel River supported a large salmon canning industry which began to decline by the 1920s due to overfishing; the Eel River basin has been a significant source of timber since the days of early settlement and continues to support a major logging sector. The river valley was a major rail transport corridor throughout the 20th century and forms part of the route of Redwood Highway. Since the early 20th century, the Eel River has been dammed in its headwaters to provide water, via interbasin transfer, to parts of Mendocino and Sonoma Counties.
During the 1950s and 1960s, there was great interest in building much larger dams in the Eel River system, in order to provide water for the State Water Project. Although the damming would have relieved pressure on California's overburdened water systems, it stirred up decades of controversy, as some of the proposals made little economic sense and would have been detrimental to an ailing salmon run; the Eel was granted federal Wild and Scenic River status in 1981, formally making it off limits to new dams. Logging, road-building and other human activities continue to affect the watershed's ecology; the Eel River originates on the southern flank of 6,740-foot Bald Mountain, in the Upper Lake Ranger District of the Mendocino National Forest in Mendocino County. The river flows south through a narrow canyon in Lake County before entering Lake Pillsbury, the reservoir created by Scott Dam. Below the dam the river flows west. At the small Cape Horn Dam about 15 miles east of Willits, water is diverted from the Eel River basin through a 1-mile tunnel to the Russian River, in a scheme known as the Potter Valley Project.
Below the dam the river turns north, flowing through a long isolated valley, receiving Outlet Creek from the west and the Middle Fork Eel River from the east at Dos Rios. About 20 miles downstream, the North Fork Eel River – draining one of the most rugged and remote portions of the watershed – joins from the east. Between the North and Middle Forks the Round Valley Indian Reservation lies east of the Eel River. After this confluence the Eel flows through southwestern Trinity County, past Island Mountain, before entering Humboldt County near Alderpoint; the river cuts in a northwesterly direction across Humboldt County, past a number of small mountain communities including Fort Seward. The South Fork Eel River joins from the west, near Humboldt Redwoods State Park and the town of Weott. Below the South Fork the Eel flows through a wider agricultural valley, past Scotia and Rio Dell, before receiving the Van Duzen River from the east. At Fortuna, the river turns west across the coastal plain and enters the Pacific via a large estuary in central Humboldt County, about 15 miles south of Eureka.
The Northwestern Pacific Railroad tracks follow the Eel River from Outlet Creek, about 7 miles above Dos Rios, to Fortuna. The railroad has been out of service since 1998 due to concerns of flooding damage. U. S. Route 101 runs along the South Fork Eel River and the lower Eel River below the South Fork. Average flow of the Eel River varies due to its location, which places it more or less directly in the path of Pineapple Express-type winter storms. Wet season flows can be enormous, while the summer and early autumn provide only minimal precipitation, if any, allowing the sometimes mighty river to slow to a trickle. At the mouth, the Eel River produces an estimated annual runoff of 6.9 million acre feet per year, or about 9,500 cu ft/s. The Eel's maximum recorded flow of 936,000 cu ft/s on December 23, 1964 was the largest peak discharge of any California river in recorded history, one of the largest peaks recorded in the world relative to the size of its drainage basin. In contrast, during the dry months of July through September, the river achieves nearly zero flow.
The lowermost United States Geological Survey
Rio Dell, California
Rio Dell is a city in Humboldt County, United States. Rio Dell is located on the west bank of the Eel River 1 mile north of Scotia, at an elevation of 161 feet; the population was 3,363 at the 2010 census, up from 3,174 at the 2000 census. Rio Dell was first named Eagle Prairie, but was renamed to Rio Dell in 1890; the name River Dell was first suggested, but as the name was too similar to Riverdale, CA, the name of town became Rio Dell. According to the United States Census Bureau, the city has a total area of 2.4 square miles, of which, 2.3 square miles of it is land and 0.1 square miles of it is water. This region experiences warm and dry summers, with no average monthly temperatures above 71.6 °F. According to the Köppen Climate Classification system, Rio Dell has a warm-summer Mediterranean climate, abbreviated "Csb" on climate maps; the first post office at Rio Dell opened in 1876. Rio Dell incorporated in 1965. Rio Dell was connected to Scotia by a ferry provided by the lumber mill, a suspension bridge built in 1914.
