Robert Badinter
Robert Badinter is a French lawyer and politician known for having championed the abolition of the death penalty in France in 1981. In 1965, along with Jean-Denis Bredin, Badinter founded the law firm Badinter, Bredin et partenaires, where he practiced law until 1981. Badinter's struggle against the death penalty began after Roger Bontems's execution, on 28 November 1972. Along with Claude Buffet, Bontems had taken a prison guard and a nurse hostage during the 1971 revolt in Clairvaux Prison. While the police were storming the building, Buffet slit the hostages' throats. Badinter was the lawyer for Bontems, although it was established during the trial that Buffet alone was the murderer, the jury sentenced both men to death. Applying the death penalty to the person who had not committed the killing outraged Badinter to the point that he dedicated himself to the abolition of the death penalty. In this context, as a lawyer, he agreed to defend Patrick Henry. In January 1976, 8-year-old Philipe Bertrand was kidnapped.
Henry was suspected soon, but released because of a lack of proof. He gave interviews on television, saying that those who kidnapped and killed children deserved death. A few days he was again arrested, shown Bertrand's corpse hidden in a blanket under his bed. Badinter and Robert Bocquillon defended Henry, making a case not in favour of Henry, but against the death penalty. Henry was sentenced to life imprisonment but paroled in 2001; the death penalty was still applied in France on a number of occasions, but it became a matter of considerable public concern. In 1981, François Mitterrand was elected president, Badinter became the Minister of Justice. Among his first actions was a bill to the French Parliament that abolished the death penalty for all crimes, which the Parliament voted after heated debate on 30 September 1981. During his mandate, he passed several laws, such as: Abolition of the "juridictions d'exception", like the Cour de Sûreté de l'État and the military courts in time of peace.
Consolidation of private freedoms Improvements to the Rights of Victims Development of non-custodial sentences. He remained a minister until 18 February 1986. From March 1986 to March 1995 he was president of the French Constitutional Council, since 24 September 1995 he has been a senator for the Hauts-de-Seine département. In 1991, he was appointed by the Council of Ministers of the European Community as a member of the Arbitration Commission of the Peace Conference on Yugoslavia, he was elected as President of the Commission by the four other members, all Presidents of constitutional courts in the European Community. The Arbitration Commission has rendered eleven advices on "major legal questions" arisen by the split of the SFRY. Badinter continues his struggle against the death penalty in China and the United States of America, petitioning officials and militating in the World Congress against the death penalty. In 1989, he participated in the famous French television program Apostrophes, devoted to human rights, in the presence of the 14th Dalaï Lama.
Discussing the disappearance of Tibetan culture from Tibet, Badinter used the term "cultural genocide" and lauded the exemplarity of the Tibetan nonviolent resistance. Badinter met the Dalai Lama many times, in particular in 1998 when he greeted the Dalai Lama as the "Champion of Human Rights" and in 2008, he opposed the accession of Turkey to the European Union, on the grounds that Turkey might not be able to follow the rules of the Union. The geographic setting of Turkey makes it a bad candidate according to Badinter: "Why should Europe be neighbour with Georgia, Syria, Iraq, the former Caucasus, that is, the most dangerous region of these times? Nothing in the project of the founding fathers foresaw such an extension, not to say expansion." As a head of the Arbitration Commission he gained huge authority among Macedonians and other ethnic groups in Republic of Macedonia because he recommended "that the use of the name'Macedonia' cannot therefore imply any territorial claim against another State" and, full recognition in 1992.
