Battle of Famaillá
The Battle of Famaillá, was a Federal Party victory, under the command of former Uruguayan president Manuel Oribe, over the army of the Unitarian Party under general Juan Lavalle, during the Argentine Civil War. After the failure of Lavalle's army to occupy Buenos Aires and its defeat at the Battle of Quebracho Herrado, his army and the one under the command of Gregorio Aráoz de Lamadrid had to abandon Córdoba Province, marching to the northern Argentine provinces. There they formed an alliance known as Coalition of the North, of Unitarian inspiration, which assembled powerful forces in the fight against Juan Manuel de Rosas and his allies. While Lamadrid formed a new army in Tucumán Province, Lavalle spent several months in a campaign in La Rioja Province, to delay Oribe and to give his ally time to prepare. In order to open new fronts, he sent two divisions, one to Santiago del Estero, which failed without a fight, another to Cuyo, destroyed at the Battle of San Cala. Lavalle was forced to retreat towards Catamarca Province, where he and Lamadrid divided the provinces again: the latter would go to Cuyo to try to raise an insurrection against Rosas, while Lavalle would await a confrontation with Oribe in Tucumán, joining his forces with that province's governor, Marco Avellaneda.
Oribe marched towards Tucumán, wishing to resolve the war, while sending general Ángel Pacheco after Lamadrid. After trying to avoid the enemy main force in order to buy time to reinforce his army, Lavalle waited for the Federals on the north bank of the Famaillá river, about 40 km south of the provincial capital. Lavalle's forces comprised about 2,000 men, the federal army about 2,200, after general Eugenio Garzón's, moved out to occupy the city of Tucumán; the battle started at mid-morning. The Unitarian army included Marco Avellaneda, Juan Esteban Pedernera, Manuel Hornos and other notables. Among the Federals there were Juan Felipe Ibarra, Celedonio Gutiérrez, Hilario Lagos and Mariano Maza. At first it seemed it would last without definition for a long time, but early on it was clear that the veterans of the Federal army outclassed Lavalle's soldiers; the victory was in the hands of Oribe, Lavalle and his men were forced to run away. Avellaneda escaped to the north, but betrayed by his security chief, he would be executed at Metán by orders of Oribe and Maza.
Lavalle escaped to San Salvador de Jujuy, where he was killed on a chance encounter with a Federal party. His remains were carried to Bolivia, by Pedernera; the latter would have more luck, as he reached the post of vicepresident of the nation, although he was forced to preside on the dissolution of his own government in 1861. On the Federal side, Gutiérrez would become governor of Tucumán for 10 years; the Battle of Famaillá signaled the end of the Coalition of the North. It was Lavalle's last battle, the next to last in the civil war. Only ten days Lamadrid was defeated at the Battle of Rodeo del Medio, the country would be controlled by the Federalist Party without opposition for another ten years. "Partes de batalla de las guerras civiles". Academia Nacional de la Historia. 1977. Aráoz de Lamadrid, Gregorio. Memorias. Buenos Aires. Best, Félix. Historia de las Guerras Argentinas. Buenos Aires: Peuser. Beverina, Juan. Las campañas de los ejércitos libertadores 1838-1852. Buenos Aires. Páez de la Torre, Carlos.
