SUMMARY / RELATED TOPICS

Banlieue

In France, a banlieue is a suburb of a large city. Banlieues are divided into autonomous administrative entities and do not constitute part of the city proper. For instance, 80% of the inhabitants of the Paris metropolitan area live outside the city of Paris. Like the city centre, suburbs may be rich, middle-class or poor—Versailles, Le Vésinet, Maisons-Laffitte and Neuilly-sur-Seine are affluent banlieues of Paris, while Clichy-sous-Bois and Corbeil-Essonnes are less so. However, since the 1970s, banlieues has taken on an additional meaning in French of France, becoming a popular word for low-income housing projects in which black immigrants and French of foreign descent reside, in what are called poverty traps. In France, since the establishment of the Third Republic at the beginning of the 1870s, communities beyond the city centre stopped spreading their own boundaries, as a result of the extension of the larger Paris urban agglomeration; the city — which in France corresponds to the concept of the "urban unit" – does not have a correspondence with a single administrative location, instead includes other communities that link themselves to the city centre and form the banlieues.

Since annexing the banlieues of major French cities during the Second Empire period, the French communities have in effect extended their boundaries little beyond their delimitations, have not followed the development of the urban unit existing prior to 1870 as well as all large and mid-sized cities in France having a banlieue develop a couronne pėriurbaine. Communities in the countryside beyond the near-urban ring are regarded as being outside the city's strongest social and economic sphere of influence, are termed communes périurbaines. In either case, they are divided into numerous autonomous administrative entities. Banlieues 89, a design-led urban policy backed by the French government, renovated over 140 low-cost estates, such as Les Minguettes and the Mas du Taureau block in Vaulx-en-Velin. Improvements were made in road and rail access and shops were built, the towers and blocks were made to look more attractive. In Vaulx-en-Velin, for instance, shops and a library were built, houses were built to make the landscape more interesting, 2,500 homes were renovated, the blocks were repainted.

The word banlieue is, in formal use, a neutral term, designating the urbanized zone located around the city centre, comprising both sparsely and populated areas. Therefore, in the Parisian metropolitan area, for example, the wealthy suburb of Neuilly-sur-Seine may be referred to as a banlieue as might the poor suburb of La Courneuve. To distinguish them, Parisians refer to a banlieue aisée for Neuilly, to a banlieue défavorisée for Clichy-sous-Bois; the Paris region can be divided into several zones. In the northwest and the northeast, many areas are vestiges of former working-class and industrial zones, in the case of Seine-Saint-Denis and Val-d'Oise. In the west, the population is upper class, the centre of business and finance, La Défense, is located there; the southeast banlieues are less homogenous. Close to Paris, there are many communities that are considered "sensitive" or unsafe, divided by residential zones with a better reputation; the farther away from the Paris city centre, the more the banlieues of the south of Paris can be divided into two zones.

On one side, there are the banks of the Seine, where working-class residents used to live but other areas that are well off. Are large cities close to Paris, such as Chanteloup-les-Vignes, Les Mureaux, Mantes-la-Jolie, Achères, Trappes, Aubergenville Évry, Grigny, Corbeil-Essonnes and Fleury-Mérogis. Small communities that are disparate can be found in the Yvelines department with Villennes-sur-Seine, Croissy-sur-Seine, Le Pecq, Maisons-Laffitte but in the Essonne and Seine-et-Marne departments: Etiolles, Soisy-sur-Seine, Saint-Pierre-du-Perray or Seine-Port; the banlieues rouges are the outskirt districts of Paris where, the French Communist Party held mayorships and other elected positions. Examples of these include Ivry-sur-Seine, Malakoff; such communities named streets after Soviet personalities, such as rue Youri Gagarine. The banlieues of large cities like Lyon and Marseille those around Paris, are criticized and forgotten by the country's territorial spatial planning administration. Since the French Commune government of 1871, they were and still are ostracised and considered by other residents as places that are "lawless" or "outside the Republic", as opposed to "deep France", or "authentic France" associated with the provinces.

However, it is in the banlieues that the young working households are found that raise children and pay taxes but lack in public services, in transportation, sports, as well as employment opportunities. Since the 1980s, petty crime has increased in France, much of it blamed on juvenile delinquency fostered within the banlieues; as a result, the banlieues are perceived to have become unsafe places to live, youths from the banlieues are perceived to be one important source of increased petty crimes and uncivil behavior. This criminality was seized upon to fan the flames of racism stoked by the Fron

T2 (classification)

T2 is a para-cycling classification. The class is for cyclists with more moderate loss of stability and function compared to T1, it includes people with a variety of different types of disabilities including cerebral palsy. This class uses tricycles and competes at the Paralympic Games in road events only and is governed by the Union Cycliste Internationale. PBS defined this classification as "T2 is for athletes with more moderate loss of stability and function. " In 1997, this classification was defined by Alison Gray in Against the odds: New Zealand Paralympians as: "partial mobility in arms and trunk". Gray noted; the Telegraph defined this classification in 2011 as "T 1-2: Athletes on tricycles, who have severe locomotive dysfunctions and limited ability to pedal" The UCI recommends this be coded as MT2 or WT2. CP5 and CP6 competitors may compete in the T2 class. Cyclists opting to compete in the T2 class do so as a result of balance issues, which make riding a standard bicycle or handcycle difficult.

