Juan Galo Lavalle was an Argentine military and political figure. Lavalle was born in Buenos Aires to María Mercedes González Bordallo and Manuel José Lavalle, general accountant of rents and tobacco for the Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata. In 1799, the family moved to Santiago de Chile, but returned to Buenos Aires in 1807. In 1812 Lavalle joined the Regiment of mounted grenadiers as a cadet. By 1813 he reached the grade of lieutenant and moved to the army, which under orders of Carlos María de Alvear besieged Montevideo. Lavalle fought against José Gervasio Artigas in 1815 and in the Battle of Guayabos under the command of Manuel Dorrego. In 1816 Lavalle moved to Mendoza to join the Army of the Andes of the "liberator" José de San Martín and fought in Chacabuco and the Maipú in Chile, he continued along with San Martín on his way to Peru and Ecuador and took part in the battles of Pichincha and the Riobamba, after which he became known as the Hero of Riobamba. Because of disagreements with Simón Bolívar, Lavalle returned to Buenos Aires by the end of 1823.
He would govern Mendoza Province for a short time. He fought in the war against Brazil in command of 1,200 cavalry, with great episodes of valour in the battles of Bacacay and Ituzaingó in February 1827, beating the forces of General Abreu and being himself proclaimed General on the field of battle itself. Like many other nineteenth century Argentines prominent in public life, Lavalle was a freemason. By the time he returned to Buenos Aires, the President of the United Provinces, Unitarian Bernardino Rivadavia, had resigned, Manuel Dorrego was elected the federal governor of Buenos Aires Province. Lavalle, a Unitarian himself, led a coup to take the government and executed governor Dorrego without a trial, his government started a reign of terror, aiming to destroy the Federal Party, but the resistance in the countryside didn't recede. In 1829, the demographic growth was negative. During that time, José de San Martín had returned from Europe. While he was in Montevideo, Lavalle offered him the government of Argentina as he was the only man capable of putting an end to the chaotic situation, because of his authority over leaders on both sides.
But when he learned about the spiraling factionalist violence, San Martín realised that he would have to choose sides as the only actual way to govern, so he refused and returned instead to self-exile in Europe. The other provinces did not recognize Lavalle as the legitimate governor, supported the rosista resistance instead. Lavalle would be defeated a short time at the Battle of Márquez Bridge by the forces of Juan Manuel de Rosas and Santa Fe governor Estanislao López. López returned to his province, menaced by Unitarian José María Paz. Meanwhile, Rosas forced him to resign with the Cañuelas pact. Juan José Viamonte was designated as interim governor, the legislature, removed during Lavalle's coup d'état was restored; this legislature would elect Rosas as the governor. Lavalle retired to the Banda Oriental. During the French blockade to the Río de la Plata, Fructuoso Rivera was reluctant to take military actions against Rosas, aware of his strength. Unitarians, who thought that the whole Argentine Confederation would rise against Rosas at the first chance, urged Lavalle to lead the attack, who requested not to share command with Rivera.
As a result, they led both their own armies. His imminent attack was backed up by conspiracies in Buenos Aires, which were discovered and aborted by the Mazorca. Manuel Vicente Maza and his son were among the perpetrators, were executed as a result. Pedro Castelli organized an ill-fated uprising against Rosas, was executed as well. Rosas did not wait to be attacked and ordered Pascual Echagüe to cross the Paraná river and take the fight to Uruguay; the Uruguayan armies split: Rivera returned to defend Montevideo, Lavalle moved to Entre Ríos Province. He expected that the local populations would join him against Rosas and increase his forces, but he found severe resistance, so he moved instead to Corrientes Province. Governor Pedro Ferré defeated López, Rivera defeated Pascual Echagüe, clearing for Lavalle the way to Buenos Aires. However, by that point France had given up its trust on the effectiveness of the blockade, as what was thought it would be an easy and short conflict was turning into a long war, without clear security of a final victory.
