Socialism is a range of economic and social systems characterised by social ownership of the means of production and workers' self-management, as well as the political theories and movements associated with them. Social ownership can be citizen ownership of equity. There are many varieties of socialism and there is no single definition encapsulating all of them, with social ownership being the common element shared by its various forms. Socialist systems are divided into market forms. Non-market socialism involves the substitution of factor markets and money with engineering and technical criteria based on calculation performed in-kind, thereby producing an economic mechanism that functions according to different economic laws from those of capitalism. Non-market socialism aims to circumvent the inefficiencies and crises traditionally associated with capital accumulation and the profit system. By contrast, market socialism retains the use of monetary prices, factor markets and in some cases the profit motive, with respect to the operation of owned enterprises and the allocation of capital goods between them.
Profits generated by these firms would be controlled directly by the workforce of each firm, or accrue to society at large in the form of a social dividend. The socialist calculation debate concerns the feasibility and methods of resource allocation for a socialist system. Socialist politics has been both nationalist in orientation. Originating within the socialist movement, social democracy has embraced a mixed economy with a market that includes substantial state intervention in the form of income redistribution, a welfare state. Economic democracy proposes a sort of market socialism where there is more decentralized control of companies, currencies and natural resources; the socialist political movement includes a set of political philosophies that originated in the revolutionary movements of the mid-to-late 18th century and out of concern for the social problems that were associated with capitalism. By the late 19th century, after the work of Karl Marx and his collaborator Friedrich Engels, socialism had come to signify opposition to capitalism and advocacy for a post-capitalist system based on some form of social ownership of the means of production.
By the 1920s, social democracy and communism had become the two dominant political tendencies within the international socialist movement. By this time, socialism emerged as "the most influential secular movement of the twentieth century, worldwide, it is a political ideology, a wide and divided political movement" and while the emergence of the Soviet Union as the world's first nominally socialist state led to socialism's widespread association with the Soviet economic model, some economists and intellectuals argued that in practice the model functioned as a form of state capitalism or a non-planned administrative or command economy. Socialist parties and ideas remain a political force with varying degrees of power and influence on all continents, heading national governments in many countries around the world. Today, some socialists have adopted the causes of other social movements, such as environmentalism and progressivism. In 21st century America, the term socialism, without clear definition, has become a pejorative used by conservatives to taint liberal and progressive policies and public figures.
For Andrew Vincent, "he word ‘socialism’ finds its root in the Latin sociare, which means to combine or to share. The related, more technical term in Roman and medieval law was societas; this latter word could mean companionship and fellowship as well as the more legalistic idea of a consensual contract between freemen". The term "socialism" was created by Henri de Saint-Simon, one of the founders of what would be labelled "utopian socialism". Simon coined the term as a contrast to the liberal doctrine of "individualism", which stressed that people act or should act as if they are in isolation from one another; the original "utopian" socialists condemned liberal individualism for failing to address social concerns during the industrial revolution, including poverty, social oppression and gross inequalities in wealth, thus viewing liberal individualism as degenerating society into supporting selfish egoism that harmed community life through promoting a society based on competition. They presented socialism as an alternative to liberal individualism based on the shared ownership of resources, although their proposals for socialism differed significantly.
Saint-Simon proposed economic planning, scientific administration and the application of modern scientific advancements to the organisation of society. By contrast, Robert Owen proposed the organisation of ownership in cooperatives; the term "socialism" is attributed to Pierre Leroux and to Marie Roch Louis Reybaud in France. The modern definition and usage of "socialism" settled by the 1860s, becoming the predominant term among the group of words "co-operative", "mutualist" and "associationist", used as synonyms; the term "communism" fell out of use during this period, despite earlier distinctions between socialism and communism from the 1840s. An early distinction between socialism and communism was that the former aimed to only socialise production while the latter aimed to socialise both production and consumption. However, M
Pyotr Ivanovich Rachkovsky was chief of Okhrana, the secret service in Imperial Russia. He was based in Paris from 1885 to 1902. After the assassination of Alexander II of Russia in 1881, the government moved against various revolutionary factions operated by émigrées or hiding out in Russia. Rachkovsky's principal mission was to compromise Russia's growing revolutionary movement; the list of penetration agents hired by Rachkovsky included: Landesen, among the Narodnaya Volya terrorists in France and Switzerland Ignaty Kornfeld, among the Anarcho-Communists Prodeus, a well-known revolutionary, reporting on various revolutionary centers Ilya Drezhner, among the Social Democrats in Germany and France Boleslaw Malankiewicz, among the Polish anarchists and terrorists in London Casimir Pilenas, a spotter for Scotland Yard recruited to work among the Latvian terrorists Zinaida Zhuchenko, among the Socialist Revolutionaries and their terrorist Fighting Unit Aleksandr Evalenko, assigned to New York City for work among the Jewish Bundists and terroristsAccording to journalist Brian Doherty: "Rachkovsky started as a sincere duplicitous mover in St. Petersburg’s radical underground in the late 1870s, after having been dismissed from a job as a prosecutor for the czar’s government.