The 2010 United States Census reported that Rio Dell had a population of 3,368. The population density was 1,393.2 people per square mile. The racial makeup of Rio Dell was 2,894 White, 13 African American, 125 Native American, 25 Asian, 3 Pacific Islander, 140 from other races, 168 from two or more races. Hispanic or Latino of any race were 384 persons; the Census reported that 3,347 people lived in households, 21 lived in non-institutionalized group quarters, 0 were institutionalized. There were 1,367 households, out of which 440 had children under the age of 18 living in them, 560 were opposite-sex married couples living together, 199 had a female householder with no husband present, 85 had a male householder with no wife present. There were 131 unmarried opposite-sex partnerships, 13 same-sex married couples or partnerships. 409 households were made up of individuals and 139 had someone living alone, 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 2.45. There were 844 families; the population was spread out with 803 people under the age of 18, 309 people aged 18 to 24, 824 people aged 25 to 44, 989 people aged 45 to 64, 443 people who were 65 years of age or older.
The median age was 38.3 years. For every 100 females, there were 96.7 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 91.7 males. There were 1,442 housing units at an average density of 596.5 per square mile, of which 1,367 were occupied, of which 774 were owner-occupied, 593 were occupied by renters. The homeowner vacancy rate was 0.6%. 1,952 people lived in owner-occupied housing units and 1,395 people lived in rental housing units. As of the census of 2000, there were 3,174 people, 1,221 households, 830 families residing in the city; the population density was 1,684.2 people per square mile. There were 1,434 housing units at an average density of 760.9 per square mile. The racial makeup of the city was 85.63% White, 0.16% Black or African American, 3.88% Native American, 0.38% Asian, 0.03% Pacific Islander, 5.73% from other races, 4.19% from two or more races. 10.81% of the population were Hispanic or Latino of any race. There were 1,221 households out of which 34.4% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 48.1% were married couples living together, 13.2% had a female householder with no husband present, 32.0% were non-families.
25.0% of all households were made up of individuals and 10.4% had someone living alone, 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 2.59 and the average family size was 3.08. In the city, the population was spread out with 28.3% under the age of 18, 9.3% from 18 to 24, 26.5% from 25 to 44, 22.3% from 45 to 64, 13.6% who were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 36 years. For every 100 females, there were 98.6 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 94.8 males. The median income for a household in the city was $29,254, the median income for a family was $36,464. Males had a median income of $30,410 versus $19,688 for females; the per capita income for the city was $12,569. About 18.5% of families and 23.1% of the population were below the poverty line, including 31.1% of those under age 18 and 12.1% of those age 65 or over. Rio Dell has a City Council - City Manager form of government; the City Council sets policy. The Mayor is selected by the City Council and serves as the presiding officer at city council meetings and as the official head of the city for legislative and ceremonial purposes.
As of 2015, the Rio Dell City Council consisted of Mayor Mike Mazzocco, Gordon Johnson, Tim Marks, Debra Garnes, Clout God. In the state legislature, Rio Dell is in the 2nd Senate District, represented by Democrat Mike McGuire, the 2nd Assembly District, represented by Democrat Jim Wood. Federally, Rio Dell is in California's 2nd congressional district, represented by Democrat Jared Huffman. Rio Dell, Sonoma County, California Official website
1860 Wiyot massacre
The Wiyot massacre refers to the incidents on February 26, 1860, at Tuluwat on what is now known as Indian Island, near Eureka in Humboldt County, California. In coordinated attacks beginning at about 6 am, white settlers murdered 80 to 250 Wiyot people with axes and guns; the February 26 attacks were followed by similar bloody attacks on other Wiyot villages that week. Immigrants had settled in the area since the California Gold Rush, over the 10 years before the massacre; the Wiyot were at this time a peaceful tribe. Though earlier having fought, driven out or exterminated other tribes that had held the lands they occupied, they had never fought with white settlers and were not expecting an attack for their cattle raiding; the killings followed two years of open hostility by a group of local whites against the residents of Indian Island, numerous editorials in the local newspapers, the formation of volunteer militia groups. A pattern of hostility had developed between local Indians and the settlers, who let their cattle stray onto Indian lands.