France cut its financial support to Lavalle. He didn't find help at local towns either, there was widespread desertion among his ranks. Buenos Aires was ready to resist his military attack, but the lack of support forced him to give up and retire from the battlefield, without starting any battle. Persecuted, his troops suffered constant attacks and Lavalle was forced to move further north, being defeated by Manuel Oribe in La Rioja and Tucumán. Escaping with a small group of 200 men, he was accidentally shot by a Montonera detachment which spread-shot a reputed Unitarian's house, not realizing that Juan Lavalle, the chief of the Unitarians, was staying there; this occurred in 1841 in San Salvador de Jujuy. Afraid that his body would be desecrated by the Federales, his followers fled to Bolivia carrying Lavalle's decomposing remains with them. Hurrying over the Humahuaca pass, they decided to strip the skeleton by boiling it and, after burying the flesh in an unmarked grave, carry the bones, which are today buried at the La Recoleta Cemetery in Buenos Aires.
A statue of the general standing on top of a long, slender column, commemorates the figure of Lavalle at Plaza Lavalle in Buenos Aires. The classic source on Lavalle is "History of Arg
Argentine War of Independence
The Argentine War of Independence was fought from 1810 to 1818 by Argentine patriotic forces under Manuel Belgrano, Juan José Castelli and José de San Martín against royalist forces loyal to the Spanish crown. On July 9, 1816, an assembly met in San Miguel de Tucumán, declared full independence with provisions for a national constitution; the territory of modern Argentina was part of the Spanish Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata, with its capital city in Buenos Aires, seat of government of the Spanish viceroy. Modern Uruguay and Bolivia were part of the viceroyalty, began their push for autonomy during the conflict, becoming independent states afterwards; the vast area of the territory and slow communications led most populated areas to become isolated from each other. The wealthiest regions of the viceroyalty were in Upper Peru. Salta and Córdoba had closer ties with Upper Peru than with Buenos Aires. Mendoza in the west had closer ties with the Captaincy General of Chile, although the Andes mountain range was a natural barrier.
Buenos Aires and Montevideo, who had a local rivalry, located in the La Plata Basin, had naval communications allowing them to be more in contact with European ideas and economic advances than the inland populations. Paraguay was isolated from all other regions. In the political structure most authoritative positions were filled by people designated by the Spanish monarchy, most of them Spanish people from Europe known as peninsulares, without strong compromises for American problems or interests; this created a growing rivalry between the Criollos, white people born in Latin America, the peninsulares, Spanish people who arrived from Europe. Despite the fact that all of them were considered Spanish, that there was no legal distinction between Criollos and Peninsulares, most Criollos thought that Peninsulares had undue weight in political matters; the ideas of the American and French Revolutions, the Age of Enlightenment, promoted desires of social change among the criollos. The full prohibition imposed by Spain to trade with other nations was seen as damaging to the viceroyalty's economy.
The population of Buenos Aires was militarized during the British invasions of the Río de la Plata, part of the Anglo-Spanish War. Buenos Aires was captured in 1806, liberated by Santiago de Liniers with forces from Montevideo. Fearing a counter-attack, all the population of Buenos Aires capable of bearing arms was arranged in military bodies, including slaves. A new British attack in 1807 captured Montevideo, but was defeated in Buenos Aires, forced to leave the viceroyalty; the viceroy Rafael de Sobremonte was deposed by the criollos during the conflict, the Regiment of Patricians became a influential force in local politics after the end of the British threat. The transfer of the Portuguese Court to Brazil generated military concern, it was feared that the British would launch a third attack, this time allied with Portugal. However, no military conflict took place, as when the Peninsular War started Britain and Portugal became allies of Spain against France; when the Spanish king Ferdinand VII was captured, his sister Carlota Joaquina sought to rule in the Americas as regent, but nothing came out of it because of the lack of support from both the Spanish Americans and the British.