Historia de Tucumán. Buenos Aires: Plus Ultra. ISBN 950-21-0907-4. Ruiz Moreno, Isidoro J.. Campañas militares argentinas. Buenos Aires: Emecé. ISBN 950-04-2794-X. Saldías, Adolfo. Historia de la Confederación Argentina. Buenos Aires: Hyspamérica. Sosa de Newton, Lily. Lavalle. Buenos Aires: Plus Ultra. Zinny, Antonio. Historia de los gobernadores de las Provincias Argentinas. Buenos Aires: Hyspamérica. ISBN 950-614-685-3. Baldrich, Fernando A.. "Mariano Maza, el implacable represor". Revista Todo es Historia. Poenitz, Erich. "Los correntinos de Lavalle". Revista Todo es Historia
Manuel Ceferino Oribe y Viana was the 2nd Constitutional president of Uruguay. Manuel Oribe was the son of Captain Francisco Oribe and María Francisca Viana, a descendant of the first governor of Montevideo, José Joaquín de Viana. At the beginning of the revolution of independence in the Rio de la Plata he enlisted in the patriot ranks as a volunteer, his baptism of fire took place in the battle of Cerrito, on December 31, 1812, during the Second Siege of Montevideo, feat of arms that ended in a victory for the Patriots. He took part alongside José Gervasio Artigas' resistance against the Luso-Brazilian invasion in 1816. In late 1817, with Montevideo fallen into the hands of the Luso-Brazilians, Oribe moved to Buenos Aires along with his brother Ignacio and Colonel Rufino Bauza, taking with him the Freedmen Battalion and an artillery battalion; the historian Francisco Bauza, son of Rufino Bauza, in his "Historia de la dominación española en el Uruguay", argued that given the obsessive insistence of Artigas to name his favorite, Fructuoso Rivera, as military commander and the south of Río Negro to face the invasion, Rufino Bauza and Manuel Oribe would have come out against a situation that led to a violent exchange of words with Artigas, whose military situation was going out of hand.
The personal rivalry between Rivera and Oribe, which dates of such events, the young officer decided to abandon his boss. Carlos Federico Lecor, commander of the occupying forces, offered no hindrance to the passage of eastern officials in Buenos Aires though he could not attract them to your cause. Rivera and his people were in the service of the invader Lusitanians. In Buenos Aires, known by the certifying of stationery at the time, since 1819, along with other easterns as Santiago Vazquez and residents who were opposed to the Brazilian Portuguese occupation and Artigas, have built a secret Masonic society, called the Society of the Eastern Knights, who waited at least until 1821, Cisplatin Congress to undertake a return to the, since called Cisplatina Province and begin work to reverse the situation. Meanwhile, following the defeat of Artigas another section of the eastern elite had acceded to the occupants, accepting and in fact collaborating with the Portuguese; this is the only sector to be represented in Congress Cisplatin, 1821.
The occupation of the Banda Oriental and its transformation into "Cisplatina Province" by the Portuguese and Brazilian troops had resulted in additional fracture of the leading sectors, which has since lined up in two groups separated by the acceptance or rejection of that military presence: The group that included Montevideo-Fructuoso Rivera, pro Portuguese, named Club of the Baron, for its proximity to the invading commander Carlos Federico Lecor The exiles in Buenos Aires, where Oribe was located, a proponent of reintegration into the United Provinces of Río de la Plata as soon as possible. Those groups would become the Colorado and White party, he served as President of Uruguay between 1835 and 1838. Oribe was a big supporter of Juan Manuel de Rosas in Argentina. In 1838 he was forced to resign by Fructuoso Rivera but started a rebel army and began a long civil war which lasted until 1851. Oribe besieged the capital Montevideo for 8 long years. At last Oribe was defeated in 1851 with help from Brazil and Argentine rebels, led by Justo José de Urquiza, who were against Rosas.
In 1857, Oribe and his family narrowly survived a shipwreck. For this reason he presented a golden crown as a gift to the image of the Virgin of the Thirty-Three. Oribe’s supporters became known as the Nationals or Blancos, while his opponents became the Colorados; these remained the main political factions until a third –the Frente Amplio– emerged in the late 20th century. "Leader of the Blanco people". EL PAIS. 2013-04-19. Https://web.archive.org/web/20070713172949/http://www.bartleby.com/65/or/Oribe-Ma.html Columbia Encyclopedia article
Banda Oriental, or more Banda Oriental del Uruguay, was the name of the South American territories east of the Uruguay River and north of Río de la Plata that comprise the modern nation of Uruguay. It was the easternmost territory of the Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata. After decades of disputes over the territories, the 1777 First Treaty of San Ildefonso settled the division between the Spanish Empire and the Portuguese Empire: the southern part was to be held by the Spanish Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata and the northern territories by the Portuguese Capitania de São Pedro do Rio Grande do Sul; the Banda Oriental was not a separate administrative unit until the de facto creation of the Provincia Oriental by José Gervasio Artigas in 1813 and the subsequent decree of the Supreme Director of the United Provinces of the Río de la Plata of 7 March 1814, which formally established the Gobernación Intendencia Oriental del Río de la Plata, making it a constituent part of the United Provinces of South America.