He ended up running the show for the Okhrana, the Russian secret police, in Paris, where so many radicals considered dangerous to the czarist regime had immigrated. From 1885 until 1902, Rachkovsky was responsible for keeping anarchists under surveillance and on the run—and in many cases and supplied with ideas... “rominent among his early initiatives were provocations designed to lure credulous émigrés into the most heinous crimes of which they may never have otherwise conceived.” Rachkovsky’s aim was to entrap his targets into committing acts that would help ensure that his job seemed of vital importance to the czar. This guaranteed him a solid berth in Paris, lucrative both in salary and prestige in opportunities for corrupt under-the-radar dealings with a French government doing heavy business with Russia." By winning the good will and cooperation of the services of host countries, Rachkovsky indirectly assisted his agents and crowned their efforts. For instance, when a penetration agent in Geneva had supplied the essential information about a gathering of terrorists there and external agents had located by surveillance their clandestine printshop and weapons store, Rachkovsky could call on Swiss security units to help destroy the underground and arrest the ringleaders.
This happened in 1887. His powers of persuasion were sufficient to recruit Lev Tikhomirov, one of the leading terrorists, when he had been softened by contrived exposure, get him to write an anti-revolutionary book. Rachkovsky's political action operations highly successful, were his personal effort, he devised some plans for using others. He befriended a Danish journalist, Jules Hansen, during his first visit to Paris in 1884. Besides being one of the bright lights of his profession, Hansen was a counsellor in the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs and a friend of Minister Delcassé, he became the principal channel for promoting a friendly press for Russia in western Europe, he made contacts for Rachkovsky with leading ministers and politicians, including President Loubet. On the other hand, Rachkovsky cultivated important personages in the imperial government and at court. In these activities he was, as revolutionary writers accused him of being, a manipulator behind the scenes preparing the ground for acceptance, both in Paris and at Petersburg, of the Franco-Russian alliance signed in 1893.
Rachkovsky developed access to several other governments beside the French. The files contain copies of dispatches about an audience he had with Pope Leo XIII and a proposed exchange of diplomats between Russia and the Vatican with particular view to the unrest in Catholic Poland. Advisers to the Tsar in Petersburg turned down the proposal, but the idea of combatting the insurrectional campaign in Poland by using religious interests illustrates Rachkovsky's high-level concept of political action. Rachkovsky's major provocation operation was in support of political action. In 1890 agent Landesen, having promoted among the revolutionaries in Paris an elaborate plot to kill the Tsar, arranged that after one underground meeting a large number of the terrorists would each have on their persons their weapons and written notes on the parts they were to play; the French police, tipped off through cutouts by Rachkovsky, arrested the entire group, that summer they were tried and sentenced, Landesen in absentia.
