Atsugewi
The Atsugewi are Native Americans residing in northeastern California, United States. Their traditional lands are near Mount Shasta the Pit River drainage on Burney and Dixie Valley or Horse Creeks, they are related to the Achomawi and consisted of two groups. The Atsugé traditionally are from the Hat Creek area, the Apwaruge are from the Dixie Valley, they lived to the south of the Achomawi. The Atsugewi traditionally lived by hunting and gathering and lived in small groups without centralized political authority. There was a cultural division based on the area of habitation. Inhabitants of Hat Creek were known as Atsuge. In turn the residents of Apwariwa or Dixie Valley were known as the "juniper tree people" or Mahuopani. Exchanges of gifts and commercial trades were common between the two bands. Relations with the nearby Achomawi settlements were varied for both Atsugewi bands. For example interactions between the territoriality adjacent band of Achomawi, the Illmawi, the Atsuge were terse; these bad feelings arose in part from particular Atsuge trespassing upon Illmawi territory while traveling through to collect obsidian from the nearby Glass Mountain.
In general however the Achomawi speaking peoples were the principal trading destination for most Atsugewi manufactured goods and foodstuffs. Contact between the Achomawi and Atsugewi speakers with the Klamath and Modoc to the north wasn't documented. Despite this Garth found it probable that there were extensive interactions between the cultures prior to the adoption of horses by the Northerners. Leslie Spier concluded that their Modoc relatives gained horses in the 1820s. Atsugewi settlements were attacked by Modoc. Outsahone was applied to both the Modoc peoples. Captured people would be sold into slavery at an intertribal slave market at The Dalles in present-day Oregon. Atsugewi manufactured bows were prized by the neighboring Klamath, Paiute and Achomawi. Called dumidiyi, the bows were of a similar design to those made by the Yurok; the best dumidiyi were made of yew wood by the Atsuge. As peaceable relations developed with Paiute groups by 1870, these yew bows became a common trade item; the visiting Paiute would bring stockpiles of buckskins, red ochre, glass beads and shell currency created from Olivella biplicata shells in central and southern California.
In return these trading goods were exchanged for Atsugewi bow goods. The Tolowa, Yurok, Klamath and groups of Western Mono and Paiute were among those known to have adopted buckskin clothing from the distant Plains Indians. For the Astugewi, this new clothing was called dwákawi, they didn’t employ a system of smoking the fresh skins. Only buckskins for formal occasions were smoked; the Astugewi didn’t recognise the water resistance given the smoking process. Garth conjectured that the treating the buckskins with smoke was a recent development, having "a close connection with the introduction of buckskin clothing itself" but lacked direct evidence of this trend. A full list of Atsugewi plants can be found at http://naeb.brit.org/uses/tribes/19/. The Atsugewi language is a Palaihnihan language; as of 1994, an estimated three people spoke Atsugewi. The majority of the tribe speaks English. Today many Atsugewi are enrolled in the Pit River Tribe, while some Atsugewi people are members of the Susanville Indian Rancheria.
Estimates for the pre-contact populations of most native groups in California have varied substantially. Alfred L. Kroeber estimated the combined 1770 population of the Achumawi and Atsugewi as 3,000. A more detailed analysis by Fred B. Kniffen arrived at the same figure. T. R. Garth estimated the Atsugewi population at a maximum of 850. Kroeber estimated the combined population of the Achumawi and Astugewi in 1910 as 1,100; the population was given as about 500 in 1936. Atsugewi language Atsugewi traditional narratives Achomawi Atsugewi, College of the Siskiyous Atsugewi, Four Directions Institute Atsugewi Bibliography, from California Indian Library Collections Project
Edward Sapir
Edward Sapir was an American anthropologist-linguist, considered to be one of the most important figures in the early development of the discipline of linguistics. Sapir was born in German Pomeraniahis family emigrated to United States of America when he was a child, he studied Germanic linguistics at Columbia, where he came under the influence of Franz Boas who inspired him to work on Native American languages. While finishing his Ph. D. he went to California to work with Alfred Kroeber documenting the indigenous languages there. He was employed by the Geological Survey of Canada for fifteen years, where he came into his own as one of the most significant linguists in North America, the other being Leonard Bloomfield, he was offered a professorship at the University of Chicago, stayed for several years continuing to work for the professionalization of the discipline of linguistics. By the end of his life he was professor of anthropology at Yale, where he never fit in. Among his many students were the linguists Mary Haas and Morris Swadesh, anthropologists such as Fred Eggan and Hortense Powdermaker.