Before the arrival of the Spanish and the Portuguese, several tribes of indigenous people were living in this area as nomads. The principal ones were the Chanás, the Guayanas and the Guaraníes. Juan Díaz de Solís discovered this territory in 1516. During the conquest of the Río de la Plata area by the "Adelantados", the main concern was to reach the interior in search of precious metals, so this region remained ignored; the first ephemeral Spanish attempts to start populated centres in this territory happened between 1527 and 1577. These were the Fortín de San Lázaro and the Puerto de San Salvador by Sebastián Gaboto, the Real de San Juan and the Real de San Gabriel y Ciudad de San Salvador by Juan Ortiz de Zárate. In 1542 the Crown of Castile established the Viceroyalty of Peru, a colonial administrative district that contained most of Spanish-ruled South America, governed from the capital of Lima; the Banda Oriental was therefore under the administration of the Viceroyalty of Peru from 1542 up to 1776.
Although the Treaty of Tordesillas limited the Portuguese colonies to the east of the 46th meridian, in practice, the Portuguese were free to advance in most of the territory, not colonized by the Spanish, which included most of the Banda Oriental. In the early 17th century the territory was called Banda Charrúa Otra Banda, Banda Oriental; the name was extended to encompass Entre Ríos, to describe the territories in those latitudes that lead to the Mar del Nord. The area north of the Banda Oriental was the territory called by the Guaraní word Mbiaza or Ibiazá, rendered in Spanish as La Vera. In 1618, during the governance of Hernando Arias de Saavedra, the Banda Oriental was integrated into the Spanish colonial Governorate of the Río de la Plata. Following the recommendation of the King of Spain, Hernandarias introduced a large amount of cattle in the Banda Oriental, an act which has played a decisive role in the future of the economy of the area. Starting around 1626, fathers of the Franciscan order attempted to establish reductions south of Río Negro.
Some of them were short-lived missions like the San Francisco de los Olivares de los Charrúas, the San Antonio de los Chanáes and the San Juan de Céspedes. In contrast, the one of Santo Domingo Soriano, founded with Charrúas and Chanáes in Entre Ríos, Argentina, in 1664, was moved on the Isle of Vizcaíno, on the mouth of Río Negro and in 1718 it was moved again at its present location in the modern Soriano Department. Another notable development came from the reductions of the Compañía de Jesús further north the Uruguay River, where indigenous Guaraníes and Tapes were being kidnapped from the missions by the bandeirantes to be used as slaves in the coffee plantations of São Paulo. To prevent this, in 1631, father Antonio Ruiz de Montoya migrated with 12,000 Guaraníes further east, in the modern State of Paraná of Brazil, while in 1636, father Nicolás del Techo migrated with another 12,000 Tapes towards the modern Rio Grande do Sul, which constituted the north part of the Banda Oriental of the times.
Although Spain claimed the territory of the Banda Oriental, based on the Treaty of Tordesillas, it did not belong to the Spanish Crown during the 17th century. The Portuguese, being able to advance without resistance in the sparsely populated territory, founded the city Colonia del Sacramento on the banks of Rio de la Plata, across from Buenos Aires, in 1680. Apart from being seen as an evidence that the Portuguese intended to occupy all of the territory, this port in the mouth of the Uruguay River permitted the Portuguese ships to carry out illegal trade evading Spanish taxation. Spain took the city twice, in 1681 and in 1705, but had to give it back by the Treaty of Utrecht of 1713; the following years saw an expansion of the Portuguese settlements around Colonia del Sacramento, until 1723, when Field Marshal Manuel de Freitas da Fonseca of Portugal built the Montevieu fort. As a reaction, on 22 January 1724 a Spanish expedition was sent from Buenos Aires, organized by the Governor of Río de la Plata, Bruno Mauricio de Zabala, who forced the Portuguese to abandon the location and founded and fortified Montevideo.
