Pan-Africanism is a worldwide movement that aims to encourage and strengthen bonds of solidarity between all indigenous and diasporan ethnic groups of sub-Saharan African descent. Based on a common fate going back to the Atlantic slave trade, the movement extends beyond continental Africans with a substantial support base among the African diaspora in the Caribbean, Latin America, the United States and Canada, it is based on the belief that unity is vital to economic and political progress and aims to "unify and uplift" people of sub-Saharan African descent. The ideology asserts that the fate of all sub-Saharan African countries are intertwined. At its core Pan-Africanism is a belief that “Sub-Saharan African people, both on the continent and in the diaspora; the Organization of African Unity was established in 1963 to safeguard the sovereignty and territorial integrity of its Member States and to promote global relations within the framework of the United Nations. The African Union Commission has its seat in Addis Ababa and the Pan-African Parliament has its seat in Johannesburg and Midrand.
Pan-Africanism stresses the need for "collective self-reliance". Pan-Africanism exists as a grassroots objective. Pan-African advocates include leaders such as Haile Selassie, Julius Nyerere, Ahmed Sékou Touré, Kwame Nkrumah, Thomas Sankara and Muammar Gaddafi, grassroots organizers such as Marcus Garvey and Malcolm X, academics such as W. E. B. Du Bois, others in the diaspora. Pan-Africanists believe that solidarity will enable the continent to fulfill its potential to independently provide for all its people. Crucially, an all-African alliance would empower African people globally; the realization of the Pan-African objective would lead to "power consolidation in Africa", which "would compel a reallocation of global resources, as well as unleashing a fiercer psychological energy and political assertion...that would unsettle social and political structures...in the Americas". Advocates of Pan-Africanism—i.e. "Pan-Africans" or "Pan-Africanists"—often champion socialist principles and tend to be opposed to external political and economic involvement on the continent.
Critics accuse the ideology of homogenizing the experience of people of African descent. They point to the difficulties of reconciling current divisions within countries on the continent and within communities in the diaspora; as a philosophy, Pan-Africanism represents the aggregation of the historical, spiritual, artistic and philosophical legacies of Africans from past times to the present. Pan-Africanism as an ethical system traces its origins from ancient times, promotes values that are the product of the African civilisations and the struggles against slavery, racism and neo-colonialism. Alongside a large number of slaves insurrections, by the end of the 18th century a political movement developed across the Americas and Africa that sought to weld disparate movements into a network of solidarity, putting an end to oppression. Another important political form of a religious Pan-Africanist worldview appeared in the form of Ethiopianism. In London, the Sons of Africa was a political group addressed by Quobna Ottobah Cugoano in the 1791 edition of his book Thoughts and Sentiments on the Evil of Slavery.
The group addressed meetings and organised letter-writing campaigns, published campaigning material and visited parliament. They wrote to figures such as Granville Sharp, William Pitt and other members of the white abolition movement, as well as King George III and the Prince of Wales, the future George IV. Modern Pan-Africanism began around the start of the 20th century; the African Association renamed the Pan-African Association, was established around 1897 by Henry Sylvester-Williams, who organized the First Pan-African Conference in London in 1900. With the independence of Ghana in March 1957, Kwame Nkrumah was elected as the first Prime Minister and President of the State. Nkrumah emerged as a major advocate for the unity of Independent Africa; the Ghanaian President embodied a political activist approach to pan-Africanism as he championed the "quest for regional integration of the whole of the African continent". This period represented a "Golden Age of high pan-African ambitions". Nkrumah’s pan-African principles intended for a union between the Independent African states upon a recognition of their commonality.
Pan-Africanism under Nkrumah evolved past the assumptions of a racially exclusive movement associated with black Africa, adopted a political discourse of regional unity In April 1958, Nkrumah hosted the first All-African Peoples' Conference in Accra, Ghana. The Conference invited delegates of major political leaders. With the exception of South Africa, all Independent States of the Continent attended: Egypt, Ghana, Libya, Morocco and Sudan; the Conference signified a monumental event in the pan-African movement, as it revealed a political and social union between those considered Arabic states and the black African regions. Further, the Conference espoused a common African Nationalist identity, among the States, of unity and anti-Imperialism. Frantz Fanon, freedom fighter and a member of the Algerian FLN party attended the conference as a delegate for Algeria. Considering the armed struggle of the FLN against French colonial rule, the attendees of the Conference agreed to support the struggle of those States under colonial oppression.
