December 2001 riots in Argentina
The December 2001 crisis, sometimes known as the Argentinazo, was a period of civil unrest and rioting in Argentina, which took place during December 2001, with the most violent incidents taking place on 19 and 20 December in the capital, Buenos Aires and other large cities around the country. It was preceded by a popular revolt against the Argentine government, rallying behind the motto "All of them must go!", which caused the resignation of then-president Fernando de la Rúa, giving way to a period of political instability during which five government officials performed the duties of the Argentinian presidency. This period of instability occurred during the larger period of crisis known as the Argentine great depression, an economic and social crisis that lasted from 1998 until 2002; the December 2001 crisis was a direct response to the government's imposition of "Corral" policies at the behest of economic minister Domingo Cavallo, which restricted people's ability to withdraw cash from banks.
Rioting and protests became widespread on 19 December 2001 following the president's declaration of a state of emergency and his resignation on the following day. A state of extreme institutional instability continued for the next twelve days, during which the successor president Adolfo Rodríguez Saá resigned as well. While the degree of instability subsided, the events of December 2001 would become a blow against the legitimacy of the Argentine government that would persist for the following years; the majority of the participants in the protests were unaffiliated with any political party or organization. Over the course of the protests, 39 people were killed by security forces. Of the 39 killed, nine were minors, an indication of the degree of repression ordered by the government to oppose the protests. Fernando de la Rúa, as the candidate for the Alliance for Work and Education, had assumed the role of president in December of 1999 in the middle of a recession, caused in part by the Convertibility plan passed in 1991 which pegged the value of the Argentine peso to the United States dollar.
While political reforms under the previous president Carlos Menem had succeeded in reducing inflation, the downsides of his economic policies became more and more apparent starting in 1997. Maintaining the convertibility of pesos to dollars required the government of Argentina to obtain an abundant supply of American dollars. At first, this supply was maintained by the privatization of nearly all of the Argentinian state's industries and pension funds; as the privatization process was completed, Argentina's agriculture export-based economy was unable to maintain a sufficient flow of dollars to the state, the system began to require more and more sovereign debt. One of the key factors leading to the victory of the Alliance in the 1999 elections was its promise to uphold the convertibility plan. One of de la Rúa's campaign slogans declared "With me, one peso, one dollar". Despite a changing international economic situation, mounting demands for increased monetary sovereignty, the Alliance committed itself to maintain the status quo at all costs.
De la Rúa's political situation was precarious. His arrival to power in 1999 had been possible thanks to the Alliance for Work and Education, a coalition formed by the Radical Civic Union and the FrePaSo, which managed to defeat the incumbent Justicialist Party in that year's presidential elections. However, the Alliance failed to achieve a majority in the Senate and the Chamber of Deputies, lost the provincial elections to the Peronists, who remained in charge of large and critical districts such as the Buenos Aires, Córdoba and Santa Fe provinces; the government coalition was strained from the first moment. In late 2000 a political scandal broke out when it was reported that SIDE, Argentina's intelligence service, had paid massive bribes to a number of senators to approve a controversial Labor Reform Act; the head of SIDE, Fernando de Santibañes, was a personal friend of De la Rúa. The crisis came to a head on October 2000 when Vice President Carlos Álvarez resigned, citing De la Rúa's unwillingness to tackle corruption.
De la Rúa's economic policies suffered a severe blow in March 2001 when Economy Minister José Luis Machinea resigned from office. He was replaced by the then-Defense Minister Ricardo López Murphy, who himself was forced to resign following negative reception to his shock program. After only two weeks in office, López Murphy was replaced by Domingo Cavallo, who had served as Economy Minister between 1991 and 1996, and, the original author of the Convertibility plan during Menem's presidency; because of the worsening economic situation and mounting foreign debt, the government enacted two enormous campaigns of debt-expansion and refinancing under the supervision of the International Monetary Fund, named "The armoring" and "The Megaexchange" respectively. From the first moment, there were allegations of corruption and money laundering about the megacanje; the crisis caused the resignation of all the FrePaSo Cabin
Argentina the Argentine Republic, is a country located in the southern half of South America. Sharing the bulk of the Southern Cone with Chile to the west, the country is bordered by Bolivia and Paraguay to the north, Brazil to the northeast and the South Atlantic Ocean to the east, the Drake Passage to the south. With a mainland area of 2,780,400 km2, Argentina is the eighth-largest country in the world, the fourth largest in the Americas, the largest Spanish-speaking nation; the sovereign state is subdivided into twenty-three provinces and one autonomous city, Buenos Aires, the federal capital of the nation as decided by Congress. The provinces and the capital exist under a federal system. Argentina claims sovereignty over part of Antarctica, the Falkland Islands, South Georgia and the South Sandwich Islands; the earliest recorded human presence in modern-day Argentina dates back to the Paleolithic period. The Inca Empire expanded to the northwest of the country in Pre-Columbian times; the country has its roots in Spanish colonization of the region during the 16th century.