The Spanish started populating the city with six families moving in from Buenos Aires and soon thereafter by families arriving from the Canary Islands who were called by the locals "guanches", "guanchos" or "canarios". In this way Montev
Juan Facundo Quiroga was an Argentine caudillo who supported federalism at the time when the country was still in formation. Quiroga was born in San Antonio, La Rioja, the son of a traditional but impoverished Riojan family of cattle breeders, he was sent at a young age to San Juan to be educated. Early in his life, he became a problem child, escaped from school. During his wandering in the desert between San Juan and La Rioja, he purportedly encountered and killed a cougar, earning him the nickname El Tigre de los Llanos. After the May Revolution proclaimed the self-rule of the country, Quiroga tried to enter the independentist army, he travelled to San Luis to enter the Granaderos a Caballo Regiment, led by General José de San Martín. He was imprisoned and expelled due to his bad temper, he moved back to La Rioja and became a businessman until 1820. That year the central government of Buenos Aires fell, the province became autonomous. Quiroga entered the provincial army and rose to its command, gaining control of the government through his charisma.
During the time of the Constitutional Congress of 1824, Quiroga led its forces through the Andean provinces to oppose the centralist tendencies of President Bernardino Rivadavia and the officers of the National Army, which were carrying away a compulsory levy for the upcoming Cisplatine War. Thus, under the flag of Religión o Muerte, he overthrew the centralist government of San Juan shortly after the central government signed a treaty with Britain by which religious freedom was established. After the Cisplatine war, the officers of the returning army deposed the federalist governments in an attempt to restore the centralised rule of Buenos Aires. General José María Paz took over its province of Córdoba and his officers campaigned through the interior provinces. Quiroga tried to oppose them, but without success, after defeat in the Battle of La Tablada, he went into self-imposed exile in Buenos Aires. From there, where the coup was defeated, Quiroga led an army towards Córdoba but was defeated in the Battle of Oncativo by Paz's more disciplined forces.
Quiroga decided not to give up and tried a more ambitious attempt, marching through territories still occupied by native aboriginals, in order to bypass Córdoba, attack directly Mendoza, where it succeeded. He took his campaign north along the Andean provinces, until he defeated General Gregorio Aráoz de Lamadrid, who led the last remaining unitary forces, in Salta. After the war, Quiroga established himself as one of the leaders of federalism in Argentina, although he declared in his correspondence with Rosas that his ideas were in fact unitarian, but that he became a champion of federalism because people wanted federalism. In 1834, Quiroga was appointed by the governor of Buenos Aires Manuel Vicente Maza to mediate between the governors of Tucumán and Salta, but Salta governor De la Torre died before Quiroga could arrive, he was advised that there were plans to murder him on his way back, but Quiroga, disregarding the advice, returned to Buenos Aires through the same way. At Barranca Yaco, a watering place between Córdoba and Santiago del Estero, a party of gunmen ambushed the carriage in which he travelled.
Quiroga, confident in his charisma and that his mere presence and resolution would discourage the attackers, appeared through the carriage door and shouted at the gunmen, asking for their commander to confront him. The leader of the party, Santos Pérez, did not take chances and killed Quiroga by shooting him through the left eye; the political crime created a huge crisis in all the Confederation, forcing Maza to resign, led to the establishment of Rosas' government. Rosas, as the Confederation leader, led the criminal investigation that ended with the prosecution of the governor of Córdoba José Vicente Reinafé, his brother as the intellectual perpetrators of the crime, they were hanged along with Santos Pérez in 1837 in Buenos Aires. In 1845, Domingo F. Sarmiento wrote Facundo and Barbarism, a book that reviews the influence of caudillo leaders, which he defines as "barbarism", in the Argentine political and social life, but as a protest to Rosas' regime, a call for European education and life style.
Quiroga is buried in La Recoleta Cemetery in Buenos Aires. Biography Quiroga's Bio
José Gervasio Artigas
José Gervasio Artigas Arnal was a national hero of Uruguay, sometimes called "the father of Uruguayan nationhood". Artigas was born in Montevideo on June 19, 1764, his grandparents were from Zaragoza, Buenos Tenerife. His grandparents fought in the War of the Spanish Succession and moved to the Americas to escape from poverty, settling in Buenos Aires in 1716. Artigas was the son of Martín José Artigas and Francisca Antonia Arnal, who came from a wealthy family, his parents enrolled him in the Colegio de San Bernardino, to pursue religious studies, but Artigas refused to submit to the school's strict discipline. Before he left the school, he developed a strong friendship with Fernando Otorgues, who would work with him in years. At the age of 12, he worked on his family's farms, his contact with the customs and perspectives of gauchos and Indians made a great impression on him. Once he had come of age, he distanced himself from his parents and became involved in cattle smuggling; this made him a wanted man with the government in Montevideo.