Rachkovsky thus scored a victory not only over the enemies of the state but against those in Saint Petersburg who had opposed the Franco-Russian alliance on the grounds that France was too soft on subversives. The stern police and court action proved to Petersburg that France too had a strong government capable of dealing with internal enemies. Rachkovsky may have played a role in amplifying the carnage of World War I: "Rachkovsky’s bosses in Russia and his hosts in Paris both feared the radicals, allowing the Russian agent to tighten the ties between the two nations, he succeeded so well that Butterworth argues he was to blame for the Russo-French alliance that helped make World War I such a bloody mess." These faction fights provide the backdrop to the infamous The Protocols of the Elders of Zion. Many authors maintain that it was Rachkovsky's agent in Paris, Matvei Go
Wilmersdorf, an inner-city locality of Berlin, lies south-west of the central city. A borough by itself, Wilmersdorf became part of the new borough of Charlottenburg-Wilmersdorf in Berlin's 2001 administrative reform; the village near Berlin was first mentioned in 1293 as Wilmerstorff founded in the course of the German Ostsiedlung under the Ascanian margraves of Brandenburg. From the 1850s on Deutsch-Wilmersdorf was developed as a densely settled, affluent residential area, which in 1920 became a part of Greater Berlin; the former borough of Wilmersdorf included the localities of Halensee and Grunewald. During the era of the Weimar Republic Wilmersdorf was a popular residential area for artists and intellectuals. In 1923 the foundation stone for the first mosque in Germany was laid on the initiative of some islamic students in Wilmersdorf, it was completed in 1925. The so called Wilmersdorfer Moschee is still maintained by the Lahore Ahmadiyya Movement. In 1933, the year in which Hitler came to power, 13.5% of the population was Jewish.
Deutsche Bahn established a memorial on 27 January 1998 at the historic track 17, where most of the deportation trains departed. The synagogue of Wilmersdorf in the Prinzregentenstraße was destroyed by the Nazis in the Reichspogromnacht on 9–10 November 1938. A memorial plaque commemorates the former synagogue. A new synagogue and community centre was established 2007 in the Münstersche Straße for the growing Jewish community in Wilmersdorf. After 1945 Wilmersdorf became the British Zone of occupation. Neo-Gothic Roman Catholic Saint Ludwig Church, 1897 Borough of the Rheingauviertel with the central Place Rüdesheimer Platz, 1910-1914 The historical subway stations on the line U3 from the times of the German Empire between Hohenzollerplatz and Rüdesheimer Platz, 1913 Ahmadiyya Mosque Berlin, Germany's oldest mosque from 1925 Artist Colony, built by the Guild of the German Stage, 1927 Schaubühne, famous theatre in the former Universum Cinema by Erich Mendelsohn, 1928 Kirche am Hohenzollernplatz by Fritz Höger, 1933 Russian Orthodox cathedral of the Resurrection of Jesus, 1938 Power station Berlin-Wilmersdorf, 1977 Universität der Künste, Faculty of Music IBZ Berlin, International Meeting Centre of Science Comenius-Schule, a primary school, is in Wilmersdorf.
Halensee-Grundschule, a primary school, is near Wilmersdorf. Svenska Skolan Berlin, Swedish School Berlin Katholische Grundschule Sankt Ludwig, a catholic primary school Nelson-Mandela-School, International School Goethe-Gymnasium, one of the most popular secondary schools in Berlin Annie Heuser Schule, a private Waldorf education school Zentrale Schule fur Japanisch Berlin e. V. A weekend Japanese supplementary school, is held at the - Established April 1997; the Japanische Ergänzungsschule in Berlin e. V. Another weekend Japanese school, is held at Halensee-Grundschule. Maria von Maltzan German resistance against Adolf Hitler and the Nazi party, saved the lives of Jews in Berlin. Lived at Detmolder Straße 11, 1909-1997. Paul Abraham, composer lived before he left Germany in 1933. Jérôme Boateng, footballer for Bayern Munich and Germany, grew up in the area. Berthold Brecht, lived in Wilmersdorf with his partner Helene Weigel, until they left Germany in 1933. Marlene Dietrich, lived with her husband and her family in Wilmersdorf, before they left Germany in 1933.
Franz Pfemfert, published Die Aktion, the anti-nationalist, anti-militarist expressionist journal from premises at Nassauische Straße 17, 1911-1932. Margarete Kahn, one of the first women to obtain a doctorate in Germany, Holocaust victim. Lived at 127 Rudolstädter Straße. Erich Kästner and poet, lived in Wilmersdorf, while he wrote Emil and the Detectives, one of the most famous children's novels in Germany; the view out of his window with the colorful street scene at the Prager Platz was the inspiration for the book. Media related to Wilmersdorf at Wikimedia Commons
Vera Nikolayevna Figner Filippova was a revolutionary political activist born in Kazan Governorate, Russian Empire, into a noble family of ethnic German and Russian descent. A leader of the clandestine Narodnaya Volya group, which advocated the use of terror to achieve a revolutionary overthrow of the government, Figner was a participant in planning the successful assassination of Alexander II in 1881. Figner was arrested and spent 20 months in solitary confinement prior to trial, at which she was sentenced to death; the sentence was subsequently commuted and Figner was imprisoned in the Shlisselburg fortress for 20 years before being sent into internal exile. Figner gained international fame in large part because of the translated memoir of her experiences, she was treated as a heroic icon of revolutionary sacrifice after the February Revolution in 1917 and was a popular public speaker during that year. Figner became prominent in the Society of Former Political Prisoners and Exiles in the Soviet Union until its dissolution in 1935.
