The AGM-88 HARM is a tactical, air-to-surface anti-radiation missile designed to home in on electronic transmissions coming from surface-to-air radar systems. It was developed by Texas Instruments as a replacement for the AGM-45 Shrike and AGM-78 Standard ARM system. Production was taken over by Raytheon Corporation when it purchased the defense production business of Texas Instruments; the AGM-88 can detect and destroy a radar antenna or transmitter with minimal aircrew input. The proportional guidance system that homes in on enemy radar emissions has a fixed antenna and seeker head in the missile's nose. A smokeless, solid-propellant, booster-sustainer rocket motor propels the missile at speeds over Mach 2.0. The HARM missile was a program led by the U. S. Navy, it was first carried by the A-6E, A-7, F/A-18A/B aircraft, it equipped the EA-6B aircraft. RDT&E for use on the F-14 aircraft was begun, but not completed; the U. S. Air Force put the HARM onto the F-4G Wild Weasel aircraft, on specialized F-16s equipped with the HARM Targeting System.

The HTS pod, used by the USAF, allows F-16 to detect and automatically target radars with HARMs instead of relying on the missile's sensors alone. The HARM missile was approved for full production in March 1983, obtained initial operating capability on the A-7E Corsair II in late 1983 and deployed in late 1985 with VA-46 aboard the aircraft carrier USS America. In 1986, the first successful firing of the HARM from an EA-6B was performed by VAQ-131, it was soon used in combat—in March 1986 against a Libyan SA-5 site in the Gulf of Sidra, during Operation Eldorado Canyon in April. HARM was used extensively by the Navy, Marine Corps, the Air Force in Operation Desert Storm during the Persian Gulf War of 1991. During the Gulf War, the HARM was involved in a friendly fire incident when the pilot of an F-4G Wild Weasel escorting a B-52 bomber mistook the latter's tail gun radar for an Iraqi AAA site; the F-4 pilot launched the missile and saw that the target was the B-52, hit. It survived with shrapnel damage to no casualties.

The B-52 was subsequently renamed In HARM's Way."Magnum" is spoken over the radio to announce the launch of an AGM-88. During the Gulf War, if an aircraft was illuminated by enemy radar a bogus "Magnum" call on the radio was enough to convince the operators to power down; this technique would be employed in Serbia during air operations in 1999. In 2013 President Obama offered the AGM-88 to Israel for the first time; the newest upgrade, the AGM-88E Advanced Antiradiation Guided Missile, features the latest software, enhanced capabilities intended to counter enemy radar shutdown, passive radar using an additional active millimeter-wave seeker. It was released in November 2010, it is a joint venture by the US Department of Defense and the Italian Ministry of Defense, produced by Orbital ATK. In November 2005, the Italian Ministry of Defense and the U. S. Department of Defense signed a Memorandum of Agreement on the joint development of the AGM-88E AARGM missile. Italy was providing $20 million of developmental funding as well as several million dollars worth of material and related services.

The Italian Air Force was expected to buy up to 250 missiles for its Tornado ECR aircraft. A flight test program was set to integrate the AARGM onto Tornado ECR's weapon system; the U. S. Navy demonstrated the AARGM's capability during Initial Operational Test and Evaluation in spring 2012 with live firing of 12 missiles. Aircrew and maintenance training with live missiles was completed in June; the Navy authorized Full-Rate Production of the AARGM in August 2012, with 72 missiles for the Navy and nine for the Italian Air Force to be delivered in 2013. A U. S. Marine Corps F/A-18 Hornet squadron will be the first forward-deployed unit with the AGM-88E. In September 2013, ATK delivered the 100th AARGM to the U. S. Navy; the AGM-88E program is on schedule and on budget, with Full Operational Capability planned for September 2014. The AGM-88E was designed to improve the effectiveness of legacy HARM variants against fixed and relocatable radar and communications sites those that would shut down to throw off anti-radiation missiles, by attaching a new seeker to the existing Mach 2-capable rocket motor and warhead section, adding a passive anti-radiation homing receiver and inertial navigation system, a millimeter-wave radar for terminal guidance, the ability to beam up images of the target via a satellite link just seconds before impact.