Argentina rose as the successor state of the Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata, a Spanish overseas viceroyalty founded in 1776. The declaration and fight for independence was followed by an extended civil war that lasted until 1861, culminating in the country's reorganization as a federation of provinces with Buenos Aires as its capital city; the country thereafter enjoyed relative peace and stability, with several waves of European immigration radically reshaping its cultural and demographic outlook. The almost-unparalleled increase in prosperity led to Argentina becoming the seventh wealthiest nation in the world by the early 20th century. Following the Great Depression in the 1930s, Argentina descended into political instability and economic decline that pushed it back into underdevelopment, though it remained among the fifteen richest countries for several decades. Following the death of President Juan Perón in 1974, his widow, Isabel Martínez de Perón, ascended to the presidency, she was overthrown in 1976 by a U.
S.-backed coup which installed a right-wing military dictatorship. The military government persecuted and murdered numerous political critics and leftists in the Dirty War, a period of state terrorism that lasted until the election of Raúl Alfonsín as President in 1983. Several of the junta's leaders were convicted of their crimes and sentenced to imprisonment. Argentina is a prominent regional power in the Southern Cone and Latin America, retains its historic status as a middle power in international affairs. Argentina has the second largest economy in South America, the third-largest in Latin America, membership in the G-15 and G-20 major economies, it is a founding member of the United Nations, World Bank, World Trade Organization, Union of South American Nations, Community of Latin American and Caribbean States and the Organization of Ibero-American States. Despite its history of economic instability, it ranks second highest in the Human Development Index in Latin America; the description of the country by the word Argentina has been found on a Venetian map in 1536.
In English the name "Argentina" comes from the Spanish language, however the naming itself is not Spanish, but Italian. Argentina means in Italian " of silver, silver coloured" borrowed from the Old French adjective argentine " of silver" > "silver coloured" mentioned in the 12th century. The French word argentine is the feminine form of argentin and derives from argent "silver" with the suffix -in; the Italian naming "Argentina" for the country implies Terra Argentina "land of silver" or Costa Argentina "coast of silver". In Italian, the adjective or the proper noun is used in an autonomous way as a substantive and replaces it and it is said l'Argentina; the name Argentina was first given by the Venetian and Genoese navigators, such as Giovanni Caboto. In Spanish and Portuguese, the words for "silver" are plata and prata and " of silver" is said plateado and prateado. Argentina was first associated with the silver mountains legend, widespread among the first European explorers of the La Plata Basin.
The first written use of the name in Spanish can be traced to La Argentina, a 1602 poem by Martín del Barco Centenera describing the region. Although "Argentina" was in common usage by the 18th century, the country was formally named "Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata" by the Spanish Empire, "United Provinces of the Río de la Plata" after independence; the 1826 constitution included the first use of the name "Argentine Republic" in legal documents. The name "Argentine Confederation" was commonly used and was formalized in the Argentine Constitution of 1853. In 1860 a presidential decree settled the country's name as "Argentine Republic", that year's constitutional amendment ruled all the names since 1810 as valid. In the English language the country was traditionally called "the Argentine", mimicking the typical Spanish usage la Argentina and resulting from a mistaken shortening of the fuller name'Argentine Republic'.'The Argentine' fell out of fashion during the mid-to-late 20th century, now the country is referred to as "Argentina".