Figner managed to survive the Great Terror of 1937 and died of natural causes in Moscow in 1942 at the age of 89. Vera Figner was born July 7, 1852, the oldest of six children of Nikolai Alexandrovich Figner and his wife, the former Ekaterina Khristoforovna Kuprianova, both members of the hereditary Russian nobility; the family owned well over 1,000 acres of land, worked by serfs existing in a state of semi-slavery until the Emancipation of 1861. Her father served in the state forestry service, resigning that post to become a local administrative functionary called a "peace mediator" in the years after emancipation, she was the sister of Lidija Figner. In 1863, at the age of eleven, Figner was sent to the Rodionovsky Institute for Noble Girls in the city of Kazan, which she attended for the next six years; as one of only six cities in the Russian Empire to host a university, the provincial capital of Kazan was a city of culture and ideas and Figner came to question and reject the passive and submissive gender role which the Radionovsky Institute attempted to inculcate into its pupils.
Despite the stifling intellectual regime at the cloistered institute, Figner expanded her intellectual horizons by surreptitiously reading prohibited books obtained during brief visits home. She proved to be an excellent student, taking a particular interest in history and literature, received the prize given to the top academic performer upon her graduation in 1869. Figner desired to study medicine, not permitted in Russia following the closure to women of the St. Petersburg Medical-Surgical Academy from the early 1860s; this meant leaving Russia to study abroad, Vera Figner turned her eyes to the University of Zurich, accepting Russian women despite their lack of gimnazium diplomas. Figner's father forbade her from going, so she married Alexei Filippov, saved money and sold her dowry, traveled to Zurich. From 1872 to 1875, she was a student of Department of Medicine at the University of Zurich. In 1873, Figner joined the Fritsche circle, composed of thirteen young Russian radical women, some of whom would become important members of the All-Russian Social Revolutionary Organization.
She had trouble reconciling her new political view of herself as a parasitic member of the gentry with her previous view of herself as a good, person. A directive banning all Russian women students from remaining in Zurich was published in the Government Herald, accusing them of using their medical knowledge to perform abortions on themselves, in 1873. Most of the Fritsche decided to return to Russia and spread socialist propaganda among the Russian peasantry, but Figner decided to remain in Switzerland to finish her studies. In 1875, Mark Natanson told her that the Fritsche needed her help in Russia, she returned to Russia that year without getting her degree, but found herself unable to help the circle and so got a license as a paramedic and divorced her husband, where she became active with other revolutionary intellectuals in the Zemlya i Volya organization. Figner took part in the Kazan demonstration in St. Petersburg in 1876. From 1877 through 1879, working as a doctor's assistant, she conducted revolutionary propaganda in the villages around Samara and Saratov.
In the spring of 1879 the Zemlya i Volya organization was divided over the question of terrorism, with one wing of the party advocating revolutionary propaganda in the villages and the other in favor of creating a revolutionary situation through the assassination of key figures in the Tsarist government and monarchy. In June of that year party activists gathered at the Voronezh Congress in a final effort to settle these differences. No permanent solution was reached and by the fall the Zemlya i Volya organization has split into two independently functioning groups: an anti-terror faction led by proto-Marxist Georgy Plekhanov called Cherny Peredel, which included Pavel Akselrod, Lev Deich, Vera Zasulich, others. Vera Figner aligned herself with the latter, terrorist wing, becoming a member of the group's Executive Committee, which in a proclamation in 1879 called for the execution of Tsar Alexander II for crimes committed against the people of the Russian Empire; the Narodnovoltsy established study circles of workers in St. Petersburg, Odessa and Kharkov, coordinated propaganda efforts among students at the country's universities.