Left-wing populism is a political ideology that combines left-wing politics and populist rhetoric and themes. The rhetoric of left-wing populism consists of anti-elitist sentiments, opposition to the Establishment and speaking for the "common people"; the important themes for left-wing populists include anti-capitalism, social justice and anti-globalization, whereas class society ideology or socialist theory is not as important as it is to traditional left-wing parties. The criticism of capitalism and globalization is linked to anti-militarism, which has increased in the left populist movements as a result of unpopular United States military operations those in the Middle East, it is considered that the populist left does not exclude others horizontally and relies on egalitarian ideals. Some scholars point out nationalist left-wing populist movements as well, a feature exhibited by Kemalism in Turkey for instance or the Bolivarian Revolution in Venezuela. For left-wing populist parties supportive of minority rights among others, the term "inclusionary populism" has been used.
With the rise of Greek Syriza and Spanish Podemos during the European debt crisis, there has been increased debate on new left-wing populism in Europe. Many leftist and populist political parties in Europe belong to the European United Left–Nordic Green Left; the Party of Democratic Socialism was explicitly studied under left-wing populism by German academics. The party was formed after the reunification of Germany and it was similar to right-wing populists in that it relied on anti-elitism and media attention provided by a charismatic leadership; the party competed for the same voter base with the right-wing populists to some extent, although it relied on a more serious platform in Eastern Germany. This was limited by anti-immigration sentiments preferred by some voters, although the lines were for example crossed by Oskar Lafontaine, who used a term associated with the Nazi Party, Fremdarbeiter, in his election campaign in 2005; the PDS merged into the Left Party in 2007. Syriza, which became the largest party since January 2015 elections, has been described as a left-wing populist party after their platform incorporated most demands of the popular movements in Greece during the government-debt crisis.
Populist traits in Syriza's platform include growing importance of "the People" in their rhetoric and "us/the people against them/the establishment" antagonism in campaigning. On immigration and LGBT rights, Syriza is inclusionary. Syriza itself does not accept the label "populist"; the Socialist Party has run a left-wing populist platform after dropping its communist course in 1991. Although some have pointed out that the party has become less populist over the years, it still includes anti-elitism in its recent election manifestos, it opposes. The left-wing populist party Podemos achieved 8 percent of the national vote in the 2014 European Parliament election. Due to avoiding nativist language typical with right-wing populists, Podemos is able to attract all leftist voters disappointed with the political establishment without taking sides in the regional political struggle. At the 2015 election for the national parliament, Podemos reached 20.65% of the vote and became the third largest party in the parliament after the conservative People's Party with 28.71% and the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party with 22.02%.
In the new parliament, Podemos holds 69 out of 350 seats and this result ended the traditional two-party system of Spain. In a November 2018 interview with Jacobin magazine, Íñigo Errejón argues that Podemos requires a new "national-popular" strategy in order to win more elections. Anova–Nationalist Brotherhood is a Galician nationalist left-wing party that supports Galician independence from the Spanish government. In addition to national liberation, Anova defines itself as a socialist, feminist and internationalist organization, its internal organization is run by assemblies. Cristina Fernández de Kirchner and her husband Néstor Kirchner were said to practice Kirchnerism, a variant of Peronism, mentioned alongside other early 21st century Latin American left-wing populist movements in Boliva and Venezuela. During Cristina Fernández de Kirchner time in office, she engaged in criticism of the United States, gave speeches with anti-globalization overtones and sought to form economic alliances with non-Western countries such as China and Russia, with some degree of success.
She has repeatedly spoken against capitalism in general. Her administration was characterized by marked tax increases on agricultural produce, Argentina's main export. In 2009, she instated the universal allocation per child subsidy, a means-tested benefit to families with children who qualified for the program; the leadership of Siles Zuazo practiced left-wing populism as well as that of incumbent socialist President Evo Morales. Rafael Correa, the President of Ecuador, has stressed the importance of a "populist discourse" and has integrated technocrats to work within this context for the common Ecuadorians. In the conflict between the indigenous peoples and the government, Correa has blamed foreign non-governmental organizations for exploiting the indigenous people; the presidency of Hugo Chávez resembled a combination of folk wisdom and charismatic leadership with doctrinaire socialism. Chávez's government was described to have been a "throwback" to populist nationalism and redistributivism.
