City of Cardiff Council
The County Council of the City and County of Cardiff is the governing body for Cardiff, one of the Principal Areas of Wales. The council consists of 75 councillors; the authority is properly styled as The County Council of the City and County of Cardiff or in common use Cardiff Council. No other style is sanctioned for use on Council Documents although it does appear wrongly as Cardiff County Council on documents and signage; the City & County itself is simply referred to as Cardiff. After the 2004 election, which changed the control of the council from Labour to No Overall Control, the Liberal Democrats formed a minority administration, led by Cllr Rodney Berman; the Liberal Democrats remained the largest party following the 2008 local election, formed an administration with Plaid Cymru. In 2012, the Labour Party took overall control of Cardiff council, remained in overall control following the 2017 elections. Elections to Cardiff Council take place every four years; the last election was 4 May 2017.
At the age of 31, Huw Thomas became Wales' youngest council leader when he was elected in May 2017. The council was run by a Labour majority administration between 1995 and 2004; the Liberal Democrats ran a minority administration from 2004 to 2008, in coalition with Plaid Cymru. Following the 2008 local elections in Cardiff there was still no party with an overall majority; the Lib Dems increased their total number of councillors to 35, forming an administration with Plaid Cymru, with Rodney Berman as leader of the Council. The Conservatives replaced Labour as the official opposition. Labour suffered badly. Plaid Cymru gained four councillors. Three independent councillors were elected. In 2012 Labour remained in control following the 2017 elections. Municipal life in Cardiff dates back to the 12th century, when Cardiff was granted borough status by the Earls of Gloucester; the offices of the mayor and common councillors developed during the Middle Ages. In 1905, Cardiff became a city, the borough council became a city council.
The City of Cardiff is the county town of Glamorgan. However, prior to 1974, Cardiff was a county borough in its own right and not subject to Glamorgan County Council. Council reorganisation in 1974 paired Cardiff and the Vale of Glamorgan together as district councils subject to the new county of South Glamorgan. Further local government restructuring in 1996 resulted in Cardiff City's district council becoming once again a unitary authority – the present Cardiff Council; the first mayor of Cardiff is listed by the County Borough Records as Ralph "Prepositus de Kardi" who took up office in 1126. In 1835, Thomas Revel Guest became the first elected mayor of Cardiff when the first council elections were held; when Cardiff was granted city status in 1905 Cardiff's First Citizen became lord mayor. Robert Hughes, the mayor in 1904, was re-elected to become Cardiff's first lord mayor in the following year; the lord mayor was granted the right to the style "The Right Honourable". The lord mayor now bears the style "The Right Honourable the Lord Mayor of Cardiff".
In 1999 a new system was introduced whereby the leader of the council could serve as mayor for the duration of the council without re-election. This led to Russell Goodway serving as both council leader and mayor from 1999 to 2003. From 2004 the mayoralty reverted to a separate role, elected annually. Since 1999 the post has been held by the following councillors: ** Following the council elections in May 2012, the position of lord mayor was unfilled, while the new Labour council attempted to split the responsibilities of the mayor between two councillors. Cllr Cerys Furlong filled the traditional mayoral roles from 17 May, as chair of the council during this period; the new mayor, Derrick Morgan, took office on 27 September after Furlong resigned her chair post when it became clear the split role proposition was losing support. The unitary authority area is divided into 29 electoral wards. Most of these wards are coterminous with communities of the same name; the following table lists council wards and associated geographical areas.
Communities with a community council are indicated with a'*': City Hall, Cardiff County Hall, Cardiff Cardiff Bay Flat Holm City and County of Cardiff List of Mayors and other secular officials of Cardiff
The Caribbean is a region of The Americas that consists of the Caribbean Sea, its islands and the surrounding coasts. The region is southeast of the Gulf of Mexico and the North American mainland, east of Central America, north of South America. Situated on the Caribbean Plate, the region comprises more than 700 islands, islets and cays; these islands form island arcs that delineate the eastern and northern edges of the Caribbean Sea. The Caribbean islands, consisting of the Greater Antilles on the north and the Lesser Antilles on the south and east, are part of the somewhat larger West Indies grouping, which includes the Lucayan Archipelago; the Lucayans and, less Bermuda, are sometimes considered Caribbean despite the fact that none of these islands border the Caribbean Sea. In a wider sense, the mainland countries and territories of Belize, the Caribbean region of Colombia, the Yucatán Peninsula, Margarita Island, the Guyanas, are included due to their political and cultural ties with the region.