It established printing presses for the production of leaflets and issued a magazine and a newspaper in an effort to build support for its revolutiona
The Department for Protecting the Public Security and Order called "guard department" and abbreviated in modern sources as Okhrana was a secret-police force of the Russian Empire and part of the police department of the Ministry of Internal Affairs in the late 19th century, aided by the Special Corps of Gendarmes. Formed to combat political terrorism and left-wing revolutionary activity, the Okhrana operated offices throughout the Russian Empire and satellite agencies in a number of foreign nations, it was concerned with monitoring the activities of Russian revolutionaries abroad, including in Paris, where Pyotr Rachkovsky was based. The task was performed by multiple methods, including covert operations, undercover agents, "perlustration"—reading of private correspondence; the Foreign Agency served this purpose. The Okhrana was notorious for its agents provocateurs, including Dr. Jacob Zhitomirsky, Yevno Azef, Roman Malinovsky and Dmitry Bogrov; the Okhrana tried to compromise the labour movement by creating police-run trade unions, a practice known as zubatovshchina.
The agency was blamed by the Communists in part for the Bloody Sunday event, when imperial guards killed hundreds of unarmed protesters who were marching during a demonstration organized by Father Gapon, alleged by the Bolsheviks to have collaborated with the Okhrana, Pyotr Rutenberg. Other controversial activities included alleged fabrication of The Protocols of the Elders of Zion and fabrication of the antisemitic Beilis trial. Suspects captured by the Okhrana were passed to the Russian judicial system; the Okhrana never received more than 10% of the police budget, the most it received being five million rubles in 1914. The first special security department was the Department on Protecting the Order and Public Peace under the Head of St. Petersburg, created in 1866 after a failed assassination attempt on Alexander II, with a staff of 12 investigators, its street address, Fontanka, 16, was publicly known in the Russian Empire. After another failed attempt, on August 6, 1880, the Emperor, acting on proposals made by Count Loris-Melikov, created the Department of State Police under Ministry of the Interior and transferred part of the Special Corps of Gendarmes and the Third Section of the Imperial Chancellery to the new body.
The position of Chief of Gendarmes was merged with the Minister, Commander of the Corps was assigned Deputy of the Minister. Still, these measures did not prevent the assassination of Alexander II in March 1881. In an attempt to implement preventive security measures, Emperor Alexander III created two more Security and Investigation secret police stations, supervised by Gendarme officers, in Moscow and Warsaw; the Imperial Gendarmerie still operated as security police in the rest of the country through their Gubernial and Uyezd Directorates. The Tsar created Special Conference under the MVD, which had the right to declare a State of Emergency Security in various parts of the Empire, subordinated all of the imperial police forces to the Commander of the Gendarmes; the rise of the socialist movements called for the integration of security forces. Since 1898, the Special Section of the Department of Police succeeded the Gendarmes in gaining information from domestic and foreign agents and "perlustration".
Following the Socialist-Revolutionary Party's assassination of MVD Minister Dmitry Sipyagin on April 2, 1902, the new Minister Vyacheslav von Plehve relieved Directorates of Gendarmes of investigation power in favor of Security and Investigation Stations under respective Mayors and Governors. The Okhrana used many unorthodox methods in the pursuit of its mission to defend the monarchy. Most paradoxical of all was the Okhrana’s collaboration with revolutionary organizations. Among the early Okhrana agents to work alongside revolutionaries was Lieutenant-Colonel Gregory Sudeykin of the St. Petersburg Special Section, who, in 1882, set up an illegal printing operation to publish the revolutionary People’s Will with Okhrana funds. Sudeykin and his colleague, a revolutionary-turned-police-informant named Sergey Degayev, passed drafts of the publication through Okhrana censors before printing; this episode marked the beginning of the Okhrana’s efforts to surreptitiously observe, but influence and undermine, revolutionary movements.
This focus on infiltrating and influencing revolutionary groups, rather than identifying and arresting their members, was intensified by the innovations of one Okhrana bureau chief, Sergey Zubatov. While P. I. Rachkovsky, as head of the Okhrana’s Foreign Agency, had long ordered Okhrana agents to infiltrate and influence revolutionary movements abroad, Zubatov brought these tactics to a new level by creating Okhrana-controlled trade unions, the foundation of police socialism. Recognizing the same discontent among factory workers that the Bolsheviks sought to exploit to start a revolution, Zubatov hoped the
The German Empire known as Imperial Germany, was the German nation state that existed from the unification of Germany in 1871 until the abdication of Kaiser Wilhelm II in 1918. It was founded in 1871 when the south German states, except for Austria, joined the North German Confederation. On 1 January 1871, the new constitution came into force that changed the name of the federal state and introduced the title of emperor for Wilhelm I, King of Prussia from the House of Hohenzollern. Berlin remained its capital, Otto von Bismarck remained Chancellor, the head of government; as these events occurred, the Prussian-led North German Confederation and its southern German allies were still engaged in the Franco-Prussian War. The German Empire consisted of 26 states, most of them ruled by royal families, they included four kingdoms, six grand duchies, five duchies, seven principalities, three free Hanseatic cities, one imperial territory. Although Prussia was one of several kingdoms in the realm, it contained about two thirds of Germany's population and territory.