Because of that, he was involved in drafting the so-called Ohrid Agreement in the Republic of Macedonia. The principle in this agreement that ethnic related proposals in the national assembly should be supported by a majority of both ethnic groups is called the "Badinter principle", he was elected a Foreign Honorary Member of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences in 2006. A made-for-television film – L'Abolition – was broadcast on the France 2 channel in two parts in January and February 2009 with Charles Berling in the role of Robert Badinter; the film focuses on Badinter's attempts to save the lives of both Roger Bontems and Patrick Henry and his fight to have the death penalty abolished in France. In 2009, he expressed dismay at the lifting of the excommunication of controversial bishop Richard Williamson. Badinter serves as an Honorary Co-Chair for the World Justice Project; the World Justice Project works to lead a global, multidisciplinary effort to strengthen the Rule of Law for the development of communities of opportunity and equity.
Badinter comes from a Bessarabian Jewish family that had emigrated to France in 1921. During World War II, his father was deported from Lyon and peris
2002 French presidential election
The 2002 French presidential election consisted of a first round election on 21 April 2002, a runoff election between the top two candidates on 5 May 2002. This presidential contest attracted a greater than usual amount of international attention because of far-right candidate Le Pen's unexpected appearance in the runoff election. Chirac ran for a second term, it was expected that Chirac and Lionel Jospin, the prime minister and candidate for the Socialist Party, would be the most popular candidates in the first round, would thus go on to face each other in the runoff. However, Jospin unexpectedly finished in third place behind Le Pen. Journalists and politicians claimed that polls had failed to predict Le Pen's second-place finish in the general election, though his strong stance could be seen in the week prior to the election; this led to serious discussions about the climate of French politics. Although Le Pen's political party National Front described itself as mainstream conservative, non-partisan observers agreed in defining it as a far right or ultra-nationalist party.
As a protest all French political parties called for their supporters to vote against Le Pen, most notably the Socialists who were traditionally billed as the archrivals to Chirac's party. Chirac thus went on to win the biggest landslide in a French presidential election, winning over 82% of the vote; the National Front would not appear again in the second round of the French presidential election until 2017. It got 34% of the votes doubling its 2002 tally, thus displacing nominees from the traditional Left & Right parties who failed to qualify for the runoff for the first time in history of the Fifth Republic, their combined share of the vote from eligible voters, at 26%, was a historic low. The 2002 election was the first for which the President would be elected to a five-year, instead of a seven-year, term. In the months before the election, the campaign had focused on questions of law and order, with a particular focus on crimes committed by young people those of foreign origin. Lionel Jospin was, at the time, Prime Minister of France.
Alarmist reporting on the TF1 and France2 television channel and other media overemphasised the alleged crime wave. The first round of the election, which saw an exceptional number of 16 candidates, came as a shock to many commentators all of whom had expected the second ballot to be between Jacques Chirac and Lionel Jospin. Indeed, it was this expectation that led to Jospin's downfall, with a plethora of "small party" left candidates all intending to support him in the second round, but to raise their profile in the first, like Jean-Pierre Chevènement and Christiane Taubira, they cumulatively took enough votes away from Jospin to prevent him from reaching the second round, which he could have won. Instead Jean-Marie Le Pen faced Chirac in the second ballot; the election brought the opinion polls and two-round voting system into question as well as raising many concerns about apathy and the way in which the left had become so divided as a result of the over democratical refusal of Jospin to strategically ask the nearest small parties of his own government coalition to withdraw, like the preceding leaders of the left had done for such an election.
There was a widespread stirring of national public opinion, more than one million people in France took part in street rallies, in an expression of fierce opposition to Le Pen's ideas. Some held up protest signs stating "I'm ashamed to be French," which parodied Le Pen's party slogan, "Proud to be French." Spontaneous street protests began in the night from 21 April to 22 April on 22 April and 23 as follows: 24 April: 60,000 people in the streets protesting against Le Pen's success 25 April: 250,000 people in the streets protesting against Le Pen's success 27 April: 200,000 people in the streets protesting against Le Pen's success 1 May: Approximately 20,000 people turned out for the National Front's yearly demonstration in Paris in honor of Joan of Arc and in support of Le Pen. Between 900,000 and 1,300,000 people turned up to the Labor Day demonstrations and against the National Front. Hundreds of thousands of people who did not take part in such demonstrations came, in addition to the usual unions.
