Đại Việt is the name of Vietnam for the periods from 1054 to 1400 and from 1428 to 1804. Beginning with the rule of Lý Thánh Tông, the third emperor of the Lý Dynasty, until the rule of Gia Long, the first emperor of the Nguyễn Dynasty, it was the second-longest used name for the country after "Văn Lang". Beginning with the rule of Đinh Tiên Hoàng, the country had been referred to as Đại Cồ Việt; the term "Việt" is the same as the Chinese word "Yue", a name in ancient times of various non-Chinese groups who lived in what is now northern/southern China and northern Vietnam. In 1010 Lý Thái Tổ, founder of the Lý Dynasty, issued the "Edict on the Transfer of the Capital" and moved the capital of Đại Cồ Việt to Thăng Long and built the Imperial Citadel of Thăng Long where the Hanoi Citadel would stand. In 1054, Lý Thánh Tông – the third Lý emperor – renamed the country Đại Việt. In 1149 the Lý dynasty opened Vân Đồn seaport in the modern north-eastern province of Quảng Ninh to foreign trade. Dai Viet is a strategic location.
By invading Dai Viet, the Mongols would be able to bypass the Himalaya and drive deep into South East Asia. However, the Mongolians of the Yuan Dynasty were defeated; the last battle, the Battle of Bach Dang, was a decisive defeat for the Mongolians. Dai Viet's perseverance thwarted Mongolian attempts to conquer South East Asia and prevented the third Mongolian invasion of Japan, as the Mongol navy was destroyed during Bach Dang; this became one the greatest victories in Vietnamese military history. In 1400, the founder of the Hồ dynasty, Hồ Quý Ly usurped the throne and changed the country's name to "Đại Ngu", but his dynasty was overthrown by the invading Ming Empire who annexed Đại Ngu in 1407 for 20 years until 1427; the Ming renamed the area "Giao Chỉ". In 1428, Lê Lợi, the founder of the Lê dynasty, liberated Giao Chỉ and restored the kingdom of "Đại Việt"; the name "Đại Việt" came to end. The country's name was changed yet again, in 1804, this time to "Việt Nam" by Gia Long; the name Đại Việt was taken by one of the nationalist factions in 1936.
Names of Vietnam List of monarchs of Vietnam
Polk County is a county located in the U. S. state of Arkansas. As of the 2010 census, the population was 20,662; the county seat is Mena. Polk County is Arkansas's 48th county, formed on November 30, 1844, named for James Polk, President of the United States, it is dry county. According to the U. S. Census Bureau, the county has a total area of 862 square miles, of which 858 square miles is land and 4.8 square miles is water. Scott County Montgomery County Howard County Sevier County McCurtain County, Oklahoma Le Flore County, Oklahoma Ouachita National Forest As of the 2000 census, there were 20,229 people, 8,047 households, 5,793 families residing in the county; the population density was 24 people per square mile. There were 9,236 housing units at an average density of 11 per square mile; the racial makeup of the county was 94.69% White, 0.16% Black or African American, 1.49% Native American, 0.21% Asian, 0.06% Pacific Islander, 1.72% from other races, 1.67% from two or more races. 3.50 % of the population were Latino of any race.
There are 8,047 households out of which 31.90% have children under the age of 18 living with them, 60.40% were married couples living together, 8.40% had a female householder with no husband present, 28.00% were non-families. 25.00% of all households were made up of individuals and 12.30% had someone living alone, 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 2.49 and the average family size was 2.97. In the county, the population was spread out with 25.60% under the age of 18, 7.90% from 18 to 24, 25.00% from 25 to 44, 24.50% from 45 to 64, 17.00% who were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 39 years. For every 100 females there were 97.00 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 94.00 males. The median income for a household in the county was $25,180, the median income for a family was $31,379. Males had a median income of $23,397 versus $17,294 for females; the per capita income for the county was $14,063. 18.20% of the population and 14.00% of families were below the poverty line.
