Canberra is the capital city of Australia. Founded following the federation of the colonies of Australia as the seat of government for the new nation, it is Australia's largest inland city and the eighth-largest city overall; the city is located at the northern end of the Australian Capital Territory. On 1 January 1901, federation of the colonies of Australia was achieved. Section 125 of the new Australian Constitution provided that land, situated in New South Wales and at least 100 miles from Sydney, would be ceded to the new federal government. Following discussion and exploration of various areas within New South Wales, the Seat of Government Act 1908 was passed in 1908 which specified a capital in the Yass-Canberra region; the land was transferred to the Commonwealth by New South Wales in 1911, creating the Australian Capital Territory, two years prior to the capital city being founded and formally named as Canberra in 1913. It is unusual among Australian cities, being an planned city outside of any state, similar to Washington, D.
C. in the United States or Brasília in Brazil. Following an international contest for the city's design, a blueprint by American architects Walter Burley Griffin and Marion Mahony Griffin was selected and construction commenced in 1913; the Griffins' plan featured geometric motifs such as circles and triangles, was centred on axes aligned with significant topographical landmarks in the Australian Capital Territory. The city's design was influenced by the garden city movement and incorporates significant areas of natural vegetation; as the seat of the government of Australia, Canberra is home to many important institutions of the federal government, national monuments and museums. This includes Parliament House, the official residence of the monarch's representative the Governor-General, the High Court and numerous government departments and agencies, it is the location of many social and cultural institutions of national significance such as the Australian War Memorial, the Australian National University, the Royal Australian Mint, the Australian Institute of Sport, the National Gallery, the National Museum and the National Library.
The city is home to many important institutions of the Australian Defence Force including the Royal Military College Duntroon and the Australian Defence Force Academy. It hosts the majority of foreign embassies in Australia as well as regional headquarters of many international organisations, not-for-profit groups, lobbying groups and professional associations. Canberra does not have a local city government like other Australian cities; the Australian Capital Territory Legislative Assembly performs the roles of both a city council for the city and a territory government for the rest of the Australian Capital Territory. The vast majority of the population of the Territory reside in Canberra though and the city is therefore the primary focus of the ACT Government. However, the federal government may overturn local laws, it still maintains control over the area known as the Parliamentary Triangle through the National Capital Authority. As at June 2018 the population of Canberra was 420,960, having grown by 2.2% over the preceding 12 months.
As the city has a high proportion of public servants, the Commonwealth Government contributes the largest percentage of gross territory product and is the largest single employer in Canberra, although not the majority employer. Compared to the national averages, the unemployment rate is the average income higher; the word "Canberra" is popularly claimed to derive from the word Kambera or Canberry, claimed to mean "meeting place" in Ngunnawal, one of the Indigenous languages spoken in the district by Aboriginal Australians before European settlers arrived, although there is no clear evidence to support this. An alternative definition has been claimed by numerous local commentators over the years, including the Ngunnawal elder Don Bell, whereby Canberra or Nganbra means "woman's breasts" and is the indigenous name for the two mountains, Black Mountain and Mount Ainslie, which lie opposite each other. In the 1860s, the name was reported by Queanbeyan newspaper owner John Gale to be an interpretation of the name nganbra or nganbira, meaning "hollow between a woman's breasts", referring to the Sullivans Creek floodplain between Mount Ainslie and Black Mountain.
An 1830s map of the region by Major Mitchell indeed does mark the Sullivan's Creek floodplain between these two mountains as "Nganbra". "Nganbra" or "Nganbira" could have been anglicised to the name "Canberry", as the locality soon become known to European settlers. R. H. Cambage in his 1919 book Notes on the Native Flora of New South Wales, Part X, the Federal Capital Territory noted that Joshua John Moore, the first settler in the region, named the area Canberry in 1823 stating that "there seems no doubt that the original was a native name, but its meaning is unknown."' Survey plans of the district dated 1837 refer to the area as the Canberry Plain. In 1920, some of the older residents of the district claimed that the name was derived from the Australian Cranberry which grew abundantly in the area, noting that the local name for the plant was canberry. Although popularly pronounced or, the original pronunciation at its official naming in 1913 was. Before white settlement, the area in which Canberra would be constructed was seasonally inhabited by Indigenous Australians.
