Bride price, bridewealth, or bride token, is money, property, or other form of wealth paid by a groom or his family to the family of the woman he will be married to or is just about to marry. Bride price can be compared to dowry, paid to the groom, or used by the bride to help establish the new household, dower, property settled on the bride herself by the groom at the time of marriage; some cultures may practice both bride price simultaneously. Many cultures practiced bride pricing prior to existing records; the tradition of giving bride price is practiced in many Asian countries, the Middle East, parts of Africa and in some Pacific Island societies, notably those in Melanesia. The amount changing hands may range from a token to continue the traditional ritual, to many thousands of US dollars in some marriages in Thailand, as much as a $100,000 in exceptionally large bride prices in parts of Papua New Guinea where bride price is customary. Bridewealth is paid in a currency, not used for other types of exchange.
According to French anthropologist Philippe Rospabé, its payment does therefore not entail the purchase of a woman, as was thought in the early twentieth century. Instead, it is a purely symbolic gesture acknowledging the husband's permanent debt to the wife's parents. Dowries exists in societies. For instance, in Middle-Age Europe, the family of a bride-to-be was compelled to offer a dowry —- land and money —- to the family of the husband-to-be. Bridewealth exists in societies. In Sub-Saharan Africa where land was abundant and there were few or no domesticated animals, manual labor was more valuable than capital, therefore bridewealth dominated. An evolutionary psychology explanation for dowry and bride price is that bride price is common in polygynous societies which have a relative scarcity of available women. In monogamous societies where women have little personal wealth, dowry is instead common since there is a relative scarcity of wealthy men who can choose from many potential women when marrying.
The Code of Hammurabi mentions bride price in various laws as an established custom. It is not the payment of the bride price, prescribed, but the regulation of various aspects: a man who paid the bride price but looked for another bride would not get a refund, but he would if the father of the bride refused the match if a wife died without sons, her father was entitled to the return of her dowry, minus the value of the bride price The Hebrew Bible mention the practice of paying a bride price to the father of a minor girl. Exodus 22:16–17 says: "If a man entices a virgin who isn't pledged to be married, lies with her, he shall pay a dowry for her to be his wife. If her father utterly refuses to give her to him, he shall pay money according to the dowry of virgins." ~~~~ Deuteronomy 22:28–29 states: If a man find a lady, a virgin, not pledged to be married, lay hold on her, lie with her, they be found. In the Jewish tradition, the rabbis in ancient times insisted on the marriage couple's entering into a marriage contract, called a ketubah.
The ketubah provided for an amount to be paid by the husband in the event of a divorce or by his estate in the event of his death. This amount was a replacement of the biblical dower or bride price, payable at the time of the marriage by the groom; this innovation came about because the bride price created a major social problem: many young prospective husbands could not raise the amount at the time when they would be expected to marry. So, to enable these young men to marry, the rabbis, in effect, delayed the time that the amount would be payable, when they would be more to have the sum, it may be noted that both the dower and the ketubah amounts served the same purpose: the protection for the wife should her support cease. The only difference between the two systems was the timing of the payment. In fact, the rabbis were so insistent on the bride having the "benefit of the ketubah" that some described a marriage without one as being concubinage, because the bride would lack the benefit of the financial settlement in case of divorce or death of the husband, without the dower or ketubah amount the woman and her children could become a burden on the community.
However, the husband could refuse to pay the ketubah amount if a divorce was on account of adultery of the wife. In traditional Jewish weddings, to this day, the groom gives the bride an object of value, such as a wedding ring; the ring must have a certain minimal value, it is considered to be a way to fulfill the halachic legal requirement of the husband making a payment to or for the bride. Some of the marriage settlements mentioned in the Iliad and Odyssey suggest that bride price was a custom of Homeric society; the language used for various marriage transactions, may blur distinctions between bride price and dowry, a third practice called "indirect dowry," whereby the groom hands over property to the bride, used to establish the new household. "Homeric society" is a fictional construct involving legendary figures and deities, though drawing on the historical customs of various times and places in the Greek world. At the time when the Homeric epics were composed, "primitive" practices such as bride price and polygamy were no longer part of Greek society.