Javier de Elío created a Junta in Montevideo and Martín de Álzaga sought to make a similar move by organizing a mutiny in Buenos Aires, but the local military forces intervened and thwarted it. Spain appointed a new viceroy, Baltasar Hidalgo de Cisneros, Liniers handed the government to him without resistance, despite the proposals of the military to reject him; the military conflict in Spain worsened by 1810. The city of Seville had been invaded by French armies, which were dominating most of the Iberian Peninsula; the Junta of Seville was disestablished, several members fled to Cádiz, the last portion of Spain still resisting. They established a Council of Regency, with political tendencies closer to absolutism than the former Junta; this began the May Revolution in Buenos Aires, as soon. Several citizens thought that Cisneros, appointed by the disestablished Junta, did not have the right to rule anymore, requested the convening of an open cabildo to discuss the fate of the local government.
The military gave their support to the request. The discussion ruled the removal of viceroy Cisneros and his replacement with a government junta, but the cabildo attempted to keep Cisneros in power by appointing him president of such junta. Further demonstrations ensued, the Junta was forced to resign immediately, it was replaced by the Primera Junta. Buenos Aires requested the other cities in the viceroyalty to acknowledge the new Junta and send deputies; the precise purpose of these deputies, join the Junta or create a congress, was unclear at the time and generated political disputes later. The Junta was resisted by all the main locations around Buenos Aires: Córdoba, Montevideo and the Upper Peru. Santiago de Liniers came out of his retirement in Córdoba and organized an army to capture Buenos Aires, Montevideo had naval supremacy over the city, Vicente Nieto organized the actions at the Upper Peru. Nieto proposed to José Fernando de Abascal y Sousa, viceroy of the Viceroyalty of Peru at the North, to annex the Upper Peru to it.
He thought that the revolution could be contained in Buenos Aires, before launching a definitive attack. Buenos Aires was declared a rogue city by the Council of Regency, which appointed Montevideo as capital of the viceroyalty
The Cisplatine War known as the Argentine-Brazilian War, was an armed conflict over an area known as Banda Oriental or the "Eastern Bank" in the 1820s between the United Provinces of the Río de la Plata and the Empire of Brazil in the aftermath of the United Provinces' independence from Spain. Led by José Gervasio Artigas, the region known as the Eastern Bank, in the Río de la Plata Basin, revolted against Spanish rule in 1811, against the backdrop of the 1810 May Revolution in Buenos Aires as well as the regional rebellions that followed in response to Buenos Aires' pretense of primacy over other regions of the viceroyalty. In the same context, the Portuguese Empire headquartered in Rio de Janeiro, took measures to solidify its hold on Rio Grande do Sul and to annex the region of the former Eastern Jesuit Missions. From 1814 on, the Eastern Province joined forces with the provinces of Santa Fe and Entre Rios in a loose confederation called the Federal League, which resisted Buenos Aires' authority.
After a series of banditry incidents in territory claimed by the Portuguese Empire, the Rio Grande do Sul, Portugal invaded the Eastern Bank in 1816. Artigas was defeated by the Luso-Brazilian troops in 1820 at the Battle of Tacuarembó; the Portuguese Empire formally annexed the Eastern Bank, under the name Cisplatina, with support from local elites. With the annexation, the Portuguese Empire now enjoyed strategic access to Río de la Plata and control of the estuary's main port, Montevideo. After Brazilian independence, in 1822, the Cisplatina became part of Brazil, it sent delegates to the 1823 Constitutional Convention and, under the 1824 Constitution, enjoyed a considerable degree of autonomy, more so than other provinces of the Empire. While welcoming Portuguese intervention in the rogue Eastern province, the United Provinces of the Río de la Plata urged the local populace to rise up against Brazilian authority, giving them political and material support with a view to reestablishing sovereignty over the region.
Rebels led by Fructuoso Rivera and Juan Antonio Lavalleja carried on resistance against Brazilian rule. In 1825, a Congress of delegates from all over the Eastern Bank met in La Florida and declared independence from Brazil, while reaffirming its allegiance to the United Provinces of the Río de la Plata. In response, Brazil declared war on the United Provinces; the two navies which confronted each other in the River Plate and the South Atlantic were in many way opposites. Brazil was a major naval power with 96 warships and small, an extensive coastal trade and a large international trade carried on in British and American ships; the United Provinces of the Río de la Plata had similar international trading links but had few naval pretensions. Its navy consisted of a few gunboats for port defence. Both navies were short of indigenous sailors and relied on British - and, to a lesser extent - American and French officers and men, the most notable of which were the Argentine commander, the Irish born Admiral William Brown, the commander of the Brazilian inshore squadron, the English Commodore James Norton.