Geopolitically, the Caribbean islands are regarded as a subregion of North America and are organized into 30 territories including sovereign states, overseas departments, dependencies. From December 15, 1954, to October 10, 2010, there was a country known as the Netherlands Antilles composed of five states, all of which were Dutch dependencies. From January 3, 1958, to May 31, 1962, there was a short-lived political union called the West Indies Federation composed of ten English-speaking Caribbean territories, all of which were British dependencies; the West Indies cricket team continues to represent many of those nations. The region takes its name from that of the Caribs, an ethnic group present in the Lesser Antilles and parts of adjacent South America at the time of the Spanish conquest of the Americas; the two most prevalent pronunciations of "Caribbean" outside the Caribbean are, with the primary stress on the third syllable, with the stress on the second. Most authorities of the last century preferred the stress on the third syllable.
This is the older of the two pronunciations, but the stressed-second-syllable variant has been established for over 75 years. It has been suggested that speakers of British English prefer while North American speakers more use, but major American dictionaries and other sources list the stress on the third syllable as more common in American English too. According to the American version of Oxford Online Dictionaries, the stress on the second syllable is becoming more common in UK English and is considered "by some" to be more up to date and more "correct"; the Oxford Online Dictionaries claim that the stress on the second syllable is the most common pronunciation in the Caribbean itself, but according to the Dictionary of Caribbean English Usage, the most common pronunciation in Caribbean English stresses the first syllable instead. The word "Caribbean" has multiple uses, its principal ones are political. The Caribbean can be expanded to include territories with strong cultural and historical connections to slavery, European colonisation and the plantation system.
The United Nations geoscheme for the Americas presents the Caribbean as a distinct region within the Americas. Physiographically, the Caribbean region is a chain of islands surrounding the Caribbean Sea. To the north, the region is bordered by the Gulf of Mexico, the Straits of Florida and the Northern Atlantic Ocean, which lies to the east and northeast. To the south lies the coastline of the continent of South America. Politically, the "Caribbean" may be centred on socio-economic groupings found in the region. For example, the bloc known as the Caribbean Community contains the Co-operative Republic of Guyana, the Republic of Suriname in South America and Belize in Central America as full members. Bermuda and the Turks and Caicos Islands, which are in the Atlantic Ocean, are associate members of the Caribbean Community; the Commonwealth of the Bahamas is in the Atlantic and is a full member of the Caribbean Community. Alternatively, the organisation called the Association of Caribbean States consists of every nation in the surrounding regions that lie on the Caribbean, plus El Salvador, which lies on the Pacific Ocean.
According to the ACS, the total population of its member states is 227 million people. The geography and climate in the Caribbean region varies: Some islands in the region have flat terrain of non-volcanic origin; these islands include Aruba, Curaçao, Bonaire, the Cayman Islands, Saint Croix, the Bahamas, Antigua. Others possess rugged towering mountain-ranges like the islands of Saint Martin, Hispaniola, Puerto Rico, Dominica, Saba, Sint Eustatius, Saint Kitts, Saint Lucia, Saint Thomas, Saint John, Grenada, Saint Vincent, Guadeloupe and Trinidad and Tobago. Definitions of the terms Greater Antilles and Lesser Antilles vary; the Virgin Islands as part of the Puerto Rican bank are sometimes included with the Greater Antilles. The term Lesser Antilles is used to define an island arc that includes Grenada but excludes Trinidad and Tobago and the Leeward Antilles; the waters of the Caribbean Sea host large, migratory schools of fish and coral reef
South Wales Valleys
The South Wales Valleys are a group of industrialised peri-urban valleys in South Wales. Most of the valleys run north–south parallel to each other. Referred to as "The Valleys", they stretch from eastern Carmarthenshire to western Monmouthshire; until the mid-19th century, the South Wales valleys were sparsely inhabited. The industrialisation of the Valleys occurred in two phases. First, in the second half of the 18th century, the iron industry was established on the northern edge of the Valleys by English entrepreneurs; this made South Wales the most important part of Britain for ironmaking until the middle of the 19th century. Second, from 1850 until the outbreak of the First World War, the South Wales Coalfield was developed to supply steam coal and anthracite; the South Wales Valleys hosted Britain's only mountainous coalfields. Topography defined the shape of the mining communities, with a "hand and fingers" pattern of urban development. There were fewer than 1,000 people in the Rhondda valley in 1851, 17,000 by 1870, 114,000 by 1901 and 153,000 by 1911.