In the Spanish language "Argentina" is feminine, taking the feminine article "La" as the i
United Provinces of the Rio de la Plata
The United Provinces of the Río de la Plata, earlier known as the United Provinces of South America, a union of provinces in the Río de la Plata region of South America, emerged from the May Revolution in 1810 and the Argentine War of Independence of 1810–1818. It comprised most of the former Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata dependencies and had Buenos Aires as its capital, it is best known in Spanish-language literature as Provincias Unidas del Río de la Plata, this being the most common name in use for the country until the enactment of the 1826 Constitution. The Argentine National Anthem refers to the state as "the United Provinces of the South"; the Constitution of Argentina recognises Provincias Unidas del Río de la Plata as one of the official names of the country, referred to as "Argentine Nation" in modern legislation. The United Provinces of South America were bordered on the south by the sparsely populated territories of the Pampas and Patagonia, home to the Mapuche and Puelche peoples.
To the north, the Gran Chaco was populated by the Guaycuru nations. To the northwest, across the Upper Peru, lay the Spanish Viceroyalty of Perú. Across the Andes, to the west, was the Spanish-controlled Captaincy General of Chile. To the northeast was Colonial Brazil, a part of the Portuguese Empire the Empire of Brazil in 1821; the change from the Viceroyalty into the United Provinces was not a change of governors, but a revolutionary process that would replace the absolutist monarchy with a republic. The main influences in this were the Enlightenment in Spain, promoting new ideas, the Peninsular War that left Spain without a legitimate king after the Abdications of Bayonne; the concept of separation of powers became a tool to prevent despotism. The new political situation generated great political conflict between the cities for two reasons. First, the vacatio regis removed the sovereignty from the King of Spain, but there was no clear view about who and how would be able to claim such sovereignty.
Some people thought that it passed to other offices of the Spanish monarchy, while others held the notion of the retroversion of the sovereignty to the people: sovereignty returned to the people, who had now the right to self-governance. The vertical organization of the absolutist monarchy was compromised as well. Patriots thought that all cities, both in Spain and in the Americas, had the right to self-government, whereas Royalists assigned that right only to cities in European Spain, holding that the Americas should stay subject to the new government that Spain would provide; the other source of conflict was the nature of the new governments, which declared themselves to be provisional during the King's absence but were making strong changes in the political organization. Unlike the First Republic of Venezuela, which declared independence early on, the United Provinces were faced with the inconsistency of acting like an independent state without having declared such independence; the United Provinces of the Río de la Plata were established through a lengthy process that started in May 1810, when the citizens and militias of Buenos Aires, the capital city of the Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata, ousted the Spanish Viceroy Baltasar Hidalgo de Cisneros in the May Revolution.
Although there was not a formal declaration of independence at the time, the government that emerged from the revolution declared loyalty to the deposed king Ferdinand VII, in fact it attempted to reorganise the social and economic structures of the Viceroyalty. As it faced immediate resistance in some quarters, the revolution soon turned to be a War of Independence. In the midst of the war of independence, during the entire 1810-1831 period there were serious conflicts among ever-changing factions regarding the organization of the state and the political aims of the revolutionary governments; these conflicts involved coups d'état, politically motivated trials and imprisonments and developed into an outright civil war. Since the revolution, there were serious conflicts among diverging views regarding the political organization of the provinces. While some advocated a strong and executive central government with little accountability to the regional interests, a position at first favored by the "enlightened" revolutionary and independentist elements, others sought to integrate representatives from the provinces in a larger deliberative assembly.
As the latter position gained the upper hand, the Primera Junta grew to incorporate delegates from the provinces in 1811. However, as it became evident that such an arrangement was not effective enough to lead the war efforts, a triumvirate assumed executive powers while the assembly retained some controlling functions; the Liga Federal, or Liga de los Pueblos Libres, was an alliance of provinces in what is now Argentina and Uruguay, organised under democratic federalist ideals advocated by its leader, José Gervasio Artigas. The government of the United Provinces of South America felt threatened by the growing appeal of the Liga Federal, so they did nothing to repel the incoming Portuguese invasion of Misiones Orientales and the Banda Oriental, the stronghold of Artigas. Brazilian General Carlos Frederico Lecor, thanks to their numerical and material superiority, defea
Arturo Frondizi Ercoli was an Argentine politician and lawyer, President of Argentina from 1 May 1958 until 29 March 1962, for the Intransigent Radical Civic Union, which he led until 1986. Under his program of "Developmentalism", he encouraged increased foreign investment in heavy industry, including motor vehicle production, he was a law professor who became active in left-wing politics as a young man, joining the Radical Civic Union. He was first elected to the Argentine Chamber of Deputies in 1946. In the 1950s he founded the Intransigent Radical Civic Union, he was elected following the military coup d'etat that overthrew Juan Perón, was deposed in turn by a coup in 1962. Frondizi was born in Corrientes Province. Arturo was one of 11 sons; the family relocated to Concepción del Uruguay in 1912, in 1923 to Buenos Aires. Frondizi enrolled in the UBA in 1926. Frondizi graduated from the UBA Law School with honors in 1930, he entered politics following the coup against President Hipólito Yrigoyen, the longtime leader of the centrist UCR, the first Argentine President elected via universal suffrage.