The strategy of the two nations reflected their respective positions. The Brazilians imposed a blockade on the River Plate and the trade of Buenos Aires, while the Argentines vainly attempted to defy the blockade using Brown’s squadron while unleashing a swarm of privateers to attack Brazilian seaborne commerce in the South Atlantic from their bases at Ensenada and more distant Carmen de Patagones; the Argentines gained some notable successes - most notably by defeating the Brazilian flotilla on the Uruguay River at the Battle of Juncal and by beating off a Brazilian attack on Carmen de Patagones. But by 1828, the superior numbers of Brazil’s blockading squadrons had destroyed Brown’s naval force at the Monte Santiago and was strangling the trade of Buenos Aires and the government revenue it generated. On land, the Argentine army crossed the River Plate and established its headquarters near the Uruguayan town of Durazno. General Carlos María de Alvear invaded a series of skirmishes followed.
Pedro I of Brazil planned a counteroffensive by late 1826, managed to gather a small army composed of Southern Brazil volunteers and European mercenaries. The recruiting effort was hampered by local rebellions throughout Brazil, which forced the Emperor to relinquish direct command of his Army, return to Rio de Janeiro and bestow command of the troops on Felisberto Caldeira Brant, Marquis of Barbacena; the Brazilian counteroffensive was stopped at the inconclusive Battle of Ituzaingó. While Brazilian troops were prevented from marching on to Buenos Aires, Argentine troops no longer managed to operate in Brazilian territory. Ituzaingó was the only battle of some magnitude in the whole war. A series of smaller clashes ensued, including the Battle of Sarandí, the naval Battles of Juncal and Monte Santiago. Scarcity of volunteers hampered the Brazilian response, by 1828 the war effort had become burdensome and unpopular in Brazil; that year, Rivera reconquered the territory of the former Eastern Jesuit Missions.
Battle of Sarandí: October 12, 1825 Battle of Ituzaingó: February 20, 1827 Battle of Juncal: February 8–9, 1827 Battle of Monte Santiago: April 7–8, 1827 The stalemate in the Cisplatine War was caused by the inability of the Argentine and Uruguayan land forces to capture major cities in Uruguay and Brazil, the severe economic consequences imposed by the Brazilian blockade of Buenos Aires, the lack of manpower for a full-scale Brazilian la
Anglo-French blockade of the Río de la Plata
The Anglo-French blockade of the Río de la Plata was a five-year-long naval blockade imposed by France and Britain on the Argentine Confederation ruled by Juan Manuel de Rosas. It was imposed in 1845 to support the Colorado Party in the Uruguayan Civil War and closed Buenos Aires to naval commerce; the Anglo-French navy trespassed into Argentina’s internal waters to sell their products, as Rosas maintained a protectionist policy to improve the weak Argentine economy. Both Britain and France gave in, signing treaties in 1849 and 1850 acknowledging the Argentine sovereignty over its rivers. Buenos Aires faced the French blockade of the Río de la Plata between 1838 and 1840; the Peru–Bolivian Confederation, allied with France, declared the War of the Confederation on Argentina and Chile. Rosas resisted the blockade longer than France estimated he would do, his strategy of generating disputes between France and England over the blockade bore fruit. France lifted the blockade in 1840, exchanging mutual most favoured nation status between her and the Argentine Confederation.