A reward was put out for his death. Things changed with the opening of the Anglo-Spanish War, the threat of a British attack upon the viceroyalty; the viceroy Antonio de Olaguer y Feliú negotiated a pardon with his family, on the condition that he joined the Corps of Blandengues with a hundred men, to form a battalion. Thus, he began his military career at age 33, with the rank of lieutenant; the attack came in 1806, when William Beresford invaded Buenos Aires, in the first British invasions of the Río de la Plata. Although Artigas's unit was tasked with patrolling the frontier with Brazil, he requested to take part in the military expedition that Santiago de Liniers launched from Montevideo to drive the British out of Buenos Aires, his request was granted, the British were defeated. After the liberation of Buenos Aires, he was tasked with returning to Montevideo and informing the governor Pascual Ruiz Huidobro of the result of the battle. A second British attack aimed to capture Montevideo, captured in the Battle of Montevideo.
Artigas was taken prisoner. He began a guerrilla war against the invaders; the British tried to capture Buenos Aires a second time, but were defeated by the local armies, returned Montevideo to Spanish control as part of the terms of capitulation. Artigas was promoted to captain in 1809; the ideas of the Age of Enlightenment and the outbreak of the Peninsular War in Spain, along with the capture of King Ferdinand VII, generated political turbulence all across the Spanish Empire. The absence of the king from the throne and the new ideas of the Enlightenment sparked the Spanish American wars of independence, between patriots and royalists. Artigas, who thought that the gauchos were not treated well, supported the new ideas. Buenos Aires deposed the viceroy in 1810, during the May Revolution, replacing him with the Primera Junta. Mariano Moreno, secretary of war, wrote at the Operations plan that Artigas would be a decisive ally against the royalists in Montevideo, called him for an interview. However, by the time Artigas arrived in Buenos Aires, Moreno had left the government.
He received little help. He was promoted to colonel and received some weapons, money and 150 men little to organize a rebellion at the Banda Oriental; this was the last time. Spain declared Buenos Aires a rogue city, appointed Montevideo as the new capital, with Francisco Javier de Elío as the new viceroy; the city had financial problems, the measures taken by Elío to maintain the royalist armies were unpopular in the countryside. This allowed Artigas to channel the popular discontent against the colonial authorities. A hundred men met near the Asencio stream and made the cry of Asencio, a pronunciamiento against the viceroy, they captured many villages in the Banda Oriental, such as Mercedes, Santo Domingo, Maldonado, Paso del Rey, Santa Teresa and San José. They captured Gualeguay, Gualeguaychú and Arroyo de la China, at the west of the Uruguay river. Elío sent some soldiers to kill Artigas, he sent Manuel Villagrán, a relative of Artigas, to offer him the pardon and appoint him general and military leader of the Banda Oriental if he gave up the rebellion.