Huey Long, the fiery Great Depression-era Governor-turned-Senator of Louisiana, was an early example of lef
Modern-day Matabeleland is a region in Zimbabwe divided into three provinces: Matabeleland North and Matabeleland South. These provinces are in the west and south-west between the Limpopo and Zambezi rivers; the region is named after the Ndebele people. Other ethnic groups who inhabit parts of Matabeleland include the Tonga, Venda, Sotho and Khoisan; as of August 2012, according to the Zimbabwean national statistics agency ZIMSAT, the southern part of the region had 683,893 people, comprising 326,697 males and 356,926 females, with an average size household of 4.4 in an area of 54,172 square kilometres. As for the Matabeleland Northern Province, it had a total population of 749,017 people out of the population of Zimbabwe of 13,061,239; the proportion of males and females was 48 and 52 percent within an area of just over 75,017 square kilometres. The remaining Bulawayo province had a population of 653,337 in an area of 1,706.8 square kilometres. Thus the region has a combined population of 2,086,247 in an area of just over 130,000 square kilometres and, just over the size of England.
The major city is Bulawayo, other notable towns are Hwange. The land is fertile but dry; this area has important gold deposits. Industries include gold and other mineral mines, engineering. There has been a decline in the industries in this region. Promises by the government to draw water for the region through the Matabeleland Zambezi Water Project have not been carried out; the region is marginalised by the government. Around the 10th and 11th centuries the Bantu-speaking Bakalanga arrived from the south and settled in Mapungubwe on the Limpopo and Shashi river valleys, they moved north to Great Zimbabwe. By the 15th century, the Bakalanga had established a strong empire at Khami under a powerful ruler called Dlembeu; this empire was split by the end of the 15th century and were conquered by the Nguni people. In the late 1830s, Mzilikazi Khumalo, led a group of Nguni and other tribes into the Lozvi Empire of the Bakalanga. Many of the Bakalanga people were incorporated to create a large state called Mthwakazi Kingdom.
Mthwakazi, a Zulu word which means "something which becomes big at conception", in Zulu "into ethe ithwasa yabankulu" but the territory was called Matabeleland by Europeans. Mzilikazi organised this ethnically diverse nation into a militaristic system of regimental towns and established his capital at Bulawayo. Mzilikazi was a statesman of considerable stature, able to weld the many conquered tribes into a strong, centralised kingdom. In 1840, Matabeleland was founded. In 1852, the Boer government in the Transvaal made a treaty with Mzilikazi. In 1867 gold was discovered in northern Mthwakazi, this area settled by the Zezuru people, remnants of the Mwenemutapa kingdom, the European powers became interested in the region. Mzilikazi died on 9 September 1868, near Bulawayo, his son, succeeded him as king. In exchange for wealth and arms, Lobengula granted several concessions to the British, but it was not until twenty years that the most prominent of these, the 1888 Rudd Concession gave Cecil Rhodes exclusive mineral rights in much of the lands east of Lobengula's main territory.
Gold was known to exist, so with the Rudd concession, Rhodes was able, in 1889, to obtain a Royal Charter to form the British South Africa Company. In 1890, Rhodes sent a group of settlers, known as the Pioneer Column, into Mashonaland where they founded Fort Salisbury. In 1891 an Order-in-Council declared Mashonaland British protectorates. Rhodes had a vested interest in the continued expansion of white settlements in the region, so now with the cover of a legal mandate, he used a brutal attack by Ndebele against the Shona near Fort Victoria in 1893 as a pretext for attacking the kingdom of Lobengula. In 1893, a concession awarded to Sir John Swinburne was detached from Matabeleland to be administered by the British Resident Commissioner of the Bechuanaland Protectorate, to which the territory was formally annexed in 1911 and it remains part of modern Botswana, known as the Tati Concessions Land; the first decisive battle was fought on 1 November 1893, when a laager was attacked on open ground near the Bembesi River by Imbizo and Ingubo regiments.