Unable to deploy French troops during the blockade, France promoted civil wars against Rosas to support the naval actions. For this purpose, France aided Fructuoso Rivera against the Uruguayan president Manuel Oribe, forced to resign. Oribe escaped to Buenos Aires, Rosas received him as the legitimate president of Uruguay, denying such recognition to Rivera; this started the Uruguayan Civil War, where the Blancos sought to restore Oribe in power and the Colorados to keep Rivera. As Rivera was hesitant to attack Rosas as the French expected, the Argentine expatriate Juan Lavalle was convinced to do so, but his army bolstered by French troops was weakened by desertions and hostility from the local population on their march to Buenos Aires, French monetary support was curtailed, as France conducted negotiated peace with Rosas by that time. Lavalle's army retreated to the north without attacking Buenos Aires as intended. Rivera's ambition was to expand the borders of Uruguay, annexing Paraguay, the Argentine Mesopotamia and the Riograndense Republic, into a projected Federation of Uruguay.
The Argentine José María Paz, allied with Rivera against Rosas, was against this project. Rivera took control of Paz's forces, but without his superior military training, he was defeated by Oribe at the battle of Arroyo Grande. Rivera's project never got off the ground, he was forced to stand in Montevideo against Oribe's siege. Brazil proposed a military alliance to Rosas: Rosas would take Uruguay with Brazilian support, Brazil would take the Riograndese Republic with Argentine support. Tomás Guido, Argentine representative in Brazil, supported the proposal. Rosas thought that such treaty would violate the Uruguayan sovereignty, that it would be null if Oribe was not part of it. Honório Carneiro Leão, representative of Brazil, did not accept Rosas's alternative proposal, Brazil distanced from Argentina. Britain did not have great interests at stake in Buenos Aires; the purpose of the war was to foster the Entente cordiale with France, so as to make possible joint military operations elsewhere, such as the Opium War or the protection of the independence of the Republic of Texas.
The British interests in South America grew when Texas was annexed by the United States. Texas supplied Britain with cotton, the British calculated that it would be easier to secure cotton sources in South America rather than waging war with the powerful United States. Britain republished many Uruguayan libels against Rosas, such as the Blood tables, so that people supported military action against him; as there was a strong British religious tradition, Rosas was accused of replacing the crosses of churches with his portrait, persecuting religion, killing priests. Two influential French politicians of the time were the foreign minister François Guizot and the nationalist Adolphe Thiers. Thiers proposed, he explained his opinion with three main reasons and an accessory one: humanity, international law and expansion of commerce. He viewed Rosas as a ruthless dictator. Although Montevideo was not a French colony, he referred to it as such due to its high population of French Basques, he considered that Rosas would be in contravention of the 4th article of the Mackau-Arana treaty by attempting to impose an Argentine president on it.
The expansion of commerce was not mentioned as a main reason, as Rosist protectionist policy limited but did not forbid French imports. Guizot rejected these ideas, he did not consider that Rosas contravened the Mackau-Arana treaty because the Confederation was not at war with Uruguay, but was supporting one Uruguayan faction against the other. He did not think that the French economy could be further benefited by taking action in La Plata, nor that it was workable to keep a colony in the zone. In respect to humanitarian reasons, he dismissed the purported Rosist crimes because they were based on reports by the Unitarian Florencio Varela, who had no reputation as an impartial reporter. However, Guitoz agreed to the proposal, in order to foster an alliance with Britain and reduce the popular acclaim of Thiers. Brazilian viscount Miguel Calmon du Pin e Almeida met the British Lord Aberdeen, to request that Brazil join Britain and France in the action against
Argentine Civil Wars
The Argentine Civil Wars were a series of civil wars that took place in Argentina from 1814 to 1880. These conflicts were separate from the Argentine War of Independence, though they first arose during this period; the main antagonists were, on a geographical level, Buenos Aires Province against the other provinces of modern Argentina, on a political level, the Federal Party versus the Unitarian Party. The central cause of the conflict was the excessive centralism advanced by Buenos Aires leaders and, for a long period, the monopoly on the use of the Port of Buenos Aires as the sole means for international commerce. Other participants at specific times included Uruguay, which became independent from the United Provinces of Río de la Plata in 1828, the British and French empires, notably in the French blockade of the Río de la Plata of 1838 and in the Anglo-French blockade of the Río de la Plata that ended in 1850. Regionalism had long marked the relationship among the numerous provinces of what today is Argentina, the wars of independence did not result in national unity.