The population of the Valleys in the late 19th and early 20th centuries was disproportionately young and male. The new communities had high birth rates – in 1840, more than 20% of Tredegar's population was aged under 7, Rhondda's birth rate in 1911 was 36 per thousand, levels associated with mid-19th century Britain. Merthyr Tydfil, at the northern end of the Taff valley, became Wales's largest town thanks to its growing ironworks at Dowlais and Cyfarthfa; the neighbouring Taff Bargoed Valley to the east became the centre of serious industrial and political strife during the 1930s in and around the villages of Trelewis and Bedlinog, which served the local collieries of Deep Navigation and Taff Merthyr. The South Wales coalfield attracted huge numbers of people from rural areas to the valleys; the coal mined in the valleys was transported south along railways and canals to Cardiff and Swansea. Cardiff was soon among the most important coal ports in the world, Swansea among the most important steel ports.
The coal mining industry of the South Wales Valleys was buoyed throughout World War II, though there were expectations of a return to the pre-1939 industrial collapse after the end of the war. There was a sense of salvation when the government announced the nationalisation of British coalmines in 1947; the decline in the mining of coal after World War II was a country-wide issue, but South Wales and Rhondda were more affected than other areas of Britain. Oil had superseded coal as the fuel of choice in many industries, there was political pressure influencing the supply of oil. Of the few industries that still relied on coal, the demand was for quality coals coking coal, required by the steel industry. Fifty percent of Glamorgan coal was now supplied to steelworks, with the second biggest market being domestic heating, in which the "smokeless" coal of the South Wales coalfield again became fashionable after the Clean Air Act of 1956 was passed; these two markets now controlled the fate of the mines in South Wales, as demand from both sectors fell, the mining industry contracted further.
In addition exports to other areas of Europe, traditionally France and the Low Countries, experienced a massive decline: from 33% around 1900 to 5% by 1980. The other major factor in the decline of coal was the massive under-investment in South Wales mines over the past decades. Most of the mines in the valleys were sunk between the 1850s and 1880s, so they were far smaller than most modern mines; the Welsh mines were comparatively antiquated, with methods of ventilation, coal-preparation and power supply all of a decades-earlier standard. In 1945 the British coal industry as a whole cut 72% of its output mechanically, whereas in South Wales the figure was just 22%; the only way to ensure the financial survival of the mines in the valleys was massive investment from the National Coal Board, but the "Plan for Coal" drawn up in 1950 was overly optimistic about the future demand for coal, drastically reduced following an industrial recession in 1956 and an increased availability of oil. From 15,000 miners in 1947, Rhondda had just a single pit within the valleys producing coal in 1984, located at Maerdy.
In 1966, the village of Aberfan in the Taff valley suffered one of the worst disasters in Welsh history. A mine waste tip on the top of the mountain, developed over a spring, slid down the valley side and destroyed the village junior school, killing 144 people, 116 of them children. In 1979, Margaret Thatcher became Prime Minister of the United Kingdom, her policies of free market economics soon clashed with the loss-making, government-owned National Coal Board. In 1984 and 1985, after the government announced plans to close many mines across the UK, mineworkers went on strike; this strike, its ultimate failure, led to the virtual destruction of the UK's coal industry over the next decade, although arguably costs of extraction and geological difficulties would have had the same result a little later. No deep coal mines are left in the valleys since the closure in 2008 of Tower Colliery in the Cynon Valley. Tower had been bought
The term multiculturalism has a range of meanings within the contexts of sociology, of political philosophy, of colloquial use. In sociology and in everyday usage, it is a synonym for "ethnic pluralism", with the two terms used interchangeably, for example, a cultural pluralism in which various ethnic groups collaborate and enter into a dialogue with one another without having to sacrifice their particular identities, it can describe a mixed ethnic community area where multiple cultural traditions exist or a single country within which they do. Groups associated with an aboriginal or autochthonous ethnic group and foreigner ethnic groups are the focus. In reference to sociology, multiculturalism is the end-state of either a natural or artificial process and occurs on either a large national scale or on a smaller scale within a nation's communities. On a smaller scale this can occur artificially when a jurisdiction is established or expanded by amalgamating areas with two or more different cultures.