Race-based traumatic stress is the traumatic response to stress following a racial encounter. Robert T. Carter's theory of race-based traumatic stress implies that there are individuals of color who experience racially charged discrimination as traumatic, generate responses similar to post-traumatic stress. Race-based traumatic stress combines theories of stress and race-based discrimination to describe a particular response to negative racial encounters. Despite the limited research that examines race-based traumatic stress trauma research suggests that an individual's response to a stressor is dependent on that person's perception of the stressor; these differing responses have been found to be associated with each individual's ability to cope with the said stressor. According to Carter, a professor at Columbia University, race-based traumatic stress is an individual's response to racial discrimination as traumatic or outside of their ability to cope. Race-based traumatic stress can be experienced both directly and indirectly and can occur on an interpersonal level, institutional level, or cultural level.
As such, research indicates that race-based traumatic stress can be demonstrated as a number of negative outcomes, including psychopathological symptoms, social inequities, internalized racial oppression. Research has indicated that children, as well as adults, can experience and be impacted by the reaches of race-based traumatic stress. Through direct experience from peers and/or authority figures, as well as indirectly through media exposure and/or bearing witness to the racial discrimination of their parents, research suggests children of color are vulnerable to race-based traumatic stress. Despite the popular understanding that race is a socially-based construct, research indicates that it has critical social implications and plays a role in the way individuals navigate society. Race-based traumatic stress is viewed as a consequence of racially motivated discrimination and unjust treatment. Racial discrimination can be institutional/structural, and/or cultural. At the interpersonal level, race-based traumatic stress occurs when an individual directly experiences race-based prejudice from another person.
Institutional racial discrimination occurs at the hands of trusted or imperative social structures of power in society that for example, may withhold services or resources from people of color. Lastly, on a cultural level, racial discrimination occurs when non-Eurocentric cultures are devalued or viewed as inferior. Additionally, research indicates that racial discrimination can be experienced both overtly and covertly. On an overt level, people of color are targeted in an intentionally blatant manner due to their racial identities. In contrast, covert racial discrimination termed microaggressions come in the form of subtle messages, whether intentional or not, demonstrate malicious, invalidating, or disparaging meaning for people of color. With the frequency at which race-based discrimination is found to occur, on both overt and covert levels, some individuals may experience re-traumatization; the Race-Based Traumatic Stress Model is a model which outlines the different emotional responses individuals have following race-based encounters.
Despite being linked to a variety of outcomes including psychopathology, Carter believes this response is more of an emotional injury than a pathological one. The model emphasizes Carter's distinction between two forms of racism: discrimination and harassment, it follows that discrimination-based racism is linked to hyperarousal and hypervigilance while consequences of harassment-based racism, such as complex emotional reactions, tend to have a long-lasting impact. Research indicates that different forms of racial discrimination, such as interpersonal and cultural are associated with specific types of outcomes in people of color. Interpersonal racial discrimination, for example, has been found to have more of an effect at the individual level demonstrated in mental health symptoms such as trauma, depression and physiological symptoms such as hypertension. Racial discrimination at the institutional level has been found to result in social inequities for people of color such as higher rates of incarceration, health disparities, educational difficulties.
Cultural racial discrimination has been found to be associated with internalized racism resulting in individuals devaluing their own culture in ways such as denouncing their cultural heritage and values and/or internalizing negative stereotypical beliefs associated with their own racial group. Additionally, research indicates that the internalization of racial oppression can lead to feelings of shame and malice. However, the experience of racial discrimination is complex and its various forms overlap and lead to a number of psychological and physiological outcomes. Children are vulnerable to the detrimental effects of race-based traumatic stress, as research indicates that oftentimes they lack the coping strategies needed to overcome these experiences. Research indicates that children can be affected by these stressors both indirectly and directly, through experiences with racially charged interactions or through intergenerational transmission. Racial victimization can result in cross-generational trauma.