The establishment of the League of the Free Peoples by the Banda Oriental Province, Entre Ríos Province, Corrientes Province, Misiones Province, Córdoba Province, in June 1814 marked the first formal rupture in the United Provinces of South America, created by the 1810 May Revolution. The Battle of Cepeda thwarted the goal of Buenos Aires leaders to govern the country under the Argentine Constitution of 1819, following a series of disorders and a short-lived Constitutional Republic led by Buenos Aires centralist Bernardino Rivadavia in 1826 and 1827, the United Provinces established in 1810 again became divided, the Province of Buenos Aires would emerge as the most powerful among the numerous semi-independent states. An understanding was entered into by Buenos Aires Governor Juan Manuel de Rosas and other Federalist leaders out of need and a shared enmity toward the still vigorous Unitarian Party, who advocated differing forms of centralized government; the latter's 1830 establishment of the Unitarian League by Córdoba leader José María Paz from nine western and northern provinces thus forced Buenos Aires and Entre Ríos Provinces into the Federal Pact of 1831, following which the Unitarian League was dismantled.
The Buenos Aires leader deposed by Rosas in 1829, General Juan Lavalle led a series of rebellions with different alliances against Rosas and the Federal Pact until Lavalle's defeat and assassination in 1841. Since the fall of Rivadavia and the lack of a proper head of state there was a dynamic whereby leaders from the hinterland provinces would delegate certain powers, such as foreign debt payment or the management of international relations to the Buenos Aires leader. In addition, Rosas was granted the sum of public power; these powers enabled Rosas to participate in the protracted Uruguayan Civil War in favor of Manuel Oribe, though unsuccessfully. The Argentine Confederation thus functioned, albeit amid ongoing conflicts, until the 1852 Battle of Caseros, when Rosas was deposed and exiled; the central figure in the overthrow of Rosas, Entre Ríos Governor Justo José de Urquiza, failed to secure Buenos Aires' ratification of the 1852 San Nicolás Agreement, following the Revolution of 11 September 1852, the State of Buenos Aires was declared.
The secessionist state rejected the 1853 Constitution of Argentina, promulgated its own the following year. The most contentious issue remained the Buenos Aires Customs, which remained under the control of the city government and was the chief source of public revenue. Nations with which the Confederation maintained foreign relations, kept all embassies in Buenos Aires; the State of Buenos Aires was bolstered by its numerous alliances in the hinterland, including that of Santiago del Estero Province, as well as among powerful Unitarian Party governors in Salta, Tucumán and San Juan. The 1858 assassination of San Juan's Federalist governor, Nazario Benavídez, by Unitarians inflamed tensions between the Confederation and the State of Buenos Aires, as did a free trade agreement between the chief Confederate port and the Port of Montevideo, which undermined Buenos Aires trade; the election of the intransigent Valentín Alsina further exacerbated disputes, which culminated in the Battle of Cepeda.
Buenos Aires forces, led by General Bartolomé Mitre, were defeated by those led by the President of Argentina, Justo José de Urquiza. Ordered to subjugate Buenos Aires separatists by force, Urquiza instead invited the defeated to a round of negotiations, secured the Pact of San José de Flores, which provided for a number of constitutional amendments and led to other concessions, including an extension on the province's customs house concession and measures benefiting the Bank of the Province of Buenos Aires, whose currency was authorized for use as legal tender at the customs house. Mitre abrogated the Pact of San José, leading to renewed civil war; these hostilities culminated in the 1861 Battle of Pavón, to victory on the part of Mitre and Buenos Aires over Urquiza's national forces. President Santiago Derqui, backed by Urquiza, resigned on November 4, 1861. Mitre, who despite victory reaffirmed his commitment to the 1860 constitutional amendments, was elected the republic's first president in 1862.