Arrested in 1931, after jail he became an editor of a number of UCR-leaning journals, formally joined the party the following year. He earned a juris doctor in 1932. In July of that year, he was among those, his first case as an attorney was representing 300 political prisoners detained in his native Paso de los Libres for their support of the banned UCR. Frondizi married the former Elena Luisa María Faggionato in 1933, they built a summer cottage in 1935 at the then-secluded seaside resort town of Pinamar. After the birth in 1937 of their daughter, the Frondizis named the cottage Elenita, he led the Argentine League for the Rights of Man, the nation's first recorded human rights organization, upon its founding in 1936. In December of that year, he narrowly escaped an assassination attempt while addressing a crowd. Frondizi drafted a progressive platform alternative for the UCR before the February 1946 elections, he was elected to the Argentine Chamber of Deputies in 1946. He founded the Intransigence and Renewal Movement faction of the UCR, stood for Vice President on Ricardo Balbín's UCR ticket for the 1951 elections.
They lost overwhelmingly to President Juan Perón. Parting ways with Balbin, Frondizi formed an "intransigent" wing of the UCR; the UCRI separated from the more conservative and anti-Perónist Ricardo Balbín at the UCR's 1956 convention. At the time, Perónists included a left-wing element. Perón's government was overturned by a military coup d'état in September 1955, he went into exile in Paraguay. Before the next election, Frondizi's closest collaborator, businessman Rogelio Frigerio, obtained the exiled Perón's endorsement. With support from proscribed Justicialist Party voters, the UCRI won the February 1958 elections; as president, Frondizi struggled with conservative and military interference over much domestic and international policy. Because of economic problems in the country and a steep rise in consumer prices, the military forced him to impose harsh austerity measures in 1959, which resulted in civil unrest. Better able to maneuver after the 1959 recession, Frondizi began to see results from his economic policies.
He tried to lift the electoral ban on Peronism. In addition, he met with Che Guevara and Fidel Castro to aid in mediating their dispute with the United States; this led the military to withdraw their support from his administration, as it opposed leftist populist movements and Communism. In this period, most Perónists feared being associated with left-wing figures, sided with the military in their opposition to the left. Military pressure on Frondizi did not relent, he signed the Conintes Plan in 1960, which banned Communism and suspended civil liberties, but he eschewed doing any implementation. Frondizi tried to negotiate an entente between the U. S. and Cuba with a secret meeting in August 1961 at the Quinta de Olivos residence with the Cuban envoy Che Guevara. The military scuttled any future talks, Frondizi adopted a neutral stance afterwards. In 1962 Frondizi lifted the ban on the Perónist Party, they gained significant victories in the elections in March 1962: notably Andrés Framini was elected as Governor of Buenos Aires Province.
The news triggered a constitutional crisis. Frondizi as president annulled the results of the election, but he was deposed by a coup d'état on March 29, 1962. Frondizi sought to strengthen the economy by solving the main economic problems that had haunted Argentina over the last twenty years; these included insufficiency in oil production, inadequate steel production, the lack of electricity, the insufficiency and obsolescence of transport. He had inherited economic problems from Perón's 1946-55 administration, characterized by budget
Bolivia the Plurinational State of Bolivia is a landlocked country located in western-central South America. The capital is Sucre; the largest city and principal industrial center is Santa Cruz de la Sierra, located on the Llanos Orientales a flat region in the east of Bolivia. The sovereign state of Bolivia is a constitutionally unitary state, divided into nine departments, its geography varies from the peaks of the Andes in the West, to the Eastern Lowlands, situated within the Amazon Basin. It is bordered to the north and east by Brazil, to the southeast by Paraguay, to the south by Argentina, to the southwest by Chile, to the northwest by Peru. One-third of the country is within the Andean mountain range. With 1,098,581 km2 of area, Bolivia is the fifth largest country in South America, the 27th largest in the world and the largest landlocked country in the Southern Hemisphere; the country's population, estimated at 11 million, is multiethnic, including Amerindians, Europeans and Africans.