Prussian dominance was established constitutionally. After 1850, the states of Germany had become industrialized, with particular strengths in coal, iron and railways. In 1871, Germany had a population of 41 million people. A rural collection of states in 1815, the now united Germany became predominantly urban. During its 47 years of existence, the German Empire was an industrial and scientific giant, gaining more Nobel Prizes in science than any other country. By 1900, Germany was the largest economy in Europe, surpassing the United Kingdom, as well as the second-largest in the world, behind only the United States. From 1867 to 1878/9, Otto von Bismarck's tenure as the first and to this day longest reigning Chancellor was marked by relative liberalism, but it became more conservative afterwards. Broad reforms and the Kulturkampf marked his period in the office. Late in Bismarck's chancellorship and in spite of his personal opposition, Germany became involved in colonialism. Claiming much of the leftover territory, yet unclaimed in the Scramble for Africa, it managed to build the third-largest colonial empire after the British and the French ones.
As a colonial state, it sometimes clashed with other European powers the British Empire. Germany became a great power, boasting a developing rail network, the world's strongest army, a fast-growing industrial base. In less than a decade, its navy became second only to Britain's Royal Navy. After the removal of Otto von Bismarck by Wilhelm II in 1890, the Empire embarked on Weltpolitik – a bellicose new course that contributed to the outbreak of World War I. In addition, Bismarck's successors were incapable of maintaining their predecessor's complex and overlapping alliances which had kept Germany from being diplomatically isolated; this period was marked by various factors influencing the Emperor's decisions, which were perceived as contradictory or unpredictable by the public. In 1879, the German Empire consolidated the Dual Alliance with Austria-Hungary, followed by the Triple Alliance with Italy in 1882, it retained strong diplomatic ties to the Ottoman Empire. When the great crisis of 1914 arrived, Italy left the alliance and the Ottoman Empire formally allied with Germany.
In the First World War, German plans to capture Paris in the autumn of 1914 failed. The war on the Western Front became a stalemate; the Allied naval blockade caused severe shortages of food. However, Imperial Germany had success on the Eastern Front; the German declaration of unrestricted submarine warfare in early 1917, contributed to bringing the United States into the war. The high command under Paul von Hindenburg and Erich Ludendorff controlled the country, but in October after the failed offensive in spring 1918, the German armies were in retreat, allies Austria-Hungary and the Ottoman Empire had collapsed, Bulgaria had surrendered; the Empire collapsed in the November 1918 Revolution with the abdications of its monarchs. This left a postwar federal republic and a devastated and unsatisfied populace, which led to the rise of Adolf Hitler and Nazism; the German Confederation had been created by an act of the Congress of Vienna on 8 June 1815 as a result of the Napoleonic Wars, after being alluded to in Article 6 of the 1814 Treaty of Paris.
German nationalism shifted from its liberal and democratic character in 1848, called Pan-Germanism, to Prussian prime minister Otto von Bismarck's pragmatic Realpolitik. Bismarck sought to extend Hohenzollern hegemony throughout the German states, he envisioned a Prussian-dominated Germany. Three wars led to military successes and helped to persuade German people to do this: the Second Schleswig War against Denmark in 1864, the Austro-Prussian War in 1866, the Franco-Prussian War against France in 1870–71; the German Confederation ended as a result of the Austro-Prussian War of 1866 between the constituent Confederation entities of the Austrian Empire and its allies on one side and the Kingdom of Prussia and its allies on the other. The war resulted in the partial replacement of the Confederation in 1867 by a North German Confederation, comprising the 22 states north of the Main; the patriotic fervour generated by the Franco-Prussian War overwhelmed the remaining opposition to a unified Germany in the four stat