With his linguistic background, Sapir became the one student of Boas to develop most the relationship between linguistics and anthropology. Sapir studied the ways in which language and culture influence each other, he was interested in the relation between linguistic differences, differences in cultural world views; this part of his thinking was developed by his student Benjamin Lee Whorf into the principle of linguistic relativity or the "Sapir-Whorf" hypothesis. In anthropology Sapir is known as an early proponent of the importance of psychology to anthropology, maintaining that studying the nature of relationships between different individual personalities is important for the ways in which culture and society develop. Among his major contributions to linguistics is his classification of Indigenous languages of the Americas, upon which he elaborated for most of his professional life, he played an important role in developing the modern concept of the phoneme advancing the understanding of phonology.
Before Sapir it was considered impossible to apply the methods of historical linguistics to languages of indigenous peoples because they were believed to be more primitive than the Indo-European languages. Sapir was the first to prove that the methods of comparative linguistics were valid when applied to indigenous languages. In the 1929 edition of Encyclopædia Britannica he published what was the most authoritative classification of Native American languages, the first based on evidence from modern comparative linguistics, he was the first to produce evidence for the classification of the Algic, Uto-Aztecan, Na-Dene languages. He proposed some language families that are not considered to have been adequately demonstrated, but which continue to generate investigation such as Hokan and Penutian, he specialized in the study of Athabascan languages, Chinookan languages, Uto-Aztecan languages, producing important grammatical descriptions of Takelma, Southern Paiute. In his career he worked with Yiddish and Chinese, as well as Germanic languages, he was invested in the development of an International Auxiliary Language.
Sapir was born into a family of Lithuanian Jews in Lauenburg in the Province of Pomerania where his father, Jacob David Sapir, worked as a cantor. The family was not Orthodox, his father maintained his ties to Judaism through its music; the Sapir family never accepted German as a nationality. Edward Sapir's first language was Yiddish, English. In 1888, when he was four years old, the family moved to Liverpool, in 1890 to the United States, to Richmond, Virginia. Here Edward Sapir lost his younger brother Max to typhoid fever, his father had difficulty keeping a job in a synagogue and settled in New York on the Lower East Side, where the family lived in poverty. As Jacob Sapir could not provide for his family, Sapir's mother, Eva Seagal Sapir, opened a shop to supply the basic necessities, they formally divorced in 1910. After settling in New York, Edward Sapir was raised by his mother, who stressed the importance of education for upwardly social mobility, turned the family away from Judaism. Though Eva Sapir was an important influence, Sapir received his lust for knowledge and interest in scholarship and music from his father.
At age 14 Sapir won a Pulitzer scholarship to the prestigious Horace Mann high school, but he chose not to attend the school which he found too posh, going instead to DeWitt Clinton High School, saving the scholarship money for his college education. Through the scholarship Sapir supplemented his mother's meager earnings. Sapir entered Columbia in 1901. Columbia at this time was one of the few elite private universities that did not limit admission of Jewish applicants with implicit quotas around 12%. 40% of incoming students at Columbia were Jewish. Sapir earned both a B. A. and an M. A. in Germanic philology from Columbia, before embarking on his Ph. D. in Anthropology which he completed in 1909. Sapir emphasized language study in his college years at Columbia, studying Latin and French for eight semesters. From his sophomore year he additionally began to focus on Germanic languages, completing coursework in Gothic, Old High German, Old Saxon, Dutch and Danish. Through Germanics professor William Carpenter, Sapir was exposed to methods of comparative linguistics that were being developed into a more scientific framework than the traditional philological approach.
He took courses
Juaneño
The Juaneño or Acjachemen are an indigenous people of California. They traditionally lived along the coast in what is now San Diego counties; the name "Juaneño" originates from the Spanish Mission San Juan Capistrano, founded to colonize the area in 1776. They traditionally spoke the Juaneño language, a variety related to the Luiseño language of the nearby Luiseño people, but this is extinct. In the 20th century, they organized as the Juaneño Band of Mission Indians, Acjachemen Nation, recognized by the state of California, but is not federally recognized. During the late Paleoindian period and continuing into the present day, the southern coastal area was occupied by the Native American society referred to by Spanish colonists as the Juaneño. Spanish priests named them as the people colonized by the nearby Mission San Juan Capistrano. Today many contemporary Juaneño who identify as descendants of the indigenous society living in the local San Juan and San Mateo Creek drainage areas prefer the adopted indigenous term Acjachemen as their autonym, or name for themselves, in an effort to decolonize their history.