In Paris, 500,000 people were seen in the streets, one of the greatest protest since the Liberation of Paris. In another unusual sight for 1 May demonstrations, French tricolour flags were commonplace; the choice between Chirac, under suspicion for actions carried out whilst he was mayor of Paris but benefited from Presidential immunity as long as he stayed president, Le Pen, a nationalist accused of racism and antisemitism, was one that many found tough. Some people suggested going to vote with a clothes peg on their noses to express disgust when voting for Chirac, but this may have been illegal, because it is prohibited to advertise one's vote inside the voting precinct. In the days before the second ballot, a memorable poster was put up of Chirac with the slogan "Vote for the Crook, not the Fascist". Chirac defeated Le Pen
Departments of France
In the administrative divisions of France, the department is one of the three levels of government below the national level, between the administrative regions and the commune. Ninety-six departments are in metropolitan France, five are overseas departments, which are classified as regions. Departments are further subdivided into 334 arrondissements, themselves divided into cantons; each department is administered by an elected body called a departmental council. From 1800 to April 2015, these were called general councils; each council has a president. Their main areas of responsibility include the management of a number of social and welfare allowances, of junior high school buildings and technical staff, local roads and school and rural buses, a contribution to municipal infrastructures. Local services of the state administration are traditionally organised at departmental level, where the prefect represents the government; the departments were created in 1790 as a rational replacement of Ancien Régime provinces with a view to strengthen national unity.
All of them were named after physical geographical features, rather than after historical or cultural territories which could have their own loyalties. The division of France into departments was a project identified with the French revolutionary leader the Abbé Sieyès, although it had been discussed and written about by many politicians and thinkers; the earliest known suggestion of it is from 1764 in the writings of d'Argenson. They have inspired similar divisions in some of them former French colonies. Most French departments are assigned a two-digit number, the "Official Geographical Code", allocated by the Institut national de la statistique et des études économiques. Overseas departments have a three-digit number; the number is used, for example, in the postal code, was until used for all vehicle registration plates. While residents use the numbers to refer to their own department or a neighbouring one, more distant departments are referred to by their names, as few people know the numbers of all the departments.
For example, inhabitants of Loiret might refer to their department as "the 45". In 2014, President François Hollande proposed to abolish departmental councils by 2020, which would have maintained the departments as administrative divisions, to transfer their powers to other levels of governance; this reform project has since been abandoned. The first French territorial departments were proposed in 1665 by Marc-René d'Argenson to serve as administrative areas purely for the Ponts et Chaussées infrastructure administration. Before the French Revolution, France gained territory through the annexation of a mosaic of independent entities. By the close of the Ancien Régime, it was organised into provinces. During the period of the Revolution, these were dissolved in order to weaken old loyalties; the modern departments, as all-purpose units of the government, were created on 4 March 1790 by the National Constituent Assembly to replace the provinces with what the Assembly deemed a more rational structure.
Their boundaries served two purposes: Boundaries were chosen to break up France's historical regions in an attempt to erase cultural differences and build a more homogeneous nation. Boundaries were set so that every settlement in the country was within a day's ride of the capital of a department; this was a security measure, intended to keep the entire national territory under close control. This measure was directly inspired by the Great Terror, during which the government had lost control of many rural areas far from any centre of government; the old nomenclature was avoided in naming the new departments. Most were named after other physical features. Paris was in the department of Seine. Savoy became the department of Mont-Blanc; the number of departments 83, had been increased to 130 by 1809 with the territorial gains of the Republic and of the First French Empire. Following Napoleon's defeats in 1814–1815, the Congress of Vienna returned France to its pre-war size and the number of departments was reduced to 86.