The laager consisted of 670 British soldiers, 400 of whom were mounted along with a small force of native allies, fought off the Imbizo and Ingubo forces, which were considered by Sir John Willoughby to number 1,700 warriors in all. The laager had with it small artillery: 5 Maxim guns, 2 seven-pounders, 1 Gardner gun, 1 Hotchkiss gun; the Maxim machine guns took center stage and decimated the native force at the Battle of the Shangani. Although Lobengula's forces totaled 80,000 spearmen and 20,000 riflemen, versus fewer than 700 soldiers of the British South Africa Police, the Ndebele warriors were not equipped to match the British machine guns. Leander Starr Jameson sent his troops to Bulawayo to try to capture Lobengula, but the king escaped and left Bulawayo in ruins behind him. An attempt to bring the king and his forces to submit led to the disaster of the Shangani Patrol when a Ndebele Impi defeated a British South Africa Company patrol led by Major Allan Wilson at the Shangani river in December 1893.
Except for Frederick Russell Burnham and two other scouts sent for reinforcements, the detachment was surrounded and wiped out. This incident had a lasting influence on Matabeleland and the colonists who died in this battle are buried at Matobo Hills along with Jameson and Cecil Rhodes. In white Rhodesian history
President of Zimbabwe
The President of Zimbabwe is the head of state of Zimbabwe, elected by direct universal suffrage using a two-round system. The President is the head of government, as the office of Prime Minister was abolished in 1987; the office was restored as a result of the 2008–09 political negotiations, but abolished again following the 2013 constitutional referendum. Under the rules adopted by the same referendum, the president serves a maximum of two five-year terms; this did not have a retroactive effect on past terms of office served or being served as of 2013. The office of the President of Zimbabwe was established in 1980, when the country gained independence from the United Kingdom. Per the Lancaster House Agreement, Zimbabwe was a parliamentary republic, with the president serving in a ceremonial role, Real power was vested in the Prime Minister, Robert Mugabe. A Methodist minister, Canaan Banana, became the first President, serving until 1987 in a ceremonial role, he resigned in 1987 shortly after the Constitution was amended to make the presidency an executive post.
Mugabe was appointed to succeed him, was elected in his own right in 1990 and four more times thereafter. On 14 November 2017, armed military personnel from the Zimbabwe Defence Forces invaded the Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation studios in Harare before Major General Sibusiso Moyo came out on a live television broadcast declaring that the army had activated an operation that would be known as "Operation Restore Legacy." Moyo stated that President Mugabe and his family would be safe and their security would be guaranteed, as the operation was only targeting criminals around him. What followed thereafter was a well-planned and executed crackdown on members of a faction within the ruling ZANU-PF party known as G40; the Zimbabwe Republic Police and the Central Intelligence Organisation, both deemed loyal to the president, were neutralised by the army, which arrested some of their top leaders. On 21 November 2017, facing all-but certain impeachment from a combined session of the House of Assembly and Senate, Mugabe resigned as president.
Former Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa was sworn in as his replacement on 24 November 2017. Phelekezela Mphoko was the Second Vice-President at the time of Mugabe's resignation on 21 November 2017. Mphoko may have been acting President of Zimbabwe for three days until Mnangagwa's accession to the presidency. However, as Mphoko was not in the country at the time, due to the unusual circumstances, any official standing on this is unclear and may never be known. Excluding Mphoko and Joice Mujuru there is one living former President of Zimbabwe: Prime Minister of Zimbabwe Vice President of Zimbabwe President of Rhodesia President of Zimbabwe Rhodesia
Harare is the capital and most populous city of Zimbabwe. The city proper has an area of 960.6 km2 and an estimated population of 1,606,000 in 2009, with 2,800,000 in its metropolitan area in 2006. Situated in north-eastern Zimbabwe in the country's Mashonaland region, Harare is a metropolitan province, which incorporates the municipalities of Chitungwiza and Epworth; the city sits on a plateau at an elevation of 1,483 metres above sea level and its climate falls into the subtropical highland category. The city was founded in 1890 by the Pioneer Column, a small military force of the British South Africa Company, named Fort Salisbury after the British prime minister Lord Salisbury. Company administrators demarcated the city and ran it until Southern Rhodesia achieved responsible government in 1923. Salisbury was thereafter the seat of the Southern Rhodesian government and, between 1953 and 1963, the capital of the Central African Federation, it retained the name Salisbury until 1982, when it was renamed Harare on the second anniversary of Zimbabwean independence.