The Acjachemen territory extends from Las Pulgas Creek in northern San Diego County up into the San Joaquin Hills along Orange County's central coast, inland from the Pacific Ocean up into the Santa Ana Mountains. Aliso Creek formed the northern boundary; the bulk of the population occupied the outlets of two large creeks, San Juan Creek and San Mateo Creek. The highest concentration of villages was along the lower San Juan Creek; the Spanish built Mission San Juan Capistrano there. The Acjachemen resided in seasonal camps. Village populations ranged from between 35 and 300 inhabitants, consisting of a single lineage in the smaller villages, of a dominant clan joined with other families in the larger settlements; each clan was "politically" independent. The elite class, a middle class, people of disconnected or wandering families and captives of war comprised the three hierarchical social classes. Native leadership consisted of the Nota, or clan chief, who conducted community rites and regulated ceremonial life in conjunction with the council of elders, made up of lineage heads and ceremonial specialists in their own right.
This body decided upon matters of the community, which were carried out by the Nota and his underlings. While the placement of residential huts in a village was not regulated, the ceremonial enclosure and the chief's home were most centrally-located. Fray Gerónimo Boscana, a Franciscan scholar, stationed at San Juan Capistrano for more than a decade beginning in 1812, compiled what is considered to be the most comprehensive study of prehistoric religious practices in the San Juan Capistrano valley. Religious knowledge was secret, the prevalent religion, called Chinigchinich, placed village chiefs in the position of religious leaders, an arrangement that gave the chiefs broad power over their people. Boscana divided the Acjachemen into two classes: the "Playanos" and the "Serranos"; the religious beliefs of the two groups as related to creation differed quite profoundly. The Playanos held that an all-powerful and unseen being called "Nocuma" brought about the earth and the sea, together with all of the trees and animals of sky and water contained therein.
The Serranos, on the other hand, believed in two separate but related existences: the "existence above" and the "existence below". These states of being were "altogether explicable and indefinite", it was the fruits of the union of these two entities that created "...the rocks and sands of the earth. So because they were in the area of San Juan Capistrano, they were named Juaneño's, children of Juan. Many other local tribes were named in Spanish because of they were in the general area of a mission, their language is related to the Luiseño language spoken by the nearby Luiseño tribe located to the interior. Considered to speak a dialect of Luiseño, the Juaneño were part of the Cupan subgroup of the Uto-Aztecan languages, their language became extinct by the early 20th century. The tribe is working with several members learning it, their studies are based on the research and records of Anastacia Majel and John P. Harrington, who recorded the language in 1933.. The Juaneño Band of Mission Indians has organized a government.
It elects a tribal council, assisted by tribal elders. The Juaneño Band headquarters is in San Juan Capistrano. There are more than 2,800 enrolled members, it is recognized as a tribe by the state of California. They filed a petition in 1982 to seek federal recognition as a tribe, are working with the Bureau of Indian Affairs on documentation. In the 21st century, the tribe filed a land claim, seeking to regain the territory of the former Marine Corps Air Station El Toro; this had been held by them as an Indian Rancheria until the 1930s. At that time, the US government bought the land for
Yuba River
The Yuba River is a tributary of the Feather River in the Sierra Nevada and eastern Sacramento Valley, in the U. S. state of California. The main stem of the river is about 40 miles long, its headwaters are split into three major forks; the Yuba River proper is formed at the confluence of the North Yuba and Middle Yuba Rivers, with the South Yuba joining a short distance downstream. Measured to the head of the North Yuba River, the Yuba River is just over 100 miles long; the river drains 1,345 square miles in the western slope and foothills of the Sierra Nevada. The average runoff of the Yuba River basin is 2,303,000 acre feet per year, providing about one-third of the flow of the Feather River, 10 percent of the flow of the Sacramento River, which the Feather drains into. Since the early 20th century, the river's flow has been reduced by irrigation and hydropower diversion projects; the river's name comes from a Maidu village, spelled in early records as Yubu and applied to the river by 1844.