Indians utilized the cattle. On the night of 26 February 1860, a small group of settlers crossed Humboldt Bay and to avoid drawing attention from nearby Eureka residents, the bulk of whom may not have condoned the killings, carried out the attack with hatchets and knives. Contrary to a held view, guns were used, with some Eureka residents reported hearing shots that night, but knowledge of the attack was not widespread at the time. News accounts report only the shooting of adult men, with handheld weapons used against women and children. Based upon Wiyot Tribe estimates, 80 to 250 Wiyot people were murdered. Another estimate states the number of Indians killed at 150; because most of the adult able-bodied men were away gathering supplies as part of continuing preparation for the World Renewal Ceremony, nearly all the Wiyot men murdered are believed to have been older men, one reason why the Wiyot were defenseless. It is untrue to say the Wiyot were killed with ease because they were "exhausted from the annual celebration."
The celebration lasted seven to 10 days, the men traditionally left at night for the supplies while the elders and children slept. That is why most victims were children and older men. Arcata's local newspaper, the Northern Californian, described the scene as follows: Blood stood in pools on all sides. Lying around were dead bodies of both sexes and all ages from the old man to the infant at the breast; some had their heads split in twain by axes, others beaten into jelly with clubs, others pierced or cut to pieces with bowie knives. Some struck down. There were few survivors. One woman, Jane Sam, survived by hiding in a trash pile. Two cousins and Nancy Spear, hid with their three children on the west side of the island and found seven other children still alive. A young boy, Jerry James, was found alive in his dead mother's arms. Polly Steve recovered. One of the few Wiyot men on the island during the attack, Mad River Billy, jumped into the bay and swam to safety in Eureka. Another woman and her eleven-month-old son William survived by not being on the island in the first place.
Kaiquaish had set out in a canoe with her son to take part in the ceremonies, but became lost in the fog and was forced to return home before the attacks began. The Tuluwat/Indian Island massacre was part of a coordinated simultaneous attack that targeted other nearby Wiyot sites, including an encampment on the Eel River; the same day the same party was reported to have killed 58 more people at South Beach, about 1 mile south of Eureka though many of the women worked for the white families and many could speak "good English." On 28 February 1860, 40 more Wiyot were killed on the South Fork of the Eel River, 35 more at Eagle Prairie a few days later. Though the attack was condemned in newspapers outside Humboldt County, no one was prosecuted for the murders. Bret Harte, wrote an editorial from Uniontown against the massacre and would soon need to leave the area due to the threats against his life. In the editorial, Harte wrote: more shocking and revolting spectacle was never exhibited to the eyes of a Christian and civilized people.
Old women and decrepit, lay weltering in blood, their brains dashed out and dabbled with their long gray hair. Infants scarce a span long, with their faces cloven with hatchets and their bodies ghastly with wounds."Several prominent local citizens wrote letters to the San Francisco papers angrily condemning the attacks and naming suspected conspirators. The local sheriff, Barrant Van Ness, stated in a newspaper editorial published in the San Francisco Bulletin a few days after the massacre that the motive was revenge for cattle rustling. Ranchers in the inland valleys claimed as much as one-eighth of their cattle had been stolen or slaughtered by Indians over the previous year and one rancher, James C. Ellison, was killed while pursuing suspected rustlers in May 1859. However, the area where the ranches were located was occupied by the Nongatl tribe, not the Wiyot, so the victims of the massacre would not have been responsible for any rustling. Van Ness closed his written statement by saying.
Major Gabriel J. Rains, Commanding Officer of Fort Humboldt at the time, reported to his commanding officer that a local group of vigilantes had resolved to "kill every peaceable Indian - man and child." The
Francis Brett Hart, known as Bret Harte, was an American short-story writer and poet, best remembered for his short fiction featuring miners and other romantic figures of the California Gold Rush. In a career spanning more than four decades, he wrote poetry, lectures, book reviews and magazine sketches in addition to fiction; as he moved from California to the eastern U. S. to Europe, he incorporated new subjects and characters into his stories, but his Gold Rush tales have been most reprinted and admired. Harte was born in New York's capital city of Albany, he was named Francis Brett Hart after Francis Brett. When he was young, his father, changed the spelling of the family name from Hart to Harte. Henry's father was Bernard Hart, an Orthodox Jewish immigrant who flourished as a merchant, becoming one of the founders of the New York Stock Exchange. Francis preferred to be known by his middle name, but he spelled it with only one "t", becoming Bret Harte. An avid reader as a boy, Harte published his first work at age 11, a satirical poem titled "Autumn Musings", now lost.