On a large scale, it can occur as a result of either legal or illegal migration to and from different jurisdictions around the world. Multiculturalism as a political philosophy involves policies which vary widely, it has been described as as a "cultural mosaic" -- in contrast to a melting pot. In the political philosophy of multiculturalism, ideas are focused on the ways in which societies are either believed to or should, respond to cultural and religious differences, it is associated with "identity politics", "the politics of difference", "the politics of recognition". It is a matter of economic interests and political power. In more recent times political multiculturalist ideologies have been expanding in their use to include and define disadvantaged groups such as African Americans, LGBT, with arguments focusing on ethnic and religious minorities, minority nations, indigenous peoples and the disabled, it is within this context in which the term is most understood and the broadness and scope of the definition, as well as its practical use, has been the subject of serious debate.
Most debates over multiculturalism center around whether or not multiculturalism is the appropriate way to deal with diversity and immigrant integration. The arguments regarding the perceived rights to a multicultural education include the proposition that it acts as a way to demand recognition of aspects of a group's culture subordination and its entire experience in contrast to a melting pot or non-multicultural societies; the term multiculturalism is most used in reference to Western nation-states, which had achieved a de facto single national identity during the 18th and/or 19th centuries. Multiculturalism has been official policy in several Western nations since the 1970s, for reasons that varied from country to country, including the fact that many of the great cities of the Western world are made of a mosaic of cultures; the Canadian government has been described as the instigator of multicultural ideology because of its public emphasis on the social importance of immigration. The Canadian Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism is referred to as the origins of modern political awareness of multiculturalism.
In the Western English-speaking countries, multiculturalism as an official national policy started in Canada in 1971, followed by Australia in 1973 where it is maintained today. It was adopted as official policy by most member-states of the European Union. Right-of-center governments in several European states – notably the Netherlands and Denmark – have reversed the national policy and returned to an official monoculturalism. A similar reversal is the subject of debate in the United Kingdom, among others, due to evidence of incipient segregation and anxieties over "home-grown" terrorism. Several heads-of-state or heads-of-government have expressed doubts about the success of multicultural policies: The United Kingdom's ex-Prime Minister David Cameron, German Chancellor Angela Merkel, Australia's ex-prime minister John Howard, Spanish ex-prime minister Jose Maria Aznar and French ex-president Nicolas Sarkozy have voiced concerns about the effectiveness of their multicultural policies for integrating immigrants.
Many nation-states in Africa and the Americas are culturally diverse and are'multicultural' in a descriptive sense. In some, communalism is a major political issue; the policies adopted by these states have parallels with multiculturalist policies in the Western world, but the historical background is different, the goal may be a mono-cultural or mono-ethnic nation-building – for instance in the Malaysian government's attempt to create a'Malaysian race' by 2020. Multiculturalism is seen by its supporters as a fairer system that allows people to express who they are within a society, more tolerant and that adapts better to social issues, they argue that culture is not one definable thing based on one race or religion, but rather the result of multiple factors that change as the world changes. Support for modern multiculturalism stems from the changes in Western societies after World War II, in what Susanne Wessendorf calls the "human rights revolution", in which the horrors of institutionalized racism and ethnic cleansing became impossible to ignore in the wake of the Holocaust.
Cardiff Bay Development Corporation
The Cardiff Bay Development Corporation was set up by the United Kingdom Government on 3 April 1987 to redevelop of one sixth of the area of Cardiff to create Cardiff Bay. The Secretary of State for Wales, Nicholas Edwards set out the CBDC's mission statement as: To put Cardiff on the international map as a superlative maritime city which will stand comparison with any such city in the world, thereby enhancing the image and economic well-being of Cardiff and Wales as a whole; the five main aims and objectives were: To promote development and provide a superb environment in which people will want to live and play. To re-unite the City of Cardiff with its waterfront. To bring forward a mix of development which would create a wide range of job opportunities and would reflect the hopes and aspirations of the communities of the area. To achieve the highest standard of design and quality in all types of development and investment. To establish the area as a recognized centre of excellence and innovation in the field of urban regeneration.