Artigas considered the offer an insult, sent Villagrán prisoner to Buenos Aires. Montevideo was soon surrounded by Artigas's forces. A Montevidean army tried to stop the patriots at the Battle of Las Piedras, but they were defeated, the city was put to siege. José Rondeau, commanding forces from Buenos Aires, joined the siege. Artigas wanted to attack the city right away, but Rondeau thought that there would be less loss of lives by establishing a blockade and waiting for the city to surrender. However, the besiegers did not consider the naval forces of Montevideo, who kept the city supplied and enabled them to endure the blockade. On the verge of defeat, Elío allied himself with Brazilian forces, requesting their intervention in the conflict. Dom Diogo de Sousa entered into the Banda Oriental; this added to the Argentinian defeat of Manuel Belgrano at the Paraguay campaign, the defeat of Juan José Castelli at the First Upper Peru campaign and the Montevidean naval blockade of Buenos Aires. Fearing a complete defeat, Buenos Air
Argentine Constitution of 1853
The Argentine Constitution of 1853 is the current constitution of Argentina approved by provincial governments except Buenos Aires Province, who remained separate from the Argentine Confederation until 1859. After several modifications to the original constitution and the return of power to Buenos Aires' Unitarian Party, it was sanctioned in May 1853 by the Constitutional Convention gathered in Santa Fe, was promulgated by the provisional Director of the national executive government Justo José de Urquiza, a member of the Federals Party. Following the short-lived constitutions of 1819 and 1826, it was the third constitution in the history of the country. In spite of a number of reforms of varying importance, the 1853 constitution is still the base of the current Argentine juridical system, it was inspired by the juridical and political doctrines of the United States Federal Constitution, establishing for instance a Republican division of powers, a high level of independence for the provinces, a federal power controlled by a strong executive government yet limited by a bicameral national congress to equilibrate the population's representation with equity among the provinces.
The model, elaborated by the constitutional deputies from the precedent constitutional attempts and the pioneer work of Juan Bautista Alberdi, has been the target of repeated critics. The historical importance of the constitutional project has been unquestionable, all disputes regarding the political theory and practice in modern Argentina include an either positive or negative reference on the political consequences of the 1853 constitution. For the Generation of'80, the settlers of the first liberal conventions on Argentine historiography, the constitution represented a true foundational act that broke the long government of Juan Manuel de Rosas; the members of the Generation of'80 praised the fact that the Constitution had established a European-style liberal political regime. However, at the time when it was sanctioned, it had been opposed by some of them. For the UCR, of social-democrat tendencies, the constitution represented an unfulfilled political ideal against the oligarchic government Generation of the 1880s, perpetuated in power through electoral fraud.
At the same time, for the nationalist movements of the 20th century, who criticised the liberal conventions and praised Rosas' figure, the constitution had represented the renouncement of the national identity towards the ruin of liberalism. In different fronts, the discussion remains open, has inspired several of the most important works of the Argentine thinking; the legal system that would be accepted by the United Provinces of the Río de la Plata formed after the May Revolution from the Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata, was one of the main concerns after the resignation of the last viceroy. The formation of the First Junta and its continuation in the Junta Grande, which included provincial delegates, gave testimony of the division of interests between the city of Buenos Aires and the other landlocked provinces. In part, such division existed during colonial times, when the port of Buenos Aires gave the city commercial interest far different from the artisanal and agricultural countryside.
Buenos Aires was benefited from the traffic of goods brought by ships from the United Kingdom, to which it paid with the taxes collected from the exportation of the country's agricultural production —mainly raw leather and minerals— the discrepancies between the merchants that brought industrialised goods from the United Kingdom and the producers of the provinces that couldn't compete with the European industrial power, raised diverse conflicts during the Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata. With the Declaration of Independence in 1816, the first juridical bases had a marked Unitarian characteristic; the first project to converge the successive attempts that defined the different organs of the national executive power in the first years of organization was the convocation in 1812 of the General Constituent Assembly with the purpose of dictating the fundamental law for the national organization. The Assembly of the 1813 gathered on January 31 of that year, worked for over 2 years until 1815.
It dictated the regulations for the administration, the statute for the executive power, promulgated several norms regulation for the legislature that would be in use the following years. But the assembly was unable to dictate the national constitution. This, added to the absence of some provincial deputies, prevented an agreement on the subject; the lack of definitions from the Assembly after two years of deliberations was one of the arguments for which Carlos María de Alvear proposed the creation of a temporal one-man regime, known as Directorio. The Assembly voted favourably, but since it had no support from the e
Juan Manuel de Rosas
Juan Manuel de Rosas, nicknamed "Restorer of the Laws", was a politician and army officer who ruled Buenos Aires Province and the Argentine Confederation. Although born into a wealthy family, Rosas independently amassed a personal fortune, acquiring large tracts of land in the process. Rosas enlisted his workers in a private militia, as was common for rural proprietors, took part in the disputes that led to numerous civil wars in his country. Victorious in warfare influential, with vast landholdings and a loyal private army, Rosas became a caudillo, as provincial warlords in the region were known, he reached the rank of brigadier general, the highest in the Argentine Army, became the undisputed leader of the Federalist Party. In December 1829, Rosas became governor of the province of Buenos Aires and established a dictatorship backed by state terrorism. In 1831, he signed the Federal Pact, recognising provincial autonomy and creating the Argentine Confederation; when his term of office ended in 1832, Rosas departed to the frontier to wage war on the indigenous peoples.