Rather than attracting praise, the poem garnered ridicule from his family. As an adult, he recalled to a friend, "Such a shock was their ridicule to me that I wonder that I wrote another line of verse", his formal schooling ended when he was 13, in 1849. Harte moved to California in 1853 working there in a number of capacities, including miner, teacher and journalist, he spent part of his life in the northern California coastal town of Union, a settlement on Humboldt Bay, established as a provisioning center for mining camps in the interior. The Wells Fargo Messenger of July 1916, relates that, after an unsuccessful attempt to make a living in the gold camps, Harte signed on as a messenger with Wells Fargo & Co. Express, he guarded treasure boxes on stagecoaches for a few months gave it up to become the schoolmaster at a school near the town of Sonora, in the Sierra foothills. He created his character Yuba Bill from his memory of an old stagecoach driver. Among Harte's first literary efforts, a poem was published in The Golden Era in 1857, and, in October of that same year, his first prose piece on "A Trip Up the Coast".
He was hired as editor of The Golden Era in the spring of 1860, which he attempted to make into a more literary publication. Mark Twain recalled that, as an editor, Harte struck "a new and fresh and spirited note" which "rose above that orchestra's mumbling confusion and was recognizable as music". Among his writings were parodies and satires of other writers, including The Stolen Cigar-Case featuring ace detective "Hemlock Jones", which Ellery Queen praised as "probably the best parody of Sherlock Holmes written"; the 1860 massacre of between 80 and 200 Wiyot Indians at the village of Tuluwat was reported by Harte in San Francisco and New York. While serving as assistant editor of the Northern Californian, Harte was left in charge of the paper during the temporary absence of his boss, Stephen G. Whipple. Harte published a detailed account condemning the slayings, writing: "a more shocking and revolting spectacle never was exhibited to the eyes of a Christian and civilized people. Old women wrinkled and decrepit lay weltering in blood, their brains dashed out and dabbled with their long grey hair.
Infants scarcely a span long, with their faces cloven with hatchets and their bodies ghastly with wounds."After he published the editorial, Harte's life was threatened, he was forced to flee one month later. Harte quit his job and moved to San Francisco, where an anonymous letter published in a city paper is attributed to him, describing widespread community approval of the massacre. In addition, no one was brought to trial, despite the evidence of a planned attack and references to specific individuals, including a rancher named Larabee and other members of the unofficial militia called the Humboldt Volunteers. Harte married Anna Griswold on August 11, 1862, in California. From the start, the marriage was rocky; some suggested that she was handicapped by extreme jealousy, while early Harte biographer Henry C. Merwin concluded that she was "almost impossible to live with"; the well-known minister Thomas Starr King recommended Harte to James Thomas Fields, editor of the prestigious magazine, The Atlantic Monthly, which published Harte's first short story in October 1863.
In 1864, Harte joined with Charles Henry Webb in starting a new literary journal called The Californian. He mentored poet Ina Coolbrith. In 1865, Harte was asked by bookseller Anton Roman to edit a book of California poetry; when the book, called Outcroppings, was published, it contained only 19 poets, many of them Harte's friends. The book caused some controversy, as Harte used the preface as a vehicle to attack California's literature, blaming the state's "monotonous climate" for its bad poetry. While the book was praised in the East, many newspapers and poets in the West took umbrage at his remarks. In 1868, Harte became editor of The Overland Monthly, another new literary magazine, published by Roman Anton with the intention of highlighting local writings; the Overland Monthly was more in tune with the pioneering spirit of excitement in California. Harte's short story "The Luck of Roaring Camp" appeared in the magazine's second issue, propelling him to nationwide fame; when word of Charles Dickens's death reached Harte in July 1870, he sent a dispatch across the bay to San Francisco to hold back the forthcoming issue of the Overland Monthly for
The Yurok, whose name means "downriver people" in the neighboring Karuk language, are Native Americans who live in northwestern California near the Klamath River and Pacific coast. Their autonym is Olekwo'l meaning "Persons." Today they live on the Yurok Indian Reservation, on several rancherías, including the Cher-Ae Heights Indian Community of the Trinidad Rancheria, throughout Humboldt County, beyond. They are enrolled in seven different federally recognized tribes today, they ate lots of berries and meats. Yuroks did not hunt whales, they waited until a drift whale washed up onto the beach or place near the water and dried the flesh. Traditionally, the Yurok lived in permanent villages along the Klamath River; some of the villages date back to the 14th century. They fished for salmon along rivers, gathered ocean fish and shellfish, hunted game, gathered plants; the major currency of the Yurok nations was the dentalium shell. Alfred L. Kroeber wrote of the Yurok perception of the shell: "Since the direction of these sources is'downstream' to them, they speak in their traditions of the shells living at the downstream and upstream ends of the world, where strange but enviable peoples live who suck the flesh of univalves."Their first contact with non-Natives was when Spanish explorers entered their territory in 1775.