Tricyclists are not eligible to compete in track events, only in road events. Cycling first became a Paralympic sport at the 1988 Summer Paralympics. In September 2006, governance for para-cycling, including the responsibility for classification, passed from the International Paralympic Committee's International Cycling Committee to UCI. Classification is handled by Union Cycliste Internationale. Classification for the UCI Para-Cycling World Championships is completed by at least two classification panels. Members of the classification panel must not have a relationship with the cyclist and must not be involved in the World Championships in any other role than as classifier. In national competitions, the classification is handled by the national cycling federation. Classification has three components: physical and observation assessment. Competitors in this classification include David Stone from Great Britain, Australia's Carol Cooke; this classification has UCI rankings for elite competitors.

At the 2012 Summer Paralympics, events for this classification include T 1-2 Road Race and Mixed T 1-2 Time Trial. Para-cycling classification Cycling at the Summer Paralympics

Internet in Africa

The Internet in Africa is limited by a lower penetration rate when compared to the rest of the world. Measurable parameters such as the number of ISP subscriptions, overall number of hosts, IXP-traffic, overall available bandwidth all indicate that Africa is far behind the "digital divide". Moreover, Africa itself exhibits an inner digital divide, with most Internet activity and infrastructure concentrated in South Africa, Egypt as well as smaller economies like Mauritius and Seychelles. While the telecommunications market in Africa is still in its early stages of development, it is one of the fastest-growing in the world. In the 2000s, mobile telephone service in Africa has been rising, mobile telephone use is now more widespread than fixed line telephony. Telecommunication companies in Africa are looking at Broadband Wireless Access technologies as the key to make Internet available to the population at large. Projects are being completed that aim at the realization of Internet backbones that might help cut the cost of bandwidth in African countries.

The International Telecommunication Union has held the first Connect the World meeting in Kigali, Rwanda as a demonstration that the development of telecommunications in Africa is considered a key intermediate objective for the fulfillment of the Millennium Development Goals. The information available about the ability of people in Africa to use the internet give an homogeneous picture. South Africa is the only African country that has figures similar to those of Europe and North America: it is followed by some smaller, tourist-dependent economies such as Seychelles and Mauritius, a few North African countries, notably Morocco and Egypt; the leading Subsaharan countries in telecommunication and internet development are South Africa and Kenya. Obstacles to the accessibility of Internet services in Africa include low levels of computer literacy in the population, poor infrastructures, high costs of Internet services. Power availability is scarce, with vast rural areas that are not connected to power grids as well as frequent black-outs in major urban areas such as Dar es Salaam.

In 2000, Subsaharan Africa as a whole had fewer fixed telephone lines than Manhattan, in 2006 Africa contributed to only 2% of the world's overall telephone lines in the world. As a consequence of this general lack of connectivity, most Africa-generated network traffic is routed through servers that are located elsewhere. Overall bandwidth in Africa is scarce, its irregular distribution reflects the African "inner digital divide". In 2007, 16 countries in Africa had just one international Internet connection with a capacity of 10 Mbit/s or lower, while South Africa alone had over 800 Mbit/s; the main backbones connecting Africa to the rest of the world via submarine cables, i.e. SAT-2 and SAT-3, provide for a limited bandwidth. In 2007, all these international connections from Africa amounted to 28,000 Mbit/s, while Asia has 800,000 Mbit/s and Europe over 3,000,000 Mbit/s; the total bandwidth available to Africa was less than alone. As a consequence of the scarce overall bandwidth provided by cable connections, a large section of Internet traffic in Africa goes through expensive satellite links.

In general, the cost of Internet access is unaffordable by most of the population. According to the Kenyan ISPs association, high costs are a consequence of the subjection of African ISPs to European ISPs and the lack of a clear international regulation of inter-ISP cost partition. For example, while ITU has long ratified that the cost of inter-provider telephonic connections must be charged to all involved providers in equal parts, in 2002 the Kenyan ISP association has denounced that all costs of Internet traffic between Europe and Africa are charged to African providers. According to 2011 estimates, about 13.5% of the African population has Internet access. While Africa accounts for 15.0% of the world's population, only 6.2% of the World's Internet subscribers are Africans. Africans who have access to broadband connections are estimated to be in percentage of 1% or lower. In September 2007, African broadband subscribers were 1,097,200, with a major part of these subscriptions from large companies or institutions.

Internet access is irregularly distributed, with 2/3 of overall online activity in Africa being generated in South Africa. Most of the remaining 1/3 is in Egypt; the largest percentage of Internet subscribers are found in small economies such as Seychelles, where as much as 37% of the population has Internet access. It has been noted, that data on Internet subscribers only reflect the actual number of Internet users in Africa, the impact of the network on African daily life and culture. For example and Internet kiosks are common in the urban areas of many African countries. There are other informal means to "access" the Internet; the picture provided by the figures for the number of network hosts is coherent with those above. At the end of 2007: about 1.8 million hosts were in Africa, versus over 120 million in Europe, 67 million in Asia and 27 million in South America.