Mentions of them preserve, if they have a historical basis at all, customs dating from the Age of Mig
The Mosuo are a small ethnic group living in Yunnan and Sichuan provinces in China, close to the border with Tibet. Dubbed the'Kingdom of Women' by the Chinese, the Mosuo population of about 50,000 live near Lugu Lake in the Tibetan Himalayas 27°42′35.30″N 100°47′4.04″E. Scholars use diverse spellings to designate the Mosuo culture. Most prefer'Mosuo' some spell it'Moso', while a minority use neither term, but refer to them as the Na people; the Mosuo people are known as the'Kingdom of Women' because the Na are a matrilineal society: heterosexual activity occurs only by mutual consent and through the custom of the secret nocturnal'visit'. Matrilineal cultures trace descent through the female line, it can be considered a society in which one identifies with one's mother's lineage including familial lineage or property inheritance. Matriarchal cultures are run by women. Women hold primary power, predominate in roles of political leadership, moral authority, social privilege and control of property at the specific exclusion of men, at least to a large degree.
Technically, Mosuo culture is matrilineal, but many anthropologists classify the Mosuo tribe as a "matriarchal society". The Mosuo themselves sometimes use the term matriarchal to describe their culture in order to bring more tourism and interest into their culture. Mosuo culture does have characteristics of a matriarchal society, in that women are the head of the household, the property is passed down through the female line, the women make business decisions; some anthropologists, like Peggy Reeves Sanday, determine that societies like Mosuo are in fact matriarchies. They note that, rather than a simple mirror of a patriarchal society, a matriarchy "emphasizes maternal meanings where'maternal symbols are linked to social practices influencing the lives of both sexes and where women play a central role in these practices'"; these scholars thus favour redefining and reintroducing the word matriarchy in reference to modern matrilineal societies like the Mosuo. The Mosuo are a small ethnic group living around China's Lugu Lake in the provinces of Sichuan and Yunnan.
Most Mosuo people celebrate a matrilineal culture, tracing lineage through the female side of the family. The Mosuo lived in a feudal system where a larger peasant population was controlled by a small nobility; the nobility was afraid of the peasant class gaining power. Since leadership was hereditary, the peasant class was given a matriarchal system; this prevented threats to nobility power by having the peasant class trace lineage through the female line. This system has led to numerous distinct traits among Mosuo society. A Mosuo girl is considered a woman; this ceremony, observed between the ages of 12 and 14, marks a Mosuo girl's transition to womanhood as well as a Mosuo man's transition into manhood. Here women are introduced to men to pants. Prior to the coming of age ceremony, Mosuo children dress the same and are restricted from certain aspects of Mosuo life, namely religious ceremonies. After the coming of age ceremony, Mosuo women are allowed their own private bedroom within the household in which they live.
The Mosuo men practice tisese. However, the Mosuo term means'goes back and forth'. Women have the choice to invite men of interest to their private sleeping room. If the man does not reciprocate this desire, he may never visit the woman's household. Men perform tisese in the true sense of the word, they can seek entry into the sleeping chambers of any woman they desire who desires them. When feelings are reciprocal, a man will be allowed into a woman's private sleeping area. There he will walk back to his mother's home in the early morning. Male suitors have been known to descend into a woman's bedding chamber from a designated opening in the ceiling using a grappling hook, or modern rock climbing apparatus. Anthropologist Cai Hua termed tisese as'furtive' or'closed' visiting, meaning no public acknowledgement or obligations are required between parties. At night Mosuo adults are free to experience sexuality with as many or as few partners. Though a Mosuo woman is allowed to change partners whenever she likes, having only one sexual partner is not uncommon.
Walking marriages are long term. During these unions a woman may become pregnant by the same man multiple times, but when children are born, they become a responsibility of the woman's family. Instead of marrying and sharing family life with spouses, adult Mosuo children remain in extended, multigenerational households with their mother and her blood relatives. Mosuo matrilineality is based on the woman's role as head of the household; the Mosuo live in large extended families with many generations under one roof. Children in a household are taken care of by their mother's family, their only male influences are their mother's brothers. Women who have participated in the coming of age ceremony are allotted a private room. Otherwise the typical Mosuo home consists of communal quarters, with no other private bedrooms or living areas. Anthropologists believe the premodern Mosuo family system has withstood modern Chinese marriage practices for many reasons; the practice of walking marriage allows two people to pursue intimacy as equals purely for the sake of satisfaction.