Fur traders and trappers from the Hudson's Bay Company came in 1827. Following encounters with white settlers moving into their aboriginal lands during a gold rush in 1850, the Yurok were faced with disease and massacres that reduced their population by 75%. In 1855, following the Klamath and Salmon River War, the Lower Klamath River Indian Reservation was created by executive order; the Reservation boundaries included a portion of the Yurok's aboriginal territory and most of the Yurok villages. As a result, the Yurok people were not forcibly removed from their traditional homelands, they continue to live in these same villages today. On November 24, 1993, the Yurok Tribe adopted a constitution that details the jurisdiction and territory of their lands. Under the Hoopa-Yurok Settlement Act of 1988, Pub. L. 100-580, qualified applicants had the option of enrolling in the Yurok Tribe. Of the 3,685 qualified applicants for the Settlement Roll, 2,955 people chose Yurok membership. 227 of those members had a mailing address on the Yurok reservation, but a majority lived within 50 miles of the reservation.
The Yurok Tribe is the largest group of Native Americans in the state of California, with more than 5,600 enrolled members living in or around the reservation. The Yurok reservation of 63,035 acres has an 80% poverty rate and 70% of the inhabitants do not have telephone service or electricity, according to the tribe's Web page. Fishing and gathering remain important to tribal members. Basket weaving and woodcarving are important arts. A traditional hamlet of wooden plank buildings, called Sumeg, was built in 1990; the Jump Dance and Brush Dance are part of tribal ceremonies. Yurok is one of two Algic languages spoken in the other being Wiyot. Between twenty and one hundred people speak the Yurok language today; the language is passed through singing. Language classes have been offered through Humboldt State University and through annual language immersion camps. An unusual feature of the language is that certain nouns change depending upon whether there is one, two, or three of the object. For instance, one human being would be ko:ra' or ko'r, two human beings would be ni'iyel, three human beings would be nahkseyt.
Estimates for the pre-contact populations of most native groups in California have varied substantially. Alfred L. Kroeber put the 1770 population of the Yurok at 2500. Sherburne F. Cook agreed, but raised this estimate to 3100. By 1870, the Yurok population had declined to 1350. By 1910 it was reported as 668 or 700; the United States Census for the year 2000 indicates that there were 4413 Yurok living in California, combining those of one tribal descent and those with ancestors of several different tribes and groups. There were 5,793 Yurok living throughout the United States; the Yurok Indian Reservation is California's largest tribe, with 6000 members. Today Yurok people are enrolled in seven federally recognized tribes: Big Lagoon Rancheria Blue Lake Rancheria Cher-Ae Heights Indian Community of the Trinidad Rancheria Elk Valley Rancheria Resighini Rancheria Tolowa Dee-ni' Nation Yurok Indian Reservation. In 2010, 217 sacred artifacts were returned to the Yurok tribe by the Smithsonian Institution.
The condor feathers and deerskins had been part of the Smithonian's collection for 100 years and represent one of the largest Native American repatriations. The regalia will be used on display at the tribe's cultural center. Rick Bartow, painter and sculptor Archie Thompson, elder who helped revitalize the Yurok language Lucy Thompson, first indigenous Californian woman to be published Yurok Indian Reservations Yurok languages Yurok traditional narratives Cook, Sherburne F. 1956. "The Aboriginal Population of the North Coast of California". Anthropological Records 16:81-130. University of California, Berkeley. Cook, Sherburne F. 1976. The Conflict between the California Indian and White Civilization. University of California Press, Berkeley. Kroeber, A. L. 1925. Handbook of the Indians of California. Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin No. 78. Washington, D. C. Kroeber, A. L. 1976. Yurok Myths. University of California Press, Berkeley. Hinton, Leanne. Flutes of Fire: Essays on California Indian Languages.