Out of the total people living in poverty, 23.50% are under the age of 18 and 16.20% are 65 or older. As of 2010 Polk County had a population of 20,662. Of this population 89.77% were non-Hispanic whites, 0.31% were blacks, 1.76% Native Americans, 0.45% Asians, 2.03% non-Hispanics reporting one or more race and 5.76% Hispanic or Latino. Over The past few election cycles Polk County has trended towards the GOP; the last democrat to carry this county was Bill Clinton in 1992. Polk County is the setting for Stephen Hunter's fictional Bob Lee Swagger series, the most notable being Black Light, as well as the place where Joel B Reed's fictional character, Jazz Phillips, of the Jazz Phillips mystery series, grew up. Mena Wickes Cove Grannis Hatfield Vandervoort Ink Townships in Arkansas are the divisions of a county; each township includes unincorporated areas. Arkansas townships have limited purposes in modern times. However, the United States Census does list Arkansas population based on townships.
Townships are of value for historical purposes in terms of genealogical research. Each town or city is within one or more townships in an Arkansas county based on census maps and publications; the townships of Polk County are listed below. List of lakes in Polk County, Arkansas National Register of Historic Places listings in Polk County, Arkansas Osro Cobb KX197 Polk County, Arkansas entry on the Encyclopedia of Arkansas History & Culture
The Oxford and Cambridge Cup is the trophy awarded to the winner of the Australian University Championship Men's Eight, is competed for annually at the Australian University Games or the Australian University Rowing Championships. It is the oldest inter-University competition in Australia; the cup is awarded to the winning men's Eight over a standard 2,000m course. The trophy was donated in 1893 by Old Blues of the Universities of Cambridge; the original boat race was conducted over a'Thames Putney Mortlake' equivalent course, which varied between 2 miles and 3 1⁄2 miles depending on location and conditions. The first Australian Universities Boat Race was raced in 1888 on the Yarra River, between the Universities of Adelaide and Sydney; the trophy was organised by Dr Edmond Warre, Headmaster of Eton College and former President of the Oxford University Boat Club. He suggested to the Old Blues of Oxford and Cambridge that a trophy be donated for Inter-University Eight competition in order to foster a continuing interest in the young competition.
In an 1890 letter to Frederick Halcomb he states that “the idea was accepted by them with alacrity” and that they were “proud of the opportunity afforded them of showing their brotherhood and interest in the welfare of their kinsmen in the antipodes”. The cup was sent out to Australia in time for the 1893 competition, where it was competed for and won by Melbourne; the cup features scenes in bas-relief of Cambridge, Oxford and the floral emblems of the countries of England and Wales. The Angel on the top is pictured in the traditional pose of the Toast to Rowing; this long standing and traditional toast is afforded the winners of the Grand Challenge Cup. The Australian Universities Boat Race began in 1870 when four oared crews representing Sydney and Melbourne Universities competed over a three-and-a-half mile course on the Yarra River. Members of the crews took part in the first cricket match between the two universities; the first race was won by Melbourne in 4 seconds. The 2-man of the losing Sydney crew was Edmund Barton, who went on to become the first Prime Minister of Australia.
The first eight oared race between Australian Universities was conducted in 1888. Melbourne and Adelaide Universities met on the Hombourg reach course of the Yarra River. Melbourne was recorded as having won by 5 lengths over Adelaide and a similar distance to third place Sydney. Adelaide achieved its first win in 1889 at their home course on the Port River, again in 1896 when stroked by famed South Australian oarsman W. H. Gosse. Sydney's first win was in 1890. In 1920, Queensland University entered a crew for the first time; the crew came third. Queensland improved and, under the leadership of stroke E. B. Freeman, went on to win the 1923 boat races; the University of Tasmania boated its first inter-varsity crew in 1924. The Taswegians took the trophy home the following year in 1925; this crew, stroked by R. A. Scott, defeated the fancied Sydney crew on the Brisbane River; the West Australians followed their interstate brethren and boated their first crew in 1927. This crew, stroked by F. A. Williams, took the cup home in their debut race.