This model of the HARM will be integrated onto the F/A-18C/D, F/A-18E/F, EA-18G, Tornado ECR aircraft, on the F-35. In September 2015, the AGM-88E hit a mobile ship target in a live-fire test, demonstrating the missile's ability to use antiradiation homing and millimeter-wave radar to detect, identify and engage moving targets. In December 2019, the German Air Force ordered the AARGM. Although the US Navy/Marine Corps chose the Orbital ATK-produced AGM-88E AARGM, Raytheon developed its own update of the HARM called the AGM-88F HCSM, tested in conjunction with and for the US Air Force, it incorporates similar upgrade features to the AARGM, although it is not yet listed for export, existing HARM users have shown interest. The Navy's FY 2016 budget included funding for an extended range AARGM-ER that uses the existing guidance system and warhead of the AGM-88E with a solid integrated rocket-ramjet for double the range. Development funding will last to 2020. In September 2016, Orbital ATK unvei

Marcello Pera

Marcello Pera is an Italian philosopher and politician. He was the President of the Italian Senate from 2001 to 2006. Pera, born in Lucca, graduated in accounting, he worked for the Banca Toscana and for the Camera di Commercio in Lucca, he went on to study philosophy at the University of Pisa, concentrating on the works of Karl Popper and his open society theory, advocating these principles during the difficult 1970s, the anni di piombo. His academic career began 1976 at the University of Pisa, he went on to pursue research activities internationally: Visiting Fellow, University of Pittsburgh, 1984. He taught Theoretical Philosophy from 1989 to 1992 at the University of Catania. In 1992 he became full professor of Philosophy at the University of Pisa. Marcello Pera has written for the newspapers Corriere della Sera, Il Messaggero, La Stampa, to the news magazines L'Espresso and Panorama. Pera has become a leading opponent of post-modernism and cultural relativism and on this subject he resonates with religious thinkers.

Opposing cultural relativism he declared, "There are... good reasons for deeming that some institutions are better than others. And I deny that such a judgment must lead to a clash." Opposing the post modern denial of the possibility of ascertaining objective facts, he says, "Against deconstructivism I do not deny that facts do not exist without interpretation. I refute Nietzsche's thesis that "there are no facts, only interpretations", he was elected as a Senator for Forza Italia in 1996 and 2001. During the XIV Legislature, he was President of the Senate from May 30, 2001 to April 27, 2006, he was re-elected to the Senate in 2006 and 2008. An atheist, Pera co-authored a book with Cardinal Joseph Ratzinger, titled Senza radici, is the author of the introduction to the book titled L'Europa di Benedetto nella crisi delle culture, or in short, The Europe of Benedict, written by Ratzinger shortly before he became the pope, it has been reprinted as Christianity and the Crisis of Cultures. Pera's 2008 book Perché dobbiamo dirci cristiani, has a letter-preface by Pope Benedict XVI.

Pera is a critic of the policies of Jorge Bergoglio and his attempts to influence Italian politics, in particular his response to the European migrant crisis. Malaysia: Honorary Grand Commander of the Order of the Defender of the Realm Induzione e metodo scientifico, Pera M. Editrice Tecnico Scientifica, Pisa, 1978 Popper e la scienza su palafitte, Pera M. Laterza, Roma-Bari, 1981 Hume, Kant e l'induzione, Pera M. Il Mulino, Bologna, 1982 Apologia del Metodo, Pera M. Laterza, Roma-Bari, 1982 La Rana ambigua. La controversia sull'eletricità tra Galvana e Volta, Pera M. Einaudi, Torino, 1986. Without Roots: The West, Christianity, Islam. New York: Basic Books. Perché dobbiamo dirci cristiani, Milano 2008.


Makhzen is the governing institution in Morocco and in pre-1957 Tunisia, centered on the king and consisting of royal notables, top-ranking military personnel, security service bosses, civil servants and other well-connected members of the establishment. The term "Makhzen" is popularly used in Morocco as a word meaning "State" or "Government"; the word makhzen means "warehouse" in Maghrebi Arabic, where the king's civil servants used to receive their wages. It is a metonymy related to taxes, which the makhzen used to collect; the word has been adopted into Spanish and Portuguese with a different meaning, as almacén and armazém, into French and Italian as magasin and magazzino. It came into the English language from Middle French as magazine referring to a storehouse for ammunition and to publications. With the "store" meaning, it was adopted from French into Russian as Магазин. In the Berber culture of Morocco, the Berber equivalent of mekhzen would be agadir. Berber tribes considered the agadir as a powerhouse guarded and managed through a legal system.

The Arabic word makhzen is a translation of the original Berber word agadir. The Makhzen is a ancient notion in Morocco, it coincides with the notion of the feudal state predating the French protectorate in Morocco. Bilād al-makhzen was the term for the areas under central government authority, while those areas still run by tribal authority were known as bilād as-siba. Hubert Lyautey, who served as resident-general of Morocco from 1912 until 1925 during the era of the protectorate, was a fervent proponent of indirect colonisation in Berber-speaking areas. Lyautey maintained the role of the Makhzen and enhanced it by giving important roles to local notables such as Thami El Glaoui. Local notables acted as a relay between the French authorities. Auxiliary Forces Network monarchy