The CBDC was chiefly responsible for building the Cardiff Bay Barrage, the new shopping and housing developments across the old docks in the 1990s and the Roald Dahl Plass development. During the CBDC's lifetime 14,000,000 square feet of non-housing development and 5,780 housing units were built. Around 31,000 new jobs were created and some £1.8 billion of private finance was invested. About 200 acres of derelict land was reclaimed; the Chairman was Sir Geoffrey Inkin. The first Chief Executive was Barry Lane, succeeded by Michael Boyce; the CBDC was dissolved on 31 March 2000. The Cardiff Harbour Authority took over the CBDC's management of the barrage, the Inland Bay and the Rivers Taff and Ely on 1 April 2000. An evaluation of the regeneration of Cardiff Bay published in 2004 concluded that the project had "reinforced the competitive position of Cardiff" and "contributed to a massive improvement in the quality of the built environment". However, the regeneration project had been less successful in generating employment.
The evaluation concluded that "the overall outcome, while representing a major achievement and massive step forward, falls short of the original vision." Continuing the Regeneration of Cardiff Bay. Cardiff: Wales Audit Office. May 2002. Archived from the original on 2012-03-30. Retrieved 2011-09-27. Cardiff Harbour Authority
Mudflats or mud flats known as tidal flats, are coastal wetlands that form when mud is deposited by tides or rivers. They are found in sheltered areas such as bays, bayous and estuaries. Mudflats may be viewed geologically as exposed layers of bay mud, resulting from deposition of estuarine silts and marine animal detritus. Most of the sediment within a mudflat is within the intertidal zone, thus the flat is submerged and exposed twice daily. In the past tidal flats were considered unhealthy, economically unimportant areas and were dredged and developed into agricultural land. Several shallow mudflat areas, such as the Wadden Sea, are now popular among those practising the sport of mudflat hiking. On the Baltic Sea coast of Germany in places, mudflats are exposed not by tidal action, but by wind-action driving water away from the shallows into the sea; these wind-affected mudflats are called windwatts in German. Tidal flats, along with intertidal salt marshes and mangrove forests, are important ecosystems.
They support a large population of wildlife, are a key habitat that allows tens of millions of migratory shorebirds to migrate from breeding sites in the northern hemisphere to non-breeding areas in the southern hemisphere. They are of vital importance to migratory birds, as well as certain species of crabs and fish. In the United Kingdom mudflats have been classified as a Biodiversity Action Plan priority habitat; the maintenance of mudflats is important in preventing coastal erosion. However, mudflats worldwide are under threat from predicted sea level rises, land claims for development, dredging due to shipping purposes, chemical pollution. In some parts of the world, such as East and South-East Asia, mudflats have been reclaimed for aquaculture and industrial development. For example, around the Yellow Sea region of East Asia, more than 65% of mudflats present in the early 1950s had been destroyed by the late 2000s. Mudflat sediment deposits are focused into the intertidal zone, composed of a barren zone and marshes.
Within these areas are various ratios of sand and mud that make up the sedimentary layers. The associated growth of coastal sediment deposits can be attributed to rates of subsidence along with rates of deposition and changes in sea level. Barren zones extend from the lowest portion of the intertidal zone to the marsh areas. Beginning in close proximity to the tidal bars, sand dominated layers are prominent and become muddy throughout the tidal channels. Common bedding types include laminated sand, ripple bedding, bay mud. Bioturbation has a strong presence in barren zones. Marshes contain an abundance of herbaceous plants while the sediment layers consist of thin sand and mud layers. Mudcracks are a common as well as wavy bedding planes. Marshes are the origins of coal/peat layers because of the abundant decaying plant life. Salt pans can be distinguished in; the main source of the silt comes from rivers. Dried up mud along with wind erosion forms silt dunes; when flooding, rain or tides come in, the dried sediment is re-distributed.
Arcachon Bay, France Banc d'Arguin, Mauritania Great Rann of Kutch, India Belhaven, East Lothian Scotland, United Kingdom Bridgwater Bay and Morecambe Bay, United Kingdom Cape Cod Bay, United States Cook Inlet, United States Lindisfarne Island, United Kingdom Minas Basin, Nova Scotia, Canada Green Beach, South Korea Padilla Bay, United States Plymouth Bay, United States Port of Tacoma, United States Skagit Bay, Washington Snettisham Norfolk England, United Kingdom Wadden Sea: Netherlands, Denmark West coast of Andros Island, Bahamas Yellow Sea, China / South Korea Moreton Bay, Australia Port Susan, Warm Beach, United States Tidal Flats Tidal Flats Field Sites
Cardiff Bay Barrage
Cardiff Bay Barrage lies across the mouth of Cardiff Bay, Wales between Queen Alexandra Dock and Penarth Head. It was one of the largest civil engineering projects in Europe during construction in the 1990s; the origin of the scheme dates back to a visit by the Secretary of State for Wales Nicholas Edwards Conservative MP for Pembrokeshire to the largely-derelict Cardiff docklands in the early 1980s. An avid opera enthusiast, Edwards envisaged a scheme to revitalise the area incorporating new homes, restaurants and, as a centrepiece, an opera house at the waterside; however the tidal nature of Cardiff Bay, exposing extensive mudflats save for two hours either side of high water, was seen as aesthetically unappealing. Edwards credited the solution to this perceived problem to a Welsh Office civil servant, Freddie Watson. Watson proposed building a barrage stretching across the mouth of Cardiff Bay from Cardiff Docks to Penarth, which would impound freshwater from the rivers Ely and Taff to create a large freshwater lake, thus providing permanent high water.