After his supporters launched a coup in Buenos Aires, Rosas was asked to return and once again took office as governor. Rosas reestablished his dictatorship and formed the repressive Mazorca, an armed parapolice that killed thousands of citizens. Elections became a farce, the legislature and judiciary became docile instruments of his will. Rosas created a cult of personality and his regime became totalitarian in nature, with all aspects of society rigidly controlled. Rosas faced many threats to his power during early 1840s, he fought a war against the Peru–Bolivian Confederation, endured a blockade by France, faced a revolt in his own province and battled a major rebellion that lasted for years and spread to several Argentine provinces. Rosas persevered and extended his influence in the provinces, exercising effective control over them through direct and indirect means. By 1848, he had extended his power beyond the borders of Buenos Aires and was ruler of all of Argentina. Rosas attempted to annex the neighbouring nations of Uruguay and Paraguay.
France and Great Britain jointly retaliated against Argentine expansionism, blockading Buenos Aires for most of the late 1840s, but were unable to halt Rosas, whose prestige was enhanced by his string of successes. When the Empire of Brazil began aiding Uruguay in its struggle against Argentina, Rosas declared war in August 1851, starting the Platine War; this short conflict ended with Rosas absconding to Britain. His last years were spent in exile living as a tenant farmer until his death in 1877. Rosas garnered an enduring public perception among Argentines as a brutal tyrant. Since the 1930s, an authoritarian, anti-Semitic, racist political movement in Argentina called Revisionism has tried to improve Rosas's reputation and establish a new dictatorship in the model of his regime. In 1989, his remains were repatriated by the government in an attempt to promote national unity, seeking forgiveness for him and for the 1970s military dictatorship. Rosas remains a controversial figure in Argentina in the 21st century.
Juan Manuel José Domingo Ortiz de Rosas was born on 30 March 1793 at his family's town house in Buenos Aires, the capital of the Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata. He was the first child of Agustina López de Osornio. León Ortiz was the son of an immigrant from the Spanish Province of Burgos. A military officer with an undistinguished career, León Ortiz had married into a wealthy Criollo family; the young Juan Manuel de Rosas's character was influenced by his mother Agustina, a strong-willed and domineering woman who derived these character traits from her father Clemente López de Osornio, a landowner who died defending his estate from an Indian attack in 1783. As was common practice at the time, Rosas was schooled at home until the age of 8, enrolled in what was regarded the best private school in Buenos Aires. Though befitting the son of a wealthy landowner, his education was unremarkable. According to historian John Lynch, Rosas' education "was supplemented by his own efforts in the years that followed.
Rosas was not unread, though the time, the place, his own bias limited the choice of authors. He appears to have had a sympathetic, if superficial, acquaintance with minor political thinkers of French absolutism."In 1806, a British expeditionary force invaded Buenos Aires. A 13-year-old Rosas served distributing ammunition to troops in a force organised by Viceroy Santiago Liniers to counter the invasion; the British returned a year later. Rosas was assigned to the Caballería de los Migueletes, although he was barred from active duty during this time due to illness. After the British invasions had been repelled and his family moved from Buenos Aires to their estancia, his work there further shaped his character and outlook as part of the Platine region's social establishment. In the Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata, owners of large landholdings provided food and protection for families living in areas under their control, their private defense forces consisted of laborers who were drafted as soldiers.
Most of these peons, as such workers were called, were gauchos. The landed aristocracy of Spanish descent considered the illiterate, mixed-race gauchos, who comprised the majority of the population, to be ungovernable and untrustworthy; the gauchos were tolerated because there was no other labor force available, but were treated with contempt by the landowners. Rosas got along well with the gauchos in his service, despite his harsh and authorit