The racial and social segregation that arose from Spanish colonialism has continued to the modern era. Spanish is the official and predominant language, although 36 indigenous languages have official status, of which the most spoken are Guarani and Quechua languages. Before Spanish colonization, the Andean region of Bolivia was part of the Inca Empire, while the northern and eastern lowlands were inhabited by independent tribes. Spanish conquistadors arriving from Cuzco and Asunción took control of the region in the 16th century. During the Spanish colonial period Bolivia was administered by the Royal Audiencia of Charcas. Spain built its empire in large part upon the silver, extracted from Bolivia's mines. After the first call for independence in 1809, 16 years of war followed before the establishment of the Republic, named for Simón Bolívar. Over the course of the 19th and early 20th century Bolivia lost control of several peripheral territories to neighboring countries including the seizure of its coastline by Chile in 1879.
Bolivia remained politically stable until 1971, when Hugo Banzer led a coup d'état which replaced the socialist government of Juan José Torres with a military dictatorship headed by Banzer. Banzer's regime cracked down on leftist and socialist opposition and other forms of dissent, resulting in the torture and deaths of a number of Bolivian citizens. Banzer was ousted in 1978 and returned as the democratically elected president of Bolivia from 1997 to 2001. Modern Bolivia is a charter member of the UN, IMF, NAM, OAS, ACTO, Bank of the South, ALBA and USAN. For over a decade Bolivia has had one of the highest economic growth rates in Latin America, it is a developing country, with a medium ranking in the Human Development Index, a poverty level of 38.6%, one of the lowest crime rates in Latin America. Its main economic activities include agriculture, fishing and manufacturing goods such as textiles, refined metals, refined petroleum. Bolivia is rich in minerals, including tin and lithium. Bolivia is named after Simón Bolívar, a Venezuelan leader in the Spanish American wars of independence.
The leader of Venezuela, Antonio José de Sucre, had been given the option by Bolívar to either unite Charcas with the newly formed Republic of Peru, to unite with the United Provinces of Rio de la Plata, or to formally declare its independence from Spain as a wholly independent state. Sucre opted to create a brand new state and on 6 August 1825, with local support, named it in honor of Simón Bolívar; the original name was Republic of Bolívar. Some days congressman Manuel Martín Cruz proposed: "If from Romulus comes Rome from Bolívar comes Bolivia"; the name was approved by the Republic on 3 October 1825. In 2009, a new constitution changed the country's official name to "Plurinational State of Bolivia" in recognition of the multi-ethnic nature of the country and the enhanced position of Bolivia's indigenous peoples under the new constitution; the region now known as Bolivia had been occupied for over 2,500 years. However, present-day Aymara associate themselves with the ancient civilization of the Tiwanaku culture which had its capital at Tiwanaku, in Western Bolivia.
The capital city of Tiwanaku dates from as early as 1500 BC when it was a small, agriculturally based village. The community grew to urban proportions between AD 600 and AD 800, becoming an important regional power in the southern Andes. According to early estimates, the city covered 6.5 square kilometers at its maximum extent and had between 15,000 and 30,000 inhabitants. In 1996 satellite imaging was used to map the extent of fossilized suka kollus across the three primary valleys of Tiwanaku, arriving at population-carrying capacity estimates of anywhere between 285,000 and 1,482,000 people. Around AD 400, Tiwanaku went from being a locally dominant force to a predatory state. Tiwanaku expanded its reaches into the Yungas and brought its culture and way of life to many other cultures in Peru and Chile. Tiwanaku was not a violent culture in many respects. In order to expand its reach, Tiwanaku exercised great political astuteness, creating colonies, fostering trade agree
Anglo-French blockade of the Río de la Plata
The Anglo-French blockade of the Río de la Plata was a five-year-long naval blockade imposed by France and Britain on the Argentine Confederation ruled by Juan Manuel de Rosas. It was imposed in 1845 to support the Colorado Party in the Uruguayan Civil War and closed Buenos Aires to naval commerce; the Anglo-French navy trespassed into Argentina’s internal waters to sell their products, as Rosas maintained a protectionist policy to improve the weak Argentine economy. Both Britain and France gave in, signing treaties in 1849 and 1850 acknowledging the Argentine sovereignty over its rivers. Buenos Aires faced the French blockade of the Río de la Plata between 1838 and 1840; the Peru–Bolivian Confederation, allied with France, declared the War of the Confederation on Argentina and Chile. Rosas resisted the blockade longer than France estimated he would do, his strategy of generating disputes between France and England over the blockade bore fruit. France lifted the blockade in 1840, exchanging mutual most favoured nation status between her and the Argentine Confederation.