Some claim the name is a variant of Spanish uba or uva, referring to grapes found growing along the banks of the river. The North Yuba River, 61.1 miles long, rises at Yuba Pass along California State Route 49, near the eastern boundary of the Tahoe National Forest. It flows southwest west through a 3,000-foot-deep canyon past the communities of Downieville and Goodyears Bar, its main tributaries, Canyon Creek and Slate Creek, join from the north shortly downstream of there. The river turns south near Clipper Mills and flows into the 4,800-acre New Bullards Bar Reservoir, impounded by 645-foot -high New Bullards Bar Dam. About 5 miles below New Bullards Bar Dam, it joins with the Middle Yuba River to form the Yuba River. Originating in a bowl-shaped valley in Moscove Meadow, the 55.4-mile-long Middle Yuba River flows north into Jackson Meadows Reservoir turns west, soon entering a steep gorge. The majority of the river demarcates the boundary of Sierra County in the north and Nevada County in the south.
It receives Kanaka Creek from the north and is interrupted by the Our House Diversion Dam, which diverts water from the Middle Fork to the North Fork at New Bullards Bar Reservoir. Below the dam, it continues flowing west, receives Oregon Creek from the north and intersects California State Route 49 about 2 miles northwest of North San Juan. About 7 miles downstream; the 65.3-mile-long South Yuba River originates at Lake Angela in Nevada County about three quarters of a mile north of Donner Pass, about three miles east of the town of Soda Springs. After passing through Lake Van Norden with Upper Castle Creek entering from the right, it gathers numerous snow-fed tributaries running west through a marshy, lake-filled valley, crossing Interstate 80 several times; the river enters Placer County before flowing back north into Nevada County flows into Lake Spaulding, where much of its water is diverted south to the Bear River drainage. The remainder of the river turns northward into a gorge near Emigrant Gap before continuing west.
It receives Canyon Creek from the right receives Poorman Creek from the right near Washington. The river continues west into the foothills and into South Yuba River State Park where it is bridged by State Route 49, it joins the Yuba River at the upper end of Englebright Lake. From the joining of the North Yuba River and Middle Yuba River, it flows southwards southwest, through the Sierra Nevada foothills, forming the Yuba-Nevada County border; the river widens into upper Englebright Lake near French Bar, is joined by the South Yuba within the reservoir. It passes through the Englebright Dam near Lake Wildwood and is joined by Deer Creek on the left; the Yuba River bed widens as it flows out into the Sacramento Valley near the Yuba Goldfields, a section of the Yuba River valley consisting of dredged sediments washed down by hydraulic mining in the 19th century. The river turns southwest, flowing through irrigated farmland, it skirts the south side of Marysville and empties into the Feather River between the cities of Marysville, Yuba City and Linda.
The Yuba River valley was one of the most densely populated Native American areas in California. Historians divide indigenous peoples living in the Yuba River area into several groups – the Konkow, Maidu and Miwok; these groups did not function as large tribes. Like other indigenous people of the Sierra Nevada foothill region, their staple food were acorns, but they hunted and gathered for other foods including abundant salmon runs in the Yuba River. In the 1850s, the California Gold Rush brought large numbers of European-American settlers into the area, followed by many Mexican and Chinese immigrants; these settlers brought diseases to which the Native Americans had no immunity. Within a few years, these diseases wiped out most of the native population; the Yuba River and its forks were one of the richest parts of the Mother Lode, miners poured to the region in great numbers. Although gold was first extracted by simple methods such as panning and sluicing, large-scale industrial hydraulic mining left a much greater impact.
About 25 million cubic yards of hydraulic mining debris was carried down the Yuba River. This raised stream beds up to 50 ft in places, buried riverside land under sediment, increased the risk of flooding; the practice was banned i
Chemehuevi
The Chemehuevi are an indigenous people of the Great Basin. They are the southernmost branch of Southern Paiute. Today, Chemehuevi people are enrolled in the following federally recognized tribes: Colorado River Indian Tribes Chemehuevi Indian Tribe of the Chemehuevi Reservation Morongo Band of Mission Indians Cabazon Band of Mission Indians Agua Caliente Band of Cahuilla Indians Torres-Martinez Desert Cahuilla Indians Twenty-Nine Palms Band of Mission Indians of CaliforniaSome Chemehuevi are part of the Soboba Band of Luiseno Indians, which members are Sovovatum or Soboba band members of Cahuilla and Luiseño people. "Chemehuevi" has multiple interpretations. It is considered to either be a Mojave term meaning "those; the Chemehuevi call themselves Nüwüwü or Tantáwats, meaning "Southern Men." Their language, Chemehuevi, is a Colorado River Numic language, in the Numic language branch of the Uto-Aztecan language family. First transcribed by John P. Harrington and Carobeth Laird in the early 20th century, it was studied in the 1970s by linguist Margaret L. Press.