With the development of tertiary education in Australia in the 1950s and 1960s it was not long before numerous additional universities sought entry into the boat race. In 1956 New South Wales, 1963 Monash, 1966 Australian National and Newcastle, 1969 LaTrobe and 1973 Macquarie Universities gained entry; the Australian higher education reforms of the early 1990s opened the door for many former Technical Colleges and Colleges of Advanced Education to enter the boat race for the first time. 1968 was the last year that the race was held over the traditional'Thames Putney Mortlake' equivalent course. Due to increasing pressure for a standardised course distance, fairer courses, the increasing focus of state and national programs on the Olympic distance, delegates from the competing University Boat Clubs of 1968 voted that all future races be conducted over a 2,000m course from 1969 onward; the Oxford and Cambridge Cup has been won by eight universities since the inception of the competition. Melbourne and Sydney Universities have dominated, between them winning about two thirds of the time.
It has been won at least once neither of the territories. All of Australia's "sandstone universities" have won the cup, of the Group of Eight universities, the University of New South Wales is the only one not yet to have achieved a win; the 121st race was conducted in 2018. Australian Rowing History – University Championships John Lang, The Victorian Oarsman, 1919 Australian Rowing History – University Championships
Aristidis Soiledis is a Greek professional footballer who plays as a left back for Romanian club FCSB. Soiledis started his career football career at Olympiacos, he made his first team debut in Super League against Levadeiakos during the 2008–2009 season coming as a substitution for Sebastian Leto. Acknowledging his potential and in order to gain much needed experience, the team soon loaned him for two successive seasons to OFI and Levadiakos. On 31 August 2011, Olympiakos announced the release of the player, who did not succeed to gain sufficient time with the first team. After his release from Olympiakos he signed a two-year contract with Doxa Drama playing in Football League. On 1 August 2013 the 22-year-old midfielder signed a 1+1-year contract with "blue white" in Football League aiming the accession to Super League. On 7 June 2014, Soiledis signed a three-year deal with AEK Athens. On 6 July 2016, he mutually solved his contract with AEK. On 7 July 2016, he signed a contract with Cypriot club Omonia.
On 15 July 2017 he returned to the Superleague joining Kerkyra on a one-year contract. On 19 July 2018, Soiledis signed a year contract with Romanian Liga I club FC Botoșani, he appeared for the Greece national under-21 football team 13 times. Statistics accurate as of match played 22 February 2020. OlympiacosGreek Super League: 2008, 2009 Greek Cup: 2008, 2009 Greek Super Cup: 2007Niki VolosFootball League: 2014AEK AthensFootball League: 2015 Greek Cup: 2016 Debut Onsports.gr Profile Scoresway Profile Olympiacos F. C. – Players Profile Greece U19 – Players Profile
The Support base of the National Front is the base from which the National Front, a far-right political party in the United Kingdom, drew its support. There was regional variation in the levels of support that the NF received during the 1970s, reflected both in the share of the vote it gained and the size and number of its branches, its strength was centred in England. In England, its support clustered in the cities of London and Birmingham; this distribution had "strong parallels" with the earlier support of the BUF. The National Front was not open about its finances, but stressed that it was short of funds and required more money to finance its operations, it is that in its heyday, it had just enough money to pay for its two full-time officials, three head office secretaries, party expenses. Walker noted that in 1974, the NF raised at least £50,000; that same year, it went into debt to finance its electoral campaigns. Its central funds came from several main sources: membership dues, the sale of its publications and lotteries.