Unable to deploy French troops during the blockade, France promoted civil wars against Rosas to support the naval actions. For this purpose, France aided Fructuoso Rivera against the Uruguayan president Manuel Oribe, forced to resign. Oribe escaped to Buenos Aires, Rosas received him as the legitimate president of Uruguay, denying such recognition to Rivera; this started the Uruguayan Civil War, where the Blancos sought to restore Oribe in power and the Colorados to keep Rivera. As Rivera was hesitant to attack Rosas as the French expected, the Argentine expatriate Juan Lavalle was convinced to do so, but his army bolstered by French troops was weakened by desertions and hostility from the local population on their march to Buenos Aires, French monetary support was curtailed, as France conducted negotiated peace with Rosas by that time. Lavalle's army retreated to the north without attacking Buenos Aires as intended. Rivera's ambition was to expand the borders of Uruguay, annexing Paraguay, the Argentine Mesopotamia and the Riograndense Republic, into a projected Federation of Uruguay.
The Argentine José María Paz, allied with Rivera against Rosas, was against this project. Rivera took control of Paz's forces, but without his superior military training, he was defeated by Oribe at the battle of Arroyo Grande. Rivera's project never got off the ground, he was forced to stand in Montevideo against Oribe's siege. Brazil proposed a military alliance to Rosas: Rosas would take Uruguay with Brazilian support, Brazil would take the Riograndese Republic with Argentine support. Tomás Guido, Argentine representative in Brazil, supported the proposal. Rosas thought that such treaty would violate the Uruguayan sovereignty, that it would be null if Oribe was not part of it. Honório Carneiro Leão, representative of Brazil, did not accept Rosas's alternative proposal, Brazil distanced from Argentina. Britain did not have great interests at stake in Buenos Aires; the purpose of the war was to foster the Entente cordiale with France, so as to make possible joint military operations elsewhere, such as the Opium War or the protection of the independence of the Republic of Texas.
The British interests in South America grew when Texas was annexed by the United States. Texas supplied Britain with cotton, the British calculated that it would be easier to secure cotton sources in South America rather than waging war with the powerful United States. Britain republished many Uruguayan libels against Rosas, such as the Blood tables, so that people supported military action against him; as there was a strong British religious tradition, Rosas was accused of replacing the crosses of churches with his portrait, persecuting religion, killing priests. Two influential French politicians of the time were the foreign minister François Guizot and the nationalist Adolphe Thiers. Thiers proposed, he explained his opinion with three main reasons and an accessory one: humanity, international law and expansion of commerce. He viewed Rosas as a ruthless dictator. Although Montevideo was not a French colony, he referred to it as such due to its high population of French Basques, he considered that Rosas would be in contravention of the 4th article of the Mackau-Arana treaty by attempting to impose an Argentine president on it.
The expansion of commerce was not mentioned as a main reason, as Rosist protectionist policy limited but did not forbid French imports. Guizot rejected these ideas, he did not consider that Rosas contravened the Mackau-Arana treaty because the Confederation was not at war with Uruguay, but was supporting one Uruguayan faction against the other. He did not think that the French economy could be further benefited by taking action in La Plata, nor that it was workable to keep a colony in the zone. In respect to humanitarian reasons, he dismissed the purported Rosist crimes because they were based on reports by the Unitarian Florencio Varela, who had no reputation as an impartial reporter. However, Guitoz agreed to the proposal, in order to foster an alliance with Britain and reduce the popular acclaim of Thiers. Brazilian viscount Miguel Calmon du Pin e Almeida met the British Lord Aberdeen, to request that Brazil join Britain and France in the action against
Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata
The Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata was the last to be organized and the shortest-lived of the Viceroyalties of the Spanish Empire in America. The Viceroyalty was established in 1776 from several former Viceroyalty of Perú dependencies that extended over the Río de la Plata Basin the present-day territories of Argentina, Bolivia and Uruguay, extending inland from the Atlantic Coast; the colony of Spanish Guinea depended administratively on the Viceroyalty of Rio de la Plata. Buenos Aires, located on the western shore of the Río de la Plata estuary flowing into the Atlantic Ocean, opposite the Portuguese outpost of Colonia del Sacramento, was chosen as the capital. Considered one of the late Bourbon Reforms, the organization of this viceroyalty was motivated on both commercial grounds, as well as on security concerns brought about by the growing interest of competing foreign powers in the area; the Spanish Crown wanted to protect its territory against the Kingdom of Portugal. But these Enlightenment reforms proved counterproductive, or too late, to quell the colonies' demands.