Harare is Zimbabwe's leading political, financial and communications centre, as well as a trade centre for tobacco, maize and citrus fruits. Manufacturing, including textiles and chemicals, are economically significant, as is local gold mining; the University of Zimbabwe, the country's oldest university, is located in Harare, as are several other colleges and universities. The city is home to Harare Sports Club, the country's main Test cricket ground, as well as Dynamos F. C. the country's most successful association football team. Harare's infrastructure and government services have worsened in recent years, the city has been ranked as one of the least livable cities out of 140 assessed; the Pioneer Column, a military volunteer force of settlers organised by Cecil Rhodes, founded the city on 12 September 1890 as a fort. They named the city Fort Salisbury after The 3rd Marquess of Salisbury British prime minister, it subsequently became known as Salisbury; the Salisbury Polo Club was formed in 1896.
It was declared to be a municipality in 1897 and it became a city in 1935. The area at the time of founding of the city was poorly drained and earliest development was on sloping ground along the left bank of a stream, now the course of a trunk road; the first area to be drained was near the head of the stream and was named Causeway as a result. This area is now the site of many of the most important government buildings, including the Senate House and the Office of the Prime Minister, now renamed for the use of the President after the position was abolished in January 1988. Salisbury was the capital of the self-governing British colony of Southern Rhodesia from 1923, of the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland from 1953 to 1963. Ian Smith's Rhodesian Front government declared Rhodesia independent from the United Kingdom on 11 November 1965, proclaimed the Republic of Rhodesia in 1970. Subsequently, the nation became the short-lived state of Zimbabwe Rhodesia, it was not until 18 April 1980 that the country was internationally recognised as independent as the Republic of Zimbabwe.
The name of the city was changed to Harare on 18 April 1982, the second anniversary of Zimbabwean independence, taking its name from the village near Harare Kopje of the Shona chief Neharawa, whose nickname was "he who does not sleep". Prior to independence, "Harare" was the name of the black residential area now known as Mbare. In the early 21st century Harare has been adversely affected by the political and economic crisis, plaguing Zimbabwe, after the contested 2002 presidential election and 2005 parliamentary elections; the elected council was replaced by a government-appointed commission for alleged inefficiency, but essential services such as rubbish collection and street repairs have worsened, are now non-existent. In May 2006 the Zimbabwean newspaper the Financial Gazette, described the city in an editorial as a "sunshine city-turned-sewage farm". In 2009, Harare was voted to be the toughest city to live in according to the Economist Intelligence Unit's livability poll; the situation was unchanged in 2011, according to the same poll, based on stability, healthcare and environment, infrastructure.
In May 2005 the Zimbabwean government demolished shanties and backyard cottages in Harare and the other cities in the country in Operation Murambatsvina. It was alleged that the true purpose of the campaign was to punish the urban poor for supporting the opposition Movement for Democratic Change and to reduce the likelihood of mass action against the government by driving people out of the cities; the government claimed it was necessitated by a rise of disease. This was followed by Operation Garikayi/Hlalani Kuhle a year which consisted of building concrete housing of poor quality. In late March 2010, Harare's Joina City Tower was opened after 14 years of on-off construction, marketed as Harare's new Pride. Uptake of space in the tower was low, with office occupancy at only 3% in October 2011. By May 2013, office occupancy had risen to around half; the Economist Intelligence Unit rated Harare as the world's least liveable city out of 140 surveyed in February 2011, rising to 137th out of 140 in August 2012.
