SUMMARY / RELATED TOPICS

Census in Australia

The census in Australia, or the Census of Population and Housing, collects key characteristic data on every person in Australia, the place they are staying in, on a particular night. The census is the largest statistical collection compiled by the Australian Bureau of Statistics and is held every five years. Participation in the census is compulsory; the Australian Bureau of Statistics is legislated to collect and disseminate census data under the Australian Bureau of Statistics Act 1975, the Census and Statistics Act 1905. The first Australian census was held in 1911, on the night of 2 April and subsequent censuses were held in 1921, 1933, 1947, 1954 and 1961. In 1961 the five-year period was introduced. Censuses are held on the second Tuesday of August; the most recent was held on 9 August 2016 at a cost of $440 million. The census counts all people who are located within Australia and its external and internal territories, with the exception of foreign diplomats and their families, on census night.

For the first time, in 2016 Norfolk Island was included in the Australian census rather than being conducted by the Norfolk Island Government. The census examines data such as age, incomes, dwelling types and occupancy, transportation modes, languages spoken, religion; the census is collected and published against geographic areas defined by the Australian Standard Geographical Classification. The ASGC provides a set of geographic classifications for the dissemination of all ABS statistics. In 2007 the ABS published; the primary aim of mesh blocks is to provide a building block for constructing alternative and more relevant geographies. Only data on total persons and total dwellings is released at the mesh block level. Mesh blocks will form the basis of a new statistical geography, the Australian Statistical Geography Standard; the traditional concept of a Collection District is that it was the area that one census collector can cover in about a ten-day period. In the 2001 census, collectors may be allocated more than one urban collection district because of their size.

In urban areas collection districts average about 220 dwellings. In rural areas the number of dwellings per collection district reduces as population densities decrease. For the 2016 census there were 358,122'mesh blocks' and 57,523 spatial Statistical Area Level 1 regions defined throughout Australia; the Census and Statistics Act 1905 and Privacy Act 1988 guarantee that no personally-identifiable information is released from the ABS to other government organisations, or the public. However the ABS makes confidential census data available to researchers, who must make various legal commitments before being given access. In the 1970s there was public debate about the census. In 1979 the Law Reform Commission reported on the Census. One of the key elements under question was the inclusion of names, it was found. On 18 December 2015, the ABS announced that it will retain name and address data collected in the 2016 census for up to four years; this was an increase from 18 months in the 2011 censuses.

From 1971 to 1996 the ABS had a policy of destruction of the original census forms and their electronic representations, as well as field records. Prior to that it appears there was no explicit policy of destruction, but most material had been destroyed because of lack of storage facilities; however the 2001 census offered, for the first time, an option to have personal data archived by the National Archives of Australia and released to the public 99 years and in 2001 54% of Australians agreed to do so. Indigenous Australians in contact with the colonists were enumerated at many of the colonial censuses; when the Federation of Australia occurred in 1901, the new Constitution contained a provision, which said: "In reckoning the numbers of the people of the Commonwealth, or of a State or other part of the Commonwealth, aboriginal natives shall not be counted." In 1967, a referendum was held which approved two amendments to the Australian constitution relating to Indigenous Australians. The second of the two amendments deleted Section 127 from the Constitution.

It was believed at the time of the referendum, is still said, that Section 127 meant that aboriginal people were not counted in Commonwealth censuses before 1967. In fact section 127 related to calculating the population of the states and territories for the purpose of allocating seats in Parliament and per capita Commonwealth grants, its purpose was to prevent Queensland and Western Australia using their large aboriginal populations to gain extra seats or extra funds. Thus the Commonwealth Bureau of Census and Statistics interpreted Section 127 as meaning that they may enumerate "aboriginal natives" but that they must be excluded from published tabulations of population. Aboriginal people living in settled areas were counted to a greater or lesser extent in all censuses before 1967; the first Commonwealth Statistician, George Handley Knibbs, obtained a legal opinion that "persons of the half blood" or less are not "aboriginal natives" for the purposes of the Constitution. At the first Australian census in 1911 only those "aboriginal natives" living near white settlements were enumerated, the main population tables included only those of half or less aboriginal descent.

Details of "half-caste" (but not "ful

Trust (social science)

In a social context, trust has several connotations. Definitions of trust refer to a situation characterized by the following aspects: one party is willing to rely on the actions of another party. In addition, the trustor abandons control over the actions performed by the trustee; as a consequence, the trustor is uncertain about the outcome of the other's actions. The uncertainty involves the risk of failure or harm to the trustor if the trustee will not behave as desired. Trust can be attributed to relationships between people, it can be demonstrated that humans have a natural disposition to trust and to judge trustworthiness that can be traced to the neurobiological structure and activity of a human brain. Some studies indicate; when it comes to the relationship between people and technology, the attribution of trust is a matter of dispute. The intentional stance demonstrates that trust can be validly attributed to human relationships with complex technologies. However, rational reflection leads to the rejection of an ability to trust technological artifacts.