Caregiver's experience of race-based traumatic stress can be displayed in actions such as increased substance us
The Sonata No. 3 in A minor "dans le caractère populaire roumain", for violin and piano, Op. 25, is a chamber-music composition written in 1926 by the Romanian composer George Enescu. The score, published in 1933, is dedicated to the memory of the violinist Franz Kneisel, it is one of the composer's most popular and at the same time most critically respected works. The Third Violin Sonata was written in a span of about four months in 1926 at a time when Enescu was occupied with the late stages of work on the opera Œdipe; the sonata was first performed in Oradea, in January 1927 by the composer and the pianist Nicolae Caravia, who repeated it shortly afterward in Bucharest. Enescu and Caravia gave the Paris premiere in March 1927, in the Salle Gaveau. A notable early performance took place in Paris in June 1930, when the composer was partnered by Alfred Cortot. Enescu's pupil Yehudi Menuhin made a recording in 1936 with his sister Hephzibah Menuhin on piano, the composer himself recorded the work twice as a violinist, in 1943 with Dinu Lipatti and again a few years with Céliny Chaillez-Richez.
A performance took place in May 1946 with Yehudi Menuhin playing the violin part, accompanied on the piano by the composer. The sonata prompted enthusiasm at the time of its premiere, has since been the composition by Enescu that has received the greatest amount of attention in the musicological and critical literature, with the possible exception of his opera, Œdipe, it has become the most popular of Enescu's works after the two Romanian Rhapsodies. Without quoting actual folk tunes, the material possesses the authenticity of a sort of "super folklore"; the violin is cast in the role of a gypsy fiddle, the writing for the piano imitates the cimbalom and kobza. The sonata is divided into three movements: Moderato malinconico Andante sostenuto e misterioso Allegro con brio, ma non troppo mossoThe first movement is in a loose sonata-allegro form, beginning with a suave and nostalgic first thematic group presented in continuous and supple lines in the piano and more hesitantly in the violin; when this material returns in the recapitulation it will be transformed into a kind of "horă bătrînească".
The second thematic group brings a contrasting atmosphere of sobriety and intensified differentiation of colour, a characteristic that will return for further development in the second movement. The development is confined entirely to material from the first thematic group, but after the recapitulation there is an extended coda that brings together motivic fragments from both groups; the transformation of the material from the lyrical, songlike style of the exposition and development into the persistent dance rhythms of the recapitulation bestows upon the movement the overall impression of a two-part rhapsody in the traditional lassú–friss pattern. The second movement can be described as a song form in three parts: a long opening section filled with introspection and poetic facets, where the violin plays entirely in harmonics, followed by a contrasting central section in folk style, a return of the opening material with a concluding, gentle coda; the finale is in rondo form using a refrain whose melody is reminiscent of a bear dance from northern Moldavia.
Despite the sectional form, the thematic material is subjected to continuous variation—a process made clear in the C section, structured as a miniature theme and variations. This procedure results in an effect described as Enescu's "rhapsodic style". George Enescu: Sonata No. 3 for Violin and Piano in A minor, Op. 25. Yehudi Menuhin, violin. Recorded 6 January 1936. A Victor Musical Masterpiece. 78 rpm recording, 3 sound discs: analog, 78 rpm, monaural, 12 in. Victor DM 318. Camden, N. J.: Victor, 1940. Reissued together with other material. CD recording, 1 sound disc: digital, monaural, 4¾ in. EMI Classics 7243 5 65962 2. EMI Références series.: EMI Classics, 1996. George Enescu: Sonata No. 3 for Violin and Piano in A Minor, Op. 25. George Enescu, violin. LP recording, 1 sound disc: analog, 33⅓ rpm, monaural, 10 in. Electrecord ECD 95.: Electrecord, 1950s. George Enescu: Sonata No. 3 in A minor for Violin and Piano, Op. 25. Leoš Janáček: Sonata for Violin and Piano. Rafael Druian, violin. LP recording, 1 sound disc: 33⅓ rpm, momaural, 12 in.
Mercury MG 80001.: Mercury Records, 1956. George Enescu: Sonata No. 3 in A minor for violin and piano, Op. 25. Diane Andersen, violin. LP recording, 1 disc: analogue, 33⅓ rpm, stereo, 12 in. Supraphon 50483, Czechoslovakia: Supraphon, 1962. George Enuscu: Sonata No. 3 in A Minor for Violin and Piano, Op. 26. Christian Ferras, violin. LP recording, 1 sound disc: analog, 33⅓ rpm, stereo, 12 in. Odeon S 80749.: Odeon, 1960s. West Meets East. Ravi Shankar: Prabhati, Raga puriya kalyan, Swara-kakali. Yehudi Menuhin, violin. LP recording, 1 sound disc: analogue, stereo, 3