Berkeley: Heyday Books, 1994. ISBN 0-930588-62-2. Pritzke
The Pomo are an indigenous people of California. The historic Pomo territory in northern California was large, bordered by the Pacific Coast to the west, extending inland to Clear Lake, between Cleone and Duncans Point. One small group, the Northeastern Pomo of the Stonyford vicinity of Colusa County, was separated from the core Pomo area by lands inhabited by Yuki and Wintuan speakers; the name pomo derives from a conflation of the Pomo words and. It meant "those who live at red earth hole" and was once the name of a village in southern Potter Valley near the present-day community of Pomo, it may have referred to local deposits of the red mineral magnesite, used for red beads, or to the reddish earth and clay, such as hematite, mined in the area. In the Northern Pomo dialect, -pomo or -poma was used as a suffix after the names of places, to mean a subgroup of people of the place. By 1877, the use of Pomo had been extended in English to mean the entire people known today as the Pomo; the Pomo had 20 chiefs at the same time.
The people called Pomo were linked by location and cultural expression. They were not or politically linked as one large unified group. Instead, they lived in small groups or bands, linked by geography and marriage. Traditionally they relied upon fishing and gathering for their food; the Pomo Indian cultures are several ethnolinguistic groups that make up a single language family in Northern California. Their historic territory extended from the Pacific Coast between Cleone and Duncans Point to Clear Lake; the Pomo Indians preferred to live in small groups which are called "bands". These bands were linked by geography and marriage; the Pomo cultures encompassed hundreds of independent communities. Like many other Native groups, the Pomo Indian of Northern California relied upon fishing and gathering for their daily food supply, they ate salmon, wild greens, mushrooms, grasshoppers, rabbits and squirrels. Acorns were the most important staple in their diet; the division of labor in Pomo Indian communities involved gathering and preparation of plant-based foods by women, while men were hunters and fishers.
The Pomo Indian culture is famed for its tradition of intricate basketry. A valued basket type incorporates bird feathers into design of the basket's weave; some of their most culturally important dances are "Ghost Dance" and "Far South". During a "Ghost Dance" ceremony, they believed, and a "Far South" dance was celebrated as the rite of passage for children to the tribe. The Pomoan languages became endangered after European colonization of their native territory. Contacts with Russian and English have impacted these languages, many are no longer spoken due to language shift to English. There are about twelve Pomo language varieties. Pomo known as Pomoan or less Kulanapan, is a language family that includes seven distinct and mutually unintelligible languages, including Northern Pomo, Northeastern Pomo, Eastern Pomo, Southeastern Pomo, Central Pomo, Southern Pomo, Kashaya. John Wesley Powell classified the language family as Kulanapan in 1891, using the name first introduced by George Gibbs in 1853.
This name for the language family is derived from the name of one Eastern Pomo village on the south shore of Clear Lake. Powers was the first to refer to this entire language family with the name "Pomo", the geographic names that have been used to refer to the seven individual Pomoan languages were introduced by Barrett; the Pomo people participated in shamanism. It included elaborate acting and dancing ceremonies in traditional costume, an annual mourning ceremony, puberty rites of passage, shamanic intervention with the spirit world, an all-male society that met in subterranean dance rooms; the Pomo believed in a supernatural being, the Kuksu or Guksu, who lived in the south and who came during ceremonies to heal their illnesses. Medicine men dressed up as their interpretation of a healer spirit. A shamanistic movement was the "Messiah Cult", introduced by the Wintun people, it was practiced through 1900. This cult believed in prophets who had dreams, "waking visions" and revelations from "presiding spirits", "virtually formed a priesthood".
The prophets earned much status among the people. The record of Pomo myths, legends and histories is extensive; the body of narratives is classed within the Central California cultural pattern. The Pomo had a strong mythology of world order, it includes the personification of the Kuksu or Guksu healer spirit, spirits from six cardinal directions, the Coyote as their ancestor and creator god. According to some linguistic theories, the Pomo people descend from the Hokan-speaking people. One theory places the ancestral community from which the Pomoan languages and cultures are descended in the Sonoma County, California region; this area was. In this hypothesis, about 7000 BCE, a Hokan-speaking people migrated into the valley and mountain regions around Clear Lake, their language evolved into Proto-Pomo; the lake was rich in resources. About 4000 BCE to 5000 BCE, some of the proto-Pomo migrated into the Russian River Valley and north to present-day Ukiah, their language diverged into western, southern and northern Pomo.
Another people Yukian speakers, lived first in the Ru