Mosuo family principles cha
Bilateral descent is a system of family lineage in which the relatives on the mother's side and father's side are important for emotional ties or for transfer of property or wealth. It is a family arrangement where descent and inheritance are passed through both parents. Families who use this system trace descent through both parents and recognize multiple ancestors, but unlike with cognatic descent it is not used to form descent groups. While bilateral descent is the norm in Western culture, traditionally it is only found among few groups in West Africa, Australia, Melanesia, the Philippines, Polynesia. Anthropologists believe that a tribal structure based on bilateral descent helps members live in extreme environments because it allows individuals to rely on two sets of families dispersed over a wide area. Under bilateral descent, every tribe member belongs to two clans, one through the father and another through the mother. For example, among the Himba, clans are led by the eldest male in the clan.
Sons live with their father's clan and when daughters marry they go to live with the clan of their husband. However inheritance of wealth does not follow the patriclan but is determined by the matriclan i.e. a son does not inherit his father's cattle but his maternal uncle's instead. Javanese people, the largest ethnic group in Indonesia adopt a bilateral kinship system; the Dimasa Kachari people of Northeast India has a system of dual family clan. The Urapmin people, a small tribe in Papua New Guinea, have a system of kinship classes known as tanum miit; the classes are inherited bilaterally from both parents. Since they practice strict endogamy, most Urapmin belong to all of the major classes, creating great fluidity and doing little to differentiate individuals. List of sociology topics Sociology
Cousin marriage is marriage between cousins. Opinions and practice vary across the world. In some cultures and communities, cousin marriage is considered ideal and encouraged. In some countries, this practice is common. In others, it is seen as incestuous and is prohibited: it is banned in China and Taiwan, North Korea, South Korea, the Philippines and 24 of the 50 United States. Supporters of cousin marriage where it is banned may view the prohibition as discrimination, while opponents may appeal to moral or other arguments. Worldwide, more than 10 % of marriages are between second cousins. In the past, cousin marriage was practised within indigenous cultures in Australia, North America, South America, Polynesia. Various religions have ranged from prohibiting sixth cousins or closer from marrying, to allowing first-cousin marriage. Cousin marriage is an important topic in alliance theory. Children of first-cousin marriages may have an increased risk of genetic disorders if their parents both carry a harmful recessive mutation, but this can only be estimated empirically, those estimates are to be specific to particular populations in specific environments.
Children of more distantly related cousins have less risk of genetic disorders. In fact, a study of Icelandic records indicated that marriages between third or fourth cousins may produce the most children and grandchildren. According to Professor Robin Fox of Rutgers University, 80% of all marriages in history may have been between second cousins or closer; the founding population of Homo sapiens was 700 to 10,000 individuals. Proportions of first-cousin marriage in Western countries have declined since the 19th century. In the Middle East, cousin marriage is still favoured. Cousin marriage has been chosen to keep cultural values intact, preserve family wealth, maintain geographic proximity, keep tradition, strengthen family ties, maintain family structure or a closer relationship between the wife and her in-laws. Many such marriages are arranged. Confucius described marriage as "the union of two surnames, in friendship and in love". In ancient China, some evidence indicates in some cases, two clans had a longstanding arrangement wherein they would only marry members of the other clan.
Some men practiced sororate marriage, that is, a marriage to a former wife's sister or a polygynous marriage to both sisters. This would have the effect of eliminating parallel-cousin marriage as an option, but would leave cross-cousin marriage acceptable. In the ancient system of the Erya dating from around the third century BC, the words for the two types of cross cousins were identical, with father's brother's children and mother's sister's children both being distinct. However, whereas it may not have been permissible at that time, marriage with the mother's sister's children became possible by the third century AD; the mother's sister's children and cross cousins shared one set of terms, with only the father's brother's children retaining a separate set. This usage remains today, with biao cousins considered "outside" and paternal tang cousins being of the same house. In some periods in Chinese history, all cousin marriage was prohibited, as law codes dating from the Ming Dynasty attest.
However, enforcement proved difficult and by the subsequent Qing Dynasty, the former laws had been restored. The following is a Chinese poem by Po Chu-yi. Anthropologist Francis Hsu described mother's brother's daughter as being the most preferred type of Chinese cousin marriage, mother's sister's daughter as being tolerated, father's brother's daughter as being disfavored; some writers report this last form as being nearly incestuous. One proposed explanation is that in FBD marriage, the daughter does not change her surname throughout her life, so the marriage does not result in an extension of the father's kinship ties. In Chinese culture, these patrilineal ties are most important in determining the closeness of a relation. In the case of the MSD marriage, no such ties exist, so this may not be viewed as cousin marriage. One reason that MBD marriage is most common may be the greater emotional warmth between a man and his mother's side of the family. Analyses have found regional variation in these patterns.