In 1860, France acquired the County of Nice and Savoy, which led to the creation of three new departments. Two were added from the new Savoyard territory, while the department of Alpes-Maritimes was created from Nice and a portion of the Var department; the 89 departments were given numbers based on the alphabetical order of their names. The department of Bas-Rhin and parts of Meurthe, Moselle and Haut-Rhin were ceded to the German Empire in 1871, following France's defeat in the Franco-Prussian War. A small part of Haut-Rhin became known as the Territoire de Belfort; when France regained the ceded departments after World War I, the Territoire de Belfort was not re-integrated into Haut-Rhin. In 1922, it became France's 90th department; the Lorraine departments were not changed back to their original boundaries, a new Moselle department was created in the regaine
Socialist Party (France)
The Socialist Party is a social-democratic political party in France and was, for decades, the largest party of the French centre-left. The PS used to be one of the two major political parties in the French Fifth Republic, along with the Republicans; the Socialist Party replaced the earlier French Section of the Workers' International in 1969, is led by First Secretary Olivier Faure. The PS is a member of the Party of European Socialists, the Socialist International and the Progressive Alliance; the PS first won power in 1981, when its candidate François Mitterrand was elected President of France in the 1981 presidential election. Under Mitterrand, the party achieved a governing majority in the National Assembly from 1981 to 1986 and again from 1988 to 1993. PS leader Lionel Jospin lost his bid to succeed Mitterrand as president in the 1995 presidential election against Rally for the Republic leader Jacques Chirac, but became prime minister in a cohabitation government after the 1997 parliamentary elections, a position Jospin held until 2002, when he was again defeated in the presidential election.
In 2007, the party's candidate for the presidential election, Ségolène Royal, was defeated by conservative UMP candidate Nicolas Sarkozy. The Socialist party won most of regional and local elections and it won control of the Senate in 2011 for the first time in more than fifty years. On 6 May 2012, François Hollande, the First Secretary of the Socialist Party from 1997 to 2008, was elected President of France, the next month, the party won the majority in the National Assembly; the PS formed several figures who acted at the international level: Jacques Delors, the eighth President of the European Commission from 1985 to 1994 and the first person to serve three terms in that office, was from the Socialist Party, as well as Dominique Strauss-Kahn, the Managing Director of the International Monetary Fund from 2007 to 2011, Pascal Lamy, Director-General of the World Trade Organization from 2005 to 2013. The party had 42,300 members in 2016, down from 60,000 in 2014 and 173,486 members in 2012.
The defeat of the Paris commune reduced the power and influence of the socialist movements in France. Its leaders were exiled. France's first socialist party, the Federation of the Socialist Workers of France, was founded in 1879, it was characterised as "possibilist". Two parties split off from it: in 1882, the French Workers' Party of Jules Guesde and Paul Lafargue in 1890 the Revolutionary Socialist Workers' Party of Jean Allemane. At the same time, the heirs of Louis Auguste Blanqui, a symbol of the French revolutionary tradition, created the Central Revolutionary Committee led by Édouard Vaillant. There were some declared socialist deputies such as Alexandre Millerand and Jean Jaurès who did not belong to any party. In 1899, the participation of Millerand in Pierre Waldeck-Rousseau's cabinet caused a debate about socialist participation in a "bourgeois government". Three years Jaurès, Allemane and the possibilists founded the possibilist French Socialist Party, which supported participation in government, while Guesde and Vaillant formed the Socialist Party of France, which opposed such co-operation.
In 1905, during the Globe Congress, the two groups merged in the French Section of the Workers International. Leader of the parliamentary group and director of the party paper L'Humanité, Jaurès was its most influential figure; the party was hemmed in between the middle-class liberals of the Radical Party and the revolutionary syndicalists who dominated the trade unions. Furthermore, the goal to rally all the Socialists in one single party was reached: some elects refused to join the SFIO and created the Republican-Socialist Party, which supported socialist participation in liberal governments. Together with the Radicals, who wished to install laicism, the SFIO was a component of the Left Block without to sit in the government. In 1906, the General Confederation of Labour trade union claimed its independence from all political parties; the French socialists were anti-war, but following the assassination of Jaurès in 1914 they were unable to resist the wave of militarism which followed the outbreak of World War I.