During late 2012, plans to build a new capital district in Mt. Hampden, about twenty kilometres north-west of Harare's central business district, were announced and illustrations shown in Harare's daily newspapers; the location of this new district woul
Zimbabwe the Republic of Zimbabwe, is a landlocked country located in southern Africa, between the Zambezi and Limpopo Rivers, bordered by South Africa, Botswana and Mozambique. The capital and largest city is Harare. A country of 16 million people, Zimbabwe has 16 official languages, with English and Ndebele the most used. Since the 11th century, present-day Zimbabwe has been the site of several organised states and kingdoms as well as a major route for migration and trade; the British South Africa Company of Cecil Rhodes first demarcated the present territory during the 1890s. In 1965, the conservative white minority government unilaterally declared independence as Rhodesia; the state endured a 15-year guerrilla war with black nationalist forces. Zimbabwe joined the Commonwealth of Nations, from which it was suspended in 2002 for breaches of international law by its then-government, from which it withdrew in December 2003; the sovereign state is a member of the United Nations, the Southern African Development Community, the African Union, the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa.
It was once known as the "Jewel of Africa" for its prosperity under the former Rhodesian administration. Robert Mugabe became Prime Minister of Zimbabwe in 1980, when his ZANU-PF party won the elections following the end of white minority rule. Under Mugabe's authoritarian regime, the state security apparatus dominated the country and was responsible for widespread human rights violations. Mugabe maintained the revolutionary socialist rhetoric of the Cold War era, blaming Zimbabwe's economic woes on conspiring Western capitalist countries. Contemporary African political leaders were reluctant to criticise Mugabe, burnished by his anti-imperialist credentials, though Archbishop Desmond Tutu called him "a cartoon figure of an archetypal African dictator"; the country has been in economic decline since the 1990s, experiencing several crashes and hyperinflation along the way. On 15 November 2017, in the wake of over a year of protests against his government as well as Zimbabwe's declining economy, Mugabe was placed under house arrest by the country's national army in a coup d'état.
On 19 November 2017, ZANU-PF sacked Robert Mugabe as party leader and appointed former Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa in his place. On 21 November 2017, Mugabe tendered his resignation prior to impeachment proceedings being completed. On 30 July 2018 Zimbabwe held its general elections, won by the ZANU-PF party led by Emmerson Mnangagwa. Nelson Chamisa, leading the main opposition party MDC Alliance contested the election results and filed a petition to the Constitution Court of Zimbabwe; the court confirmed Mnangagwa's victory. The name "Zimbabwe" stems from a Shona term for Great Zimbabwe, an ancient ruined city in the country's south-east whose remains are now a protected site. Two different theories address the origin of the word. Many sources hold that "Zimbabwe" derives from dzimba-dza-mabwe, translated from the Karanga dialect of Shona as "houses of stones"; the Karanga-speaking Shona people live around Great Zimbabwe in the modern-day province of Masvingo. Archaeologist Peter Garlake claims that "Zimbabwe" represents a contracted form of dzimba-hwe, which means "venerated houses" in the Zezuru dialect of Shona and references chiefs' houses or graves.
Zimbabwe was known as Southern Rhodesia and Zimbabwe Rhodesia. The first recorded use of "Zimbabwe" as a term of national reference dates from 1960 as a coinage by the black nationalist Michael Mawema, whose Zimbabwe National Party became the first to use the name in 1961; the term "Rhodesia"—derived from the surname of Cecil Rhodes, the primary instigator of British colonisation of the territory during the late 19th century—was perceived by African nationalists as inappropriate because of its colonial origin and connotations. According to Mawema, black nationalists held a meeting in 1960 to choose an alternative name for the country, proposing names such as "Matshobana" and "Monomotapa" before his suggestion, "Zimbabwe", prevailed. A further alternative, put forward by nationalists in Matabeleland, had been "Matopos", referring to the Matopos Hills to the south of Bulawayo, it was unclear how the chosen term was to be used—a letter written by Mawema in 1961 refers to "Zimbabweland" — but "Zimbabwe" was sufficiently established by 1962 to become the preferred term of the black nationalist movement.