By making the area more appealing, investment was to be attracted to the docklands. The barrage was seen as central to the regeneration project. In 1987, prior to approval of the construction of the barrage, the Cardiff Bay Development Corporation was established to proceed with redeveloping the docklands, a sixth of the entire area of the city of Cardiff. In November 1999, the barrage was completed, with the sluice gates closed at high water, to retain the seawater from the Bristol Channel within the 500 acre bay. At first major water quality problems ensued which required the bay to be drained dry overnight and refilled each day. Oxygenation systems were installed which improved water quality and allowed the composition of the bay to become freshwater, the only saltwater ingress being that from the three locks providing access to and from the severn estuary for the proliferating number of boats using Cardiff Bay; this salt water sinks to the bottom of the bay, sucked back out to sea via a trainage basin connected to a salt water shaft.
The barrage was opened to the public in 2001. The barrage scheme was opposed by environmentalists and, according to a BBC investigation, by the Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher. Treasury officials had queried the economic case for the development and the economic methodology used to justify it. In 1990, a select committee, unable to examine all economic details it wanted, voted 3–1 in favour of the scheme. Subsequently, BBC Wales discovered that Thatcher wanted to scrap the barrage proposal until when Edwards threatened to resign. Opposition to the project came from many other quarters. One of the most prominent critics was the Cardiff West MP, Rhodri Morgan, to become First Minister of the Welsh Assembly. Morgan, like Thatcher, said, it was reported by the Daily Mirror in March 2000 that the costs of the barrage construction alone had risen to £400 million, there would be additional £12 million a year charge for maintenance and operation. Morgan said, "This is far higher than was identified to Parliament during the passage of the Barrage Bill".
In the meantime, local residents living near the edge of the bay and the banks of River Taff feared that their homes would be damaged by the permanently raised water level, as they had been in several previous floods. Environmental groups opposed construction because the bay was an important feeding ground for birds, which would be lost following impoundment. Concerns were raised over groundwater levels in low-lying areas of Cardiff affecting cellars and underground electrical junctions. During the development of Cardiff Bay and of the Cardiff Bay Barrage, there was constant tension between the Cardiff Bay Development Corporation and Cardiff City Council; the National Assembly's Audit Committee spoke of a "fractured working relationship" between the two bodies. After the original impoundment of the waters of Cardiff Bay in November 1999 plans were mooted for a Royal inauguration of the barrage. That, it was envisaged, would be held on St David's Day 2000 to be attended by the Queen and Morgan, a vociferous opponent of the scheme.
In the event, no such event took place. On 1 March 2000, the day scheduled for the ceremony, the National Assembly of Wales announced that there would be no special ceremony held to mark the project. In place of an official Royal inauguration of this massive civil engineering scheme, the largest of its kind in Europe, a modest ceremony was arranged by Cardiff Bay Development Corporation at which a former Lord Mayor of Cardiff, Councillor Ricky Ormonde officiated along with Alun Michael Labour and Co-operative MP for Cardiff South and Penarth who had always supported the scheme. However, as Cardiff Council would not accommodate the installation of a commemorative plaque on their land, the ceremony had to be performed and the plaque unveiled on land owned by the adjacent local authority, the Vale of Glamorgan Council at the Penarth end of the barrage; that was the site chosen for the installation of a 7-foot tall bronze figure of a mermaid –, the logo of Cardiff Bay Development Corporation. The Cardiff Bay Development Corporation was wound up on 31 March 2000, handing over control of the completed project to Cardiff Council.
Soon afterwards the plaque at the Penarth end of the barrage was removed and an new plaque erected midway along the barrage. The new plaque made no mention of Cardiff Bay Development Authority