They suffered a severe split over participation in the wartime government of national unity. In 1919 the anti-war socialists were defeated in elections. In 1920, during the Tours Congress, the majority and left wing of the party broke away and formed the French Section of the Communist International to join the Third International founded by Vladimir Lenin; the right wing, led by Léon Blum, kept the "old house" and remained in the SFIO. In 1924 and in 1932, the Socialists joined with the Radicals in the Coalition of the Left, but refused to join the non-Socialist governments led by the Radicals Édouard Herriot and Édouard Daladier; these governments failed because the Socialists and the Radicals could not agree on economic policy, because the Communists, following the policy laid down by the Soviet Union, refused to support governments presiding over capitalist economies. The question of the possibility of a government participation with Radicals caused the split of "neosocialists" at the beginning of the 1930s.
They merged with the Republican-Socialist Party in the Socialist Republican Union. In 1934, the Communists changed their line, the four left-wing parties came together in the Popular Front, which won the 1936 elections and brought Blum to power as France's first SFIO Prime Minister. Indeed, for the first time in its history, the SFIO obtained more votes and seats than the Ra
1993 French legislative election
French legislative elections took place on 21 and 28 March 1993 to elect the tenth National Assembly of the Fifth Republic. Since 1988, President François Mitterrand and his Socialist cabinets had relied on a relative parliamentary majority. In an attempt to avoid having to work with the Communists, Prime Minister Michel Rocard tried to gain support from the UDF by appointing four UDF ministers. After the UDF withdrew its support for the government in 1991, Rocard and the UDF ministers resigned; the UDF became allied with the Gaullist Rally for the Republic. The Socialist Party was further weakened by scandals and an intense rivalry between François Mitterrand's potential successors. In March 1992, the Socialists were punished at the local elections. Prime Minister Édith Cresson was replaced by Pierre Bérégovoy; the latter promised to fight against economic recession and corruption, but he was himself suspected to have received a loan from a controversial businessman, Roger-Patrice Pelat. The election was a landslide victory for the RPR-UDF alliance, while the PS and their left-wing allies received their worst result since the 1960s.
The PS lost nearly 80 % of the seats. This caused a crisis within the PS. Jospin announced his political retirement. Depressed by the defeat and the accusations about the loan from Pelat, Pierre Bérégovoy committed suicide on 1 May; some traditional PS voters had voted for the Greens in the first round. These ecologists obtained a total of 10.84%, making this the best total score for French Green parties in legislative elections. However, only two ecologists qualified for the runoff, including Dominique Voynet in her constituency in the Doubs département. Both of these candidates were defeated. Lack of major political allies for these ecologists explained this failure to take any seats; the RPR-UDF coalition formed the largest parliamentary majority since 1958, taking a total of 485 seats or 84% of the 577 seats. The RPR leader Jacques Chirac demanded President Mitterrand's resignation and refused to be Prime Minister in a new "cohabitation" government, he suggested the nomination of his former RPR Finance Minister Edouard Balladur at the head of the government.
Balladur promised publicly. The second "cohabitation" finished with the 1995 presidential election
Henri Emmanuelli
Henri Emmanuelli was a French politician. A member of the French Socialist Party, he was deputy for Landes from 1978 to 1981, from 1986 to 1997, from 2000 to 2017. Emmanuelli was born in Eaux-Bonnes in the French department of Pyrénées-Atlantiques, he grew up with a working-class background and lost his father at a young age. He studied at Sciences Po in Paris, he joined in 1969 the Compagnie Financière Edmond de Rothschild. In 1971, he was appointed to the management of this company, becoming a senior banking executive and a co-director in 1975, he continued his professional career at the Rothschild Bank until he was elected at the French National Assembly at age 32 in 1978. He joined the Socialist Party in 1971. On the request of François Mitterrand he was, at the age of 27, a candidate in the legislative elections of March 1973 in the second circonscription of Lot-et-Garonne, but it was on March 19, 1978 that he was elected for the first time as the deputy for the third electoral district of Landes, which moved the district to the left-wing.