President Mitre instituted a limited suffrage electoral system known as the voto cantad
Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata
The Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata was the last to be organized and the shortest-lived of the Viceroyalties of the Spanish Empire in America. The Viceroyalty was established in 1776 from several former Viceroyalty of Perú dependencies that extended over the Río de la Plata Basin the present-day territories of Argentina, Bolivia and Uruguay, extending inland from the Atlantic Coast; the colony of Spanish Guinea depended administratively on the Viceroyalty of Rio de la Plata. Buenos Aires, located on the western shore of the Río de la Plata estuary flowing into the Atlantic Ocean, opposite the Portuguese outpost of Colonia del Sacramento, was chosen as the capital. Considered one of the late Bourbon Reforms, the organization of this viceroyalty was motivated on both commercial grounds, as well as on security concerns brought about by the growing interest of competing foreign powers in the area; the Spanish Crown wanted to protect its territory against the Kingdom of Portugal. But these Enlightenment reforms proved counterproductive, or too late, to quell the colonies' demands.
The entire history of this Viceroyalty was marked by growing domestic unrest and political instability. Between 1780 and 1782, the Rebellion of Túpac Amaru II inspired a violent Aymara-led revolt across the Upper Peru highlands, demonstrating the great resentment against colonial authorities by both the mestizo and indigenous populations. Twenty-five years the Criollos, native-born people of the colony defended against two successive British attempts to conquer Buenos Aires and Montevideo; this enhanced their sense of power at a time when Spanish troops were unable to help. In 1809, the Criollo elite revolted against colonial authorities at La Paz and Chuquisaca, establishing revolutionary governments, juntas. Although short-lived, these provided a theoretical basis for the legitimacy of the locally based governments, which proved decisive at the 1810 May Revolution events deposing Viceroy Cisneros at Buenos Aires; the revolution spread except for Paraguay and Upper Peru. Meanwhile, the Governor of Montevideo Francisco Javier de Elío, appointed as a new Viceroy by the Cortes of Cádiz in 1811, declared the Buenos Aires Junta seditious.
However, after being defeated at Las Piedras, he retained control only of Colonia del Sacramento and Montevideo. He departed by ship to Spain on 18 November and resigned as Viceroy in January 1812. By 1814, as the revolutionary patriots entered Montevideo, following a two-year-long siege, the Viceroyalty was finished as government of the region. In 1680, Manuel Lobo, Portuguese governor of Rio de Janeiro, created the Department of Colonia and founded Colónia do Sacramento; the fort was developed as the department's capital. Lobo's chief objective was to secure the Portuguese expansion of Brazil beyond the 1494 Treaty of Tordesillas, which had defined areas of influence in the Americas between the Iberian nations. From 1580 to 1640, Spain had controlled Portugal and thus all of its territories in America. In 1681 José de Garro attacked and seized the new fort for Spain. On 7 May 1681, under the Provisional Treaty of Lisbon, it was ceded to Portugal; the Viceroyalty of Peru was requiring all commerce to go through the port of Lima, on the Pacific Ocean.
This policy failed to develop the potential of Buenos Aires as an Atlantic port, adding months to the transport of goods and commodities in each direction. It resulted in encouraging widespread contraband activities in the eastern region in Asunción, Buenos Aires and Montevideo. Under these conditions, Viceroy Manuel de Amat y Junyent issued a decree for the former Governor of the Río de la Plata Pedro Antonio de Cevallos to found the new viceroyalty in August 1776; the ruling was resisted by the elite of Lima. The Cabildo of the Captaincy General of Chile requested the King be excluded from the new viceroyalty, accepted; the Cuyo region, with its main city Mendoza, was split from the Captaincy General of Chile. Leaders in Santiago resented this action as the Cuyo region had been settled by Spanish colonists from Chile; the Portuguese prime minister Marquis of Pombal encouraged the occupation of territory, awarded to the Spanish in the Treaty of Paris, following the British defeat of France in the Seven Years' War.