Whose field notes and extensive sound recordings remain available. The language is now near extinction. In 2015, the Siwavaats Junior College in Havasu Lake, was established to teach children the language. A Chemehuevi dictionary with 2,500 words was expected to become available in 2016; the Chemehuevi were a desert tribe among the Southern Paiute group. Post-contact, they lived in the eastern Mojave Desert and Cottonwood Island in Nevada and the Chemehuevi Valley along the Colorado River in California, they were a nomadic people living in small groups given the sparse resources available in the desert environment. Carobeth Laird indicates their traditional territory spanned the High Desert from the Colorado River on the east to the Tehachapi Mountains on the west and from the Las Vegas area and Death Valley on the north to the San Bernardino and San Gabriel Mountains in the south, they are most identified as among the Great Basin Indians. Among others they are cousins of the Kawaiisu; the most comprehensive collection of Chemehuevi history and mythology was gathered by Carobeth Laird and her second husband, George Laird, one of the last Chemehuevi to have been raised in the traditional culture.
Carobeth Laird, a linguist and ethnographer, wrote a comprehensive account of the culture and language as George Laird remembered it, published their collaborative efforts in her 1976 The Chemehuevis, the first – and, to date, only – ethnography of the Chemehuevi traditional culture. Describing the Chemehuevi as she knew them, presenting the texture of traditional life amongst the people, Carobeth Laird writes: The Chemehuevi character is made up of polarities which are complementary rather than contradictory, they are capable of silence. They are conservative to a degree, yet insatiably curious and ready to inquire into and to adopt new ways: to visit all tribes, whether friends or enemies. Estimates for the pre-contact populations of most native groups in California have varied substantially. Alfred L. Kroeber estimated the combined 1770 population of the Chemehuevi and Kawaiisu as 1,500; the combined estimate in 1910 dropped to 500. An Indian agent reported the Chemehuevi population in 1875 to be 350.
Kroeber estimated U. S. census data put the Chemehuevi population in 1910 as 355. Population as of 2016 is in the 1000s. Howaits Kauyaichits Mokwats Moviats Palonies Shivawach Tümplsagavatsits Yagats Chemehuevi traditional narratives Classification of indigenous peoples of the Americas Clemmer, Richard O. and Omer C. Stewart. 1986. "Treaties and Claims". In Great Basin, edited by Warren L. d'Azevedo, pp. 525–557. Handbook of North American Indians, William C. Sturtevant, general editor, vol. 11. Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D. C. Grant, Bruce. 2000. Concise Encyclopedia of the American Indian. 3rd ed. Wings Books, New York. Kroeber, A. L. 1925. Handbook of the Indians of California. Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin No. 78. Washington, D. C. Laird, Carobeth. 1976. The Chemehuevis. Malki Museum Press, California. Leland, Joy. 1986. "Population". In Great Basin, edited by Warren L. d'Azevedo, pp. 608–619. Handbook of North American Indians, William C. Sturtevant, general editor, vol. 11. Smithsonian Institution, Washington, DC.
Pritzker, Barry M. A Native American Encyclopedia: History and Peoples. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000. ISBN 978-0-19-513877-1. Official Colorado River Indian Tribes website Official Chemehuevi Indian Tribe of the Chemehuevi Reservation website — in San Bernardino County, California
Overland Monthly
Overland Monthly was a monthly magazine based in California, United States, published in the 19th and 20th centuries. The Overland Monthly was founded in 1868 by Anton Roman, a Bavarian-born bookseller who moved to California during the Gold Rush, he had published the poems of Charles Warren Stoddard and a collection of verse by California writers called Outcroppings. The magazine's first issue was published in July 1868, edited by Bret Harte in San Francisco, continued until late 1875. Roman, who hoped his magazine would "help the material development of this Coast", was concerned that Harte would "lean too much toward the purely literary". Harte, in turn, was skeptical at first that there would be enough quality content provided from local authors; the first issue included contributions from the "Golden State Trinity": Harte and Ina Coolbrith. Despite the positive response from critics and the magazine's profitability, publisher Anton Roman sold the Overland Monthly in June 1869 for $7,500 to John Carmany.