In a 2001 interview, black nationalist Edson Zvobgo recalled that Mawema mentioned the name during a political rally, "and it caught hold, and, that". The black nationalist factions subsequently used the name during the Second Chimurenga campaigns against the Rhodesian government during the Rhodesian Bush War of 1964–1979. Major factions in this camp included the Zimbabwe African National Union, the Zimbabwe African People's Union. Archaeological records date human settlement of present-day Zimbabwe to at least 100,000 years ago; the earliest known inhabitants were San people, who left behind arrowheads and cave paintings. The first Bantu-speaking farmers arrived during the Bantu expansion around 2000 years ago. Societies speaking proto-Shona languages fir
The Shona are a Bantu ethnic group native to Zimbabwe and neighboring countries. The people are divided into five major clans and adjacent to other groups of similar culture and languages; this name came into effect in the 19th century due to their skill of disappearing and hiding in caves when attacked. Hence Mzilikazi the great king called them amaShona meaning "those who just disappear." When the white settlers came to Mashonaland, they banned the Shona people from staying near caves and kopjes because of their hiding habits. This explanation is. There are various interpretations whom to subsume to the Shona proper and whom only to the Shona family; the Shona people are divided into various tribes in the east regions of Zimbabwe. It is important not to mistake the Bukalanga tribe of Matabeleland as these are a distinct clan of the Lozwi-Moyo Empire. Ethnologue notes that the language of the Bukalanga is mutually intelligible with the main dialects of the Eastern Shona as well as other Bantu languages in central and east of Africa, but counts them separately.
Sure members:Karanga or Southern Shona Duma Njiva Jena Mhari Ngova Nyubi Govera Rozvi, sharing the Karanga dialect Zezuru or Central Shona Budya Gova Tande Tavara Nyongwe Pfunde Shan Gwe Korekore or Northern Shona Shawasha Gova Mbire Tsunga Kachikwakwa Harava Nohwe Njanja Nobvu Kwazwimba narrow Shona Toko Hwesa Members or close relatives: Manyika in Zimbabwe and Mozambique. In Desmond Dale's basic Shona dictionary special vocabulary of Manyika dialect is included. Kalanga, in South-Western Zimbabwe, rather integrated in the Nguni culture, therefore little identification with the other Shona and Botswana: Dhalaunda/Batalaote Lilima Baperi Banyai, speaking Nambya in Zimbabwe and Botswana, sometimes subsumed to the Western Shona Ndau in Mozambique and Zimbabwe, their language is only intelligible with the main Shona dialects and comprises some click sounds that do not occur in standard ChiShona. When the term Shona was invented during the Mfecane in late 19th century by the Ndebele king Mzilikazi, it was a pejorative for non-Nguni people.
On one hand, it is claimed that there was no consciousness of a common identity among the tribes and peoples now forming the Shona of today. On the other hand, the Shona people of Zimbabwe highland always had in common a vivid memory of the ancient kingdoms identified with the Monomotapa state; the terms "Karanga"/"Kalanga"/"Kalaka", now the names of special groups, seem to have been used for all Shona before the Mfecane. Dialect groups are important in Shona. Although'standard' Shona is spoken throughout Zimbabwe, the dialects not only help to identify which town or village a person is from but the ethnic group with which the person identifies; each Shona dialect is specific to a certain ethnic group, i.e. if one speaks the Manyika dialect, they are from the Manyika group/tribe and observe certain customs and norms specific to their group. As such, if one is Zezuru, they speak the Zezuru dialect and observe those customs and beliefs that are specific to them. In 1931, during the process of trying to reconcile the dialects into the single standard Shona, Professor Clement Doke identified six groups, each with subdivisions: The Korekore or Northern Shona, including Taυara, Korekore proper, Goυa, the Korekore of Urungwe, the Korekore of Sipolilo, Nyongwe of "Darwin", Pfungwe of Mrewa.
The influx of immigrants, into the country from bordering countries, has contributed to the variety. There are more than ten million people who speak a range of related dialects whose standardized form is known as Shona; the Shona are traditionally agricultural. Their crops were sorghum, beans, African groundnuts, not before the 16th century, pumpkins. Sorghum and maize are used to prepare the main dish, a thickened porridge called sadza, the traditional beer, called hwahwa; the Shona keep cattle and goats, in history as transhumant herders. The livestock had a special importance as a food reserve in times of drought; the precolonial Shona states received a great deal of their revenues from the export of mining products gold and copper. In their traditional homes, called musha, they had separate round huts for the special functions, such as kitchen and lounging around a yard cleared from ground vegetation; the Shona are known for the high quality of their stone sculptures. Traditional pottery is of a high level.
Traditional textile production was expensive and of high quality. People preferred to wear skins or imp