One of the key current challenges in the social sciences is to re-think how the rapid progress of technology has impacted constructs such as trust. This is true for information technology that alters causation in social systems. In the social sciences, the subtleties of trust are a subject of ongoing research. In sociology and psychology the degree to which one party trusts another is a measure of belief in the honesty, fairness, or benevolence of another party; the term "confidence" is more appropriate for a belief in the competence of the other party. A failure in trust may be forgiven more if it is interpreted as a failure of competence rather than a lack of benevolence or honesty. In economics, trust is conceptualized as reliability in transactions. In all cases trust is a heuristic decision rule, allowing the human to deal with complexities that would require unrealistic effort in rational reasoning; when it comes to trust, sociology is concerned with the position and role of trust in social systems.

Interest in trust has grown since the early eighties, from the early works of Luhmann and Giddens. This growth of interest in trust has been stimulated by on-going changes in society, characterised as late modernity and post-modernity. Trust is one of an element of the social reality, it does not exist outside of our vision of the other. This image can be real or imaginary. Other constructs discussed together with trust, are: control, risk and power. Trust is attributable to relationships between social actors, both individuals and groups; because trust is a social construct, it is valid to discuss whether trust can be trusted, i.e. whether social trust operates as expected. Sviatoslav contends that society needs trust because it finds itself operating at the edge between confidence in what is known from everyday experience, contingency of new possibilities. Without trust, all contingent possibilities should be always considered, leading to a paralysis of inaction. Trust can be seen as a bet on one of the one that may deliver benefits.

Once the bet is decided, the trustor suspends his or her disbelief, the possibility of a negative course of action is not considered at all. Because of it, trust acts as a reductor of social complexity, allowing for actions that are otherwise too complex to be considered. Sociology tends to focus on two distinct views: the macro view of social systems, a micro view of individual social actors. Views on trust follow this dichotomy. Therefore, on one side the systemic role of trust can be discussed, with a certain disregard to the psychological complexity underpinning individual trust; the behavioural approach to trust is assumed while actions of social actors are measurable, leading to statistical modelling of trust. This systemic approach can be contrasted with studies on social actors and their decision-making process, in anticipation that understanding of such a process will explain the emergence of trust. Sociology acknowledges that the contingency of the future creates dependency between social actors, that the trustor becomes dependent on the trustee.

Trust is seen as one of the possible methods to resolve such a dependency, being an attractive alternative to control. Trust is valuable if the trustee is much more powerful than the trustor, yet the trustor is under social obligation to support the trustee. Modern information technologies not only facilitated the transition towards post-modern society, but they challenged traditional views on trust. Empirical studies confirms the new approach to the traditional question regarding whether technology artefacts can be attributed with trust. Trust is not attributable to artefacts, but it is a representation of trust in social actors such as designers and operators of technology. Properties of technological artefacts form a message to determine trustworthiness of those agents; the discussion about the impact of information technologies is still in progress. However, a conceptual re-thinking of technology-mediated social groups, or the proposition of a unifying socio-technical view on trust, from the perspective of social actors.

In psychology, tr

Newfound Gap

Newfound Gap is a mountain pass located near the center of the Great Smoky Mountains National Park of the southern Appalachian Mountains in the United States of America. Situated along the border of Tennessee and North Carolina, the state line crosses the gap, as does Newfound Gap Road; the Appalachian Trail traverses the gap, as do a small number of other hiking trails. Newfound Gap is home to the Rockefeller Memorial, a popular destination within the national park and the site from where former U. S. President Franklin D. Roosevelt formally dedicated the park on September 2, 1940. According to the National Weather Service, Newfound Gap has around 19 snowy days per year. From 1991 to 2005, annual snowfall ranged from 43.5 inches to 106 inches. Prior to the development of the Great Smoky Mountains National Park, Newfound Gap was an undiscovered pass two miles east of what was long thought to be the lowest mountain pass over the Great Smoky Mountains, Indian Gap. Indian Gap Road, an unpaved, arduous trail frequented by traders, by the Confederate Army during the American Civil War, was completed in 1839 and named after the old Cherokee Indian trail that the road paralleled.

Newfound Gap itself was not recognized as the lowest gap over the mountains until 1872, when Arnold Guyot measured many of the mountains in the area and determined the "Newfound Gap" to be a lower, more accessible mountain pass. With the development of the Great Smoky Mountains National Park came the construction of a newer, more modern highway from Tennessee to North Carolina, completed in 1932 – this time crossing Newfound Gap, replacing the now-defunct Indian Gap Road. North of the park, it is now known as Great Smoky Mountains Parkway; the Gatlinburg Bypass intended to be a part of the Foothills Parkway, extends out from the park to connect Newfound Gap Road south of town to the parkway north of town. Despite its heavy winter snows, the pass is kept open all year, except during and just after winter storms; when closed, the snow route is a long detour around the east-northeast end of the park, using U. S. 321 and Interstate 40. The Tennessee side has heavier snow because of its north and northwestern exposure.

When valley roads are clear and there is little snow in Gatlinburg, Newfound Gap may have far deeper snow, will be closed for several hours after significant snowfall ends. Additionally, being in a national park, Newfound Gap Road is only treated by snowplows and a gravel-sand mix, as no chemicals can be used for snow removal due to their harm to the environment; the road was closed for days after the Great Blizzard of 1993, when 5 feet of snow fell, snowdrifts piled up to twice that. Media related to Newfound Gap at Wikimedia Commons Great Smoky Mountains National Park