In 1982, he was elected for the first time as the President of the General Council of Landes. Between 1981 and 1986, he served in the governments of Pierre Mauroy and Laurent Fabius as the Secretary of State charged with the DOM-TOM territories of France and between 1981 and 1983, as Secretary of State for Budget between 1983 and 1986, Secretary of State for Consumption between 1984 and 1986. Between January 1992 and April 1993, he was chairman of the National Assembly, he was elected First Secretary of the Socialist Party in June 1994 and held this office until October 1995. His election to this position was seen as revenge for the Mitterrand wing of the Socialist Party against Michel Rocard, the incumbent First Secretary, weakened by the party's poor result in the 1994 European Parliament election. However, he was defeated by Lionel Jospin in the race to represent the Socialist Party in the 1995 presidential election. Jospin took on the role of First Secretary of the party in October 1995.
One year Emmanuelli was convicted for the illicit financing of the party when he was its treasurer. He re-entered politics in 2000. Whilst he was a faithful supporter of François Mitterrand until the latter's death, he is identified as belonging to the left-wing of the Socialist Party, was one of the leaders of the party's "New World" faction formed in 2002 which aimed to steer the party leftwards after Jospin's poor performance in that year's presidential election. In the campaigns for the Referendum on the European Constitution in 2005 and the Treaty of Rome of 2004, he publicly declared himself in favour of the no campaign which put him in direct opposition to the official line of the Socialist Party, in favour of the treaty, he believed that the treaty was a move away from the idea of a Federal Europe, which he endorsed, notably in his “Plea for Europe”. He is followed by his close supporters, one of, Michel Vergnier, the deputy for la Creuse. In 2000, he took part in the Congress of Grenoble of the Socialist Party and was an avid campaigner for a Socialist Party, aligned to the left.
For the Congress of Mans in November 2005, he associated himself with the New Socialist Party motion of Arnaud Montebourg, Vincent Peillon et Benoît Hamon. Governmental functions Secretary of State for Overseas Territories: 1981–83 Secretary of State for Budget and consommation: 1983–86 Electoral mandates National Assembly of France President of the National Assembly of France: 1992–93 Member of the National Assembly of France for Landes: 1978–81 / 1986–97 / Since 2000. Elected in 1978, reelected in 1981, 1986, 1988, 1993, 1997, 2000, 2002, 2007, 2012. Regional Council Regional councillor of Aquitaine: 1986–88 General Council President of the General Council of Landes: 1982–97 / Since 2000. Reelected in 1985, 1988, 1992, 1994, 2001, 2004, 2008, 2011. General councillor of Landes, elected in the canton of Tartas-Ouest, them from 1994 for the canton of Mugron: 1982–97 / Since 2000. Reelected in 1988, 1994, 2000, 2001, 2008. Political function First Secretary of the Socialist Party: 1994–95, elected in 1994.
Emmanuelli died on 21 March 2017 at a medical center in Bayonne, Pyrénées-Atlantiques from complications of acute bronchitis at the age of 71. Plaidoyer pour l’Europe, Éditions Flammarion, July 1992. Citadelles interdites, Éditions Ramsay, 2000. Official website
Jacques Cheminade
Jacques Cheminade is a French-Argentinian political activist and conspiracy theorist. He is the head of Solidarity and Progress, the French arm of the LaRouche movement, has thrice run for President of France. Cheminade was born in Argentina. After graduating from the HEC Paris, law school, the École nationale d'administration, Cheminade became a career officer in the Directorate of Foreign Economic Relations of the Ministry of Economy and Industry, a position he held until 1981. Cheminade met Lyndon LaRouche in early 1974 in New York, where he was a commercial attaché to the French embassy from 1972 to 1977, he compares this encounter to Socratic midwifery. According to a 1976 FBI document, he was a "rank and file member" in the National Caucus of Labor Committees, a political organization directed by Lyndon LaRouche which had founded its own "intelligence units" in 1971, where he "work in the International Intelligence Section", his return to France in 1977 was motivated by a desire to devote himself "full time to political activities and the advocacy of Mr. LaRouche's ideas and policies".