During the 1970s, branches were given financial targets they were expected to attain through selling Spearhead and the NF's newssheet Britain First. Branches held jumble sales and social events as a means of raising funds. Branches were not held responsible for providing funds for the party's headquarters, but were expected to finance their own candidates in election campaigns; the party succeeded in raising additional funds during its rallies and meetings, where donations were requested from the attendees. It had several wealthy supporters who provided donations of up to £20,000, including sympathisers in apartheid-era South Africa, in France, it received funds from individuals in the Arab world to finance the publication of material espousing anti-Semitic conspiracy theories and Holocaust denial. The NF faced a high turnover in its membership. In 1977, Walker described the party's membership as being "like a bath with both taps running and the plughole empty. Members pour in and pour out." Fielding echoed this, stating that the NF's "stable membership" was lower than the number of people who have "passed through" it.
The Front refused to disclose the number of members that it had. Thurlow suggested that "the most reliable estimates" were those produced by the anti-fascist investigatory magazine Searchlight. Following its establishment, the NF claimed to have 4,000 members in 1968, in February 1974 a branch chairman claimed that it had 20,000 members. Fielding suggested that it had about 21,000 members in early 1975, of whom 6,000 to 8,000 were "paper members" who had not renewed their membership subscriptions but not terminated their membership. Searchlight claimed that from its origins with 4,000 members in 1968, the party reached a peak membership of 17,500 in 1972, which had declined to 10,000 in 1979, to 3,148 in 1984, to 1,000 in January 1985. An estimate of party membership in 1989 put adherents of the Flag Group at about 3,000 and of the Strasserite faction at about 600. Thurlow noted that at its peak in the 1970s, the Front's membership was still only half that of the BUF during its 1930s heyday.
No adequate sociological sampling of NF members took place, but interviews with members were carried out during the 1970s by Taylor and Billig. Max Hanna noted that as of 1973, most NF members were "from the skilled working class and lower-middle class" but that there was variation according to branch. Fielding observed that most party members during the late 1970s were working-class, but that the party's South Coast branches had a higher concentration of lower middle-class members, he observed that party activism was carried out by upper working and lower middle-class members rather than by their lower working-class and upper middle-class counterparts. Fielding noted that the party contained individuals of all age ranges, although added that certain branches had a concentration of retirees, he observed a greater number of men in their thirties or fifties rather than their forties, suggesting that the latter were too preoccupied with raising families to involve themselves in NF matters. Hanna described "men in their thirties" as the party's main cohort.
The male numerical dominance was in common with most UK political parties in the period, although the Front differed from these other parties in cultivating an image of "overwhelming masculinity" and "virulent machismo". NF members were sociologically regarded as political deviants, thus parts of the cultic milieu. Fielding's interviews with NF members in the 1970s led him to conclude that "there is something exceptional about the NF member, about the activist", for they differed from other members of society in their willingness to join a politically extreme group. Fielding found that NF members were concerned about their image and sensitive to ideas that they were "fascistic" or "cranky", instead thinking of themselves as "patriots" or "nationalists", he found them more accepting of the term "racist", with some referring to themselves as such. He noted that race was the main issue that led members to joining the Front, that they perceived their racial ideas to be "common sense", he added that members made "harsh expressions of prejudice" against non-white Britons, citing one woman member who called on her branch to "get out there and smash that bleedin' wog filth", a group she juxtaposed with "respectable people like us".
Fielding found that "ordinary members feel uneasy about Britain's present political life but cannot express
Slobozia known as Slobodzeya, is a city in the Republic of Moldova under the de facto control of the unrecognized Pridnestrovian Moldavian Republic. It is the seat of the Slobozia District of Transnistria. Slobozia is located in the southern part of Transnistria, south of Tiraspol, it had a population of 18,748 at the census in 1989, 16,062 at the census in 2004. The population of the city is made up of ethnic Moldavians and Russians, while Ukrainians are an important minority; the name of the city comes from the Romanian "slobozie", meaning "a tax-free colony". Slobozia has a humid continental climate. Petru Bogatu is a Moldovan journalist and author Vasili Tishchenko, mayor Vladimir Ţurcan is a Moldovan politician and member of the Parliament of Moldova since 2009. Słobodzieja in the Geographical Dictionary of the Kingdom of Poland