King Charles III reacted to the advantageous conditions: France was bound to be an ally as a guarantor of the treaty, Great Britain, due to its own colonial problems with revolution in the Thirteen Colonies in North America, maintained neutrality on the issues between Portugal and Spain. Pedro de Cevallos conquered Colonia del Sacramento and the Santa Catarina islands after a siege of three days, gaining the First Treaty of San Ildefonso. With it, the Portuguese left the Banda Oriental for Spain. In exchange Spain ceded them the area of Rio Grande do Sul. Cevallos ended his military actions at this point and started working with government, but he was soon replaced by Juan José Vertiz y Salcedo; the viceroyalty was tasked with promoting local production of linen and hemp as export commodity crops, to supply the Spanish cloth industries that the Bourbons sought to favor. The conditions imposed by Spain on
Head of state
A head of state is the public persona who represents the national unity and legitimacy of a sovereign state. Depending on the country's form of government and separation of powers, the head of state may be a ceremonial figurehead or concurrently the head of government. In a parliamentary system the head of state is the de jure leader of the nation, there is a separate de facto leader with the title of prime minister. In contrast, a semi-presidential system has both heads of state and government as the leaders de facto of the nation. In countries with parliamentary systems, the head of state is a ceremonial figurehead who does not guide day-to-day government activities or is not empowered to exercise any kind of political authority. In countries where the head of state is the head of government, the head of state serves as both a public figurehead and the highest-ranking political leader who oversees the executive branch. Former French president Charles de Gaulle, while developing the current Constitution of France, said that the head of state should embody l'esprit de la nation.
Some academic writers discuss states and governments in terms of "models". An independent nation state has a head of state, determines the extent of its head's executive powers of government or formal representational functions. In protocolary terms, the head of a sovereign, independent state is identified as the person who, according to that state's constitution, is the reigning monarch, in the case of a monarchy, or the president, in the case of a republic. Among the different state constitutions that establish different political systems, four major types of heads of state can be distinguished: The parliamentary system, with three subset models; the non-executive model, in which the head of state has either none or limited executive powers, has a ceremonial and symbolic role. The Parliamentary-Presidential model, or South African Method, where Parliament chooses the President, who acts as both Head of State and Head of Government; some argue this is unfair, becouse citizens dont get a direct say in their executive leadership.
However, this method makes it impossible for a dictator to come to power. The semi-presidential system, in which the head of state shares key executive powers with a head of government or cabinet. In a federal constituent or a dependent territory, the same role is fulfilled by the holder of an office corresponding to that of a head of state. For example, in each Canadian province the role is fulfilled by the Lieutenant Governor, whereas in most British Overseas Territories the powers and duties are performed by the Governor; the same applies to Indian states, etc.. Hong Kong's constitutional document, the Basic Law, for example, specifies the Chief Executive as the head of the special administrative region, in addition to their role as the head of government; these non-sovereign-state heads have limited or no role in diplomatic affairs, depending on the status and the norms and practices of the territories concerned. In parliamentary systems the head of state may be the nominal chief executive officer, heading the executive branch of the state, possessing limited executive power.
In reality, following a process of constitutional evolution, powers are only exercised by direction of a cabinet, presided over by a head of government, answerable to the legislature. This accountability and legitimacy requires that someone be chosen who has a majority support in the legislature, it gives the legislature the right to vote down the head of government and their cabinet, forcing it either to resign or seek a parliamentary dissolution. The executive branch is thus said to be responsible to the legislature, with the head of government and cabinet in turn accepting constitutional responsibility for offering constitutional advice to the head of state. In parliamentary constitutional monarchies, the legitimacy of the unelected head of state derives from the tacit approval of the people via the elected representatives. Accordingly, at the time of the Glorious Revolution, the English parliament acted of its own authority to name a new king and queen. In monarchies with a written constitution, the position of monarch is a creature of the constitution and could quite properly be abolished through a democratic procedure of constitutional amendment, although there are significant procedural hurdles imposed on such a procedure.
In republics with a parliamentary system the head of state is titled president and the principal functions of such presidents are ceremonial and symbolic, as opposed to the presidents in a presidential or semi-presidential system. In reality, numerous variants exist to the position of a head of state within a parliamentary system; the older the cons