In 1978, he was the Parti Ouvrier Européen candidate for the legislative election in the 18th arrondissement of Paris, obtained 0.12% of the votes. His program was: the creation of military force with beam weapons to protect Europe against the USSR. In 1981, Cheminade became the general secretary of the European Workers Party and the president of the French section of the Schiller Institute, took a leave from his work as a civil servant, he tried unsuccessfully to obtain the endorsements necessary to run for the presidential election of 1981, called before the first round to vote for Valéry Giscard d'Estaing, saying: "I call upon all my partisans and friends to vote for Giscard d'Estaing. Three reasons prescribe that choice: his nuclear policy, his conception of détente and his commitment to fight monetarism. Moreover, he is in the best position to defeat François Mitterrand, whose candidacy poses the gravest and most immediate danger". In 1982, Cheminade published a statement presenting the POE as a "pole of reference for all anti-Malthusian forces committed to reestablish economic growth and cultural morality" and advocating a program "similar to that of Lyndon LaRouche's National Democratic Policy Committee", which included at that time freedom from "British domination of American foreign policy", worldwide public works projects, the development of nuclear energy "to stop genocide" in undeveloped nations, a crackdown on an international drug cartel, a return to classic education to counter "the genocidalists' plan for our youth".
In 1983, Cheminade published a statement on the danger of "new fascism" posed by an alleged plot against French president François Mitterrand by some of his socialist ministers, including Jacques Delors and Michel Rocard. The next year, he published an article in Executive Intelligence Review, accusing French president François Mitterrand of being a "Soviet agent of influence", as well as "the servant of the "families" involved in the Swiss-promoted "synarchist" operations that launched the fascist movement back in the 1920s on an international scale". During the 1984 European elections, where the POE list he headed obtained 0.09% of the votes, Cheminade defended a program centered on the fight against three threats: an "immediate Russian threat that remains unperceived if not favored"). His program made references to ideas the ideas of Lazare Carnot, a "Republican scientist", Jean Jaurès, the only Socialist "with broad ideas" and the only one who "knew Leibniz and the pre-Socratic philosophers", as well as Jean-Baptiste Colbert, who "understood the epistemological foundations of France".
During the period of time from 1982 to 1984, according to his own statement, Cheminade was involved in arranging a number of meetings between "French government and political leaders, Mr. LaRouche on the subject of the SDI and its European complement, the Tactical Defense Initiative". During the 1985 county elections, where his party presented candidates in 50 counties, Cheminade declared the POE "wholeheartedly supports Reagan's SDI program, a development program for the third world and a change in economic policy away from the International Monetary Fund"; the same year, he said "unless the policies of the IMF are reversed, the Soviets will rule Europe and most of the rest of the world within this decade". In 1986, while in the United States the Larouche movement presented the PANIC proposal, Cheminade, at a press conference held together with John Seale - a British physician who claimed that HIV had been created in a Soviet laboratory as part of a plot to destroy the United States, "ridiculed" the "condom campaigns" run in many countries and claimed that AIDS could be transmitted by saliva - presented the draft of a law providing for every resident of France to be screened for AIDS every six months, every non-resident crossing the border into France to show an AIDS-negative test certificate dating from less than six months before, or be tested, before he could be admitted into France.
Another proposition of the same draft was to quarantine "full-blown AIDS cases until an effective vaccine and cure are found". The same year, he contributed to a conference organized by the French section of the Fu
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