Harte offered the new owner a list of demands, including a raise to $200 a month and a guarantee of his complete editorial control of each issue. Carmany agreed to his terms, Harte was able to leave his job at the San Francisco Mint to devote his full attention to the Overland Monthly; the publication continued to thrive in this period. That year, with his popularity soaring, Harte considered a professorship at the University of California, Berkeley or an offer to purchase the Overland Monthly, but declined both. Instead, he traveled east to seek broader literary fame; the original publishers, in 1880, started The Californian, which became The Californian and Overland Monthly in October 1882. In January 1883, the effort reverted to The Overland Monthly; the 1884 volume contained a commitment to present content "free of advertising taint," explaining that articles no article would appear, not "in good faith what it appears to be." It was based in San Francisco until at least 1921. In 1923 the magazine merged with Out West to become Overland Monthly and the Out West magazine, ended publication in July 1935.
Noted writers and artists associated with the magazine included: Ambrose Bierce Noah Brooks Alice Cary Willa Cather Frona Eunice Wait Colburn Bret Harte Ina Coolbrith Edgar Fawcett Henry George John Brayshaw Kaye Charmian Kittredge Netta Eames Clarence King Kinahan Cornwallis Jack London Josephine Clifford McCracken Joaquin Miller John Muir Hugo Wilhelm Arthur Nahl Lola Ridge Charles Taze Russell Stephen Powers William Saroyan Herman George Scheffauer Clark Ashton Smith Charles Warren Stoddard Augustus Gabriel de Vivier Tassin Mark Twain Frances Fuller Victor Laura Lyon White Joseph WidneyEditors include: Milicent Shinn 1882-1894 Online Books: University of Pennsylvania Archive 1868–1900: University of Michigan More issues, into the 1900s: Archive.org Guide to the Overland Monthly Records, at The Bancroft Library Overland Monthly from Encyclopedia.com
Saxton Pope
Saxton Temple Pope was an American doctor, teacher and outdoorsman. He is most famous as the father of modern bow hunting, for his close relationship with Ishi, the last member of the Yahi tribe and the last known American Indian to be raised isolated from Western culture. Born in Fort Stockton, Texas as the son of an army surgeon, Pope grew up in military camps and frontier towns, where he learned outdoor skills and became an athlete; this is where he first learned archery, as well as horsemanship, riflery and other skills. He attempted to fly a glider, he went to medical school at the University of California, graduating in 1899. He set up a practice in Watsonville, California near San Francisco, married Emma Wightman, a medical school classmate, had four children. In 1912, he became a surgical instructor at the medical school; the medical school where Pope taught was located near the museum where Ishi worked as a janitor, having been brought there for study by Professor T. T. Waterman of the University of California Department of Anthropology.
Because Ishi had grown up in the isolated Yahi tribe, he had little immunity to diseases, Pope met Ishi during his stays at the University hospital. Pope learned some of the Yahi language, spent much time with Ishi, learning of his life and listening to the Yahi tribal folklore. Ishi taught Pope how to make bows and arrows as the Yahi did, how to hunt with them. Pope and Ishi remained close until Ishi's death from tuberculosis in 1916. In spite of this close relationship and against the stated wishes of his Yahi friend, Pope insisted that Ishi be autopsied after death and his brain removed. Pope became an avid bowhunter during his time with Ishi, he continued that after Ishi's death. In 1920, with special permission, Pope and a companion, Arthur Young, went hunting grizzly bears in Yellowstone National Park with hand made bows and steel tipped arrows, taking several; the stuffed and mounted bears are on display at the California Academy of Sciences. Pope wrote a book, Hunting with the Bow and Arrow, which remains in print.
He continued bowhunting until his death in 1926 from pneumonia. Saxton Pope and Arthur Young have been honored as the namesakes of the Pope and Young Club, an organization dedicated to bowhunting which continues today and includes its own world record book for North American game. In order to be entered into the Pope and Young records, the game animal must be taken with a bow and arrow, he reintroduced traditional bow and arrow making skills learned from Ishi to other Indians whose communities had lost the art. Saxtonpope.com Works by Saxton Pope at Project Gutenberg Works by or about Saxton Pope at Internet Archive Saxton T. Pope archival collection at UCSF