The entire history of this Viceroyalty was marked by growing domestic unrest and political instability. Between 1780 and 1782, the Rebellion of Túpac Amaru II inspired a violent Aymara-led revolt across the Upper Peru highlands, demonstrating the great resentment against colonial authorities by both the mestizo and indigenous populations. Twenty-five years the Criollos, native-born people of the colony defended against two successive British attempts to conquer Buenos Aires and Montevideo; this enhanced their sense of power at a time when Spanish troops were unable to help. In 1809, the Criollo elite revolted against colonial authorities at La Paz and Chuquisaca, establishing revolutionary governments, juntas. Although short-lived, these provided a theoretical basis for the legitimacy of the locally based governments, which proved decisive at the 1810 May Revolution events deposing Viceroy Cisneros at Buenos Aires; the revolution spread except for Paraguay and Upper Peru. Meanwhile, the Governor of Montevideo Francisco Javier de Elío, appointed as a new Viceroy by the Cortes of Cádiz in 1811, declared the Buenos Aires Junta seditious.
However, after being defeated at Las Piedras, he retained control only of Colonia del Sacramento and Montevideo. He departed by ship to Spain on 18 November and resigned as Viceroy in January 1812. By 1814, as the revolutionary patriots entered Montevideo, following a two-year-long siege, the Viceroyalty was finished as government of the region. In 1680, Manuel Lobo, Portuguese governor of Rio de Janeiro, created the Department of Colonia and founded Colónia do Sacramento; the fort was developed as the department's capital. Lobo's chief objective was to secure the Portuguese expansion of Brazil beyond the 1494 Treaty of Tordesillas, which had defined areas of influence in the Americas between the Iberian nations. From 1580 to 1640, Spain had controlled Portugal and thus all of its territories in America. In 1681 José de Garro attacked and seized the new fort for Spain. On 7 May 1681, under the Provisional Treaty of Lisbon, it was ceded to Portugal; the Viceroyalty of Peru was requiring all commerce to go through the port of Lima, on the Pacific Ocean.
This policy failed to develop the potential of Buenos Aires as an Atlantic port, adding months to the transport of goods and commodities in each direction. It resulted in encouraging widespread contraband activities in the eastern region in Asunción, Buenos Aires and Montevideo. Under these conditions, Viceroy Manuel de Amat y Junyent issued a decree for the former Governor of the Río de la Plata Pedro Antonio de Cevallos to found the new viceroyalty in August 1776; the ruling was resisted by the elite of Lima. The Cabildo of the Captaincy General of Chile requested the King be excluded from the new viceroyalty, accepted; the Cuyo region, with its main city Mendoza, was split from the Captaincy General of Chile. Leaders in Santiago resented this action as the Cuyo region had been settled by Spanish colonists from Chile; the Portuguese prime minister Marquis of Pombal encouraged the occupation of territory, awarded to the Spanish in the Treaty of Paris, following the British defeat of France in the Seven Years' War.
King Charles III reacted to the advantageous conditions: France was bound to be an ally as a guarantor of the treaty, Great Britain, due to its own colonial problems with revolution in the Thirteen Colonies in North America, maintained neutrality on the issues between Portugal and Spain. Pedro de Cevallos conquered Colonia del Sacramento and the Santa Catarina islands after a siege of three days, gaining the First Treaty of San Ildefonso. With it, the Portuguese left the Banda Oriental for Spain. In exchange Spain ceded them the area of Rio Grande do Sul. Cevallos ended his military actions at this point and started working with government, but he was soon replaced by Juan José Vertiz y Salcedo; the viceroyalty was tasked with promoting local production of linen and hemp as export commodity crops, to supply the Spanish cloth industries that the Bourbons sought to favor. The conditions imposed by Spain on