By the early to mid-20th century, anthropologists described cross-cousin marriage in China as "still permissible... but... obsolete" or as "permitted but not encouraged". Cousin marriage has been allowed throughout the Middle East for all recorded history. Anthropologists have debated the significance of the practice. Little numerical evidence exists of rates of cousin marriage in the past. Raphael Patai reports that in central Arabia, no relaxation of a man's right to the father's brother's daughter, seems to have taken place in the past hundred years before his 1962 work. Here the girl is not forced to marry her male cousin, but she cannot marry another unless he gives consent; the forc
Polygamy is the practice of marrying multiple spouses. When a man is married to more than one wife at a time, sociologists call this polygyny; when a woman is married to more than one husband at a time, it is called polyandry. If a marriage includes multiple husbands and wives, it can be called a group marriage or mixed-orientation marriage. In contrast, monogamy is marriage consisting of only two parties. Like "monogamy", the term "polygamy" is used in a de facto sense, applied regardless of whether the state recognizes the relationship. In sociobiology and zoology, researchers use polygamy in a broad sense to mean any form of multiple mating. Worldwide, different societies variously encourage, outlaw polygamy. Of societies which allow or tolerate polygamy, in the vast majority of cases the form accepted is polygyny. According to the Ethnographic Atlas, of 1,231 societies noted, 588 had frequent polygyny, 453 had occasional polygyny, 186 were monogamous and 4 had polyandry. From a religious point of view, "The bible shows over 36 named men who had more than one wife."
In cultures which practice polygamy, its prevalence among that population is connected to class and socioeconomic status. From a legal point of view, in many countries, although marriage is monogamous, adultery is not illegal, leading to a situation of de facto polygamy being allowed, although without legal recognition for non-official "spouses". According to scientific studies, the human mating system is considered to be monogamous, with cultural practice of polygamy to be in the minority, based on both surveys of world populations, on characteristics of human reproductive physiology. Polygamy exists in three specific forms: Polygyny, wherein a man has multiple simultaneous wives Polyandry, wherein a woman has multiple simultaneous husbands Group marriage, wherein the family unit consists of multiple husbands and multiple wives of legal age Polygyny, the practice wherein a man has more than one wife at the same time, is by far the most common form of polygamy. Many Muslim-majority countries and some countries with a sizeable Muslim minority accept polygyny and culturally to varying extents.
Polygyny is more widespread in Africa than in any other continent in West Africa, some scholars see the slave trade's impact on the male-to-female sex ratio as a key factor in the emergence and fortification of polygynous practices in regions of Africa. Anthropologist Jack Goody's comparative study of marriage around the world utilizing the Ethnographic Atlas demonstrated an historical correlation between the practice of extensive shifting horticulture and polygamy in the majority of sub-Saharan African societies. Drawing on the work of Ester Boserup, Goody notes that the sexual division of labour varies between the male-dominated intensive plough-agriculture common in Eurasia and the extensive shifting horticulture found in sub-Saharan Africa. In some of the sparsely-populated regions where shifting cultivation takes place in Africa, women do much of the work; this favours polygamous marriages in which men seek to monopolize the production of women "who are valued both as workers and as child bearers".
Goody, observes that the correlation is imperfect and varied, discusses more traditionally male-dominated though extensive farming systems such as those that exist in much of West Africa in the West African savanna, where polygyny is desired by men more for the generation of male offspring, whose labor is valued. Anthropologists Douglas R. White and Michael L. Burton discuss and support Jack Goody's observation regarding African male farming systems in "Causes of Polygyny: Ecology, Economy and Warfare" where these authors note: Goody argues against the female contributions hypothesis, he notes Dorjahn's comparison of East and West Africa, showing higher female agricultural contributions in East Africa and higher polygyny rates in West Africa the West African savanna, where one finds high male agricultural contributions. Goody says, "The reasons behind polygyny are sexual and reproductive rather than economic and productive", arguing that men marry polygynously to maximize their fertility and to obtain large households containing many young dependent males.
Polygynous marriages fall into two types: sororal polygyny, in which the co-wives are sisters, non-sororal, where the co-wives are not related. Polygyny offers husbands the benefit of allowing them to have more children, may provide them with a larger number of productive workers, allows them to establish politically useful ties with a greater number of kin groups. Senior wives can benefit as well when the addition of junior wives to the family lightens their workload. Wives' senior wives', status in a community can increase through the addition of other wives, who add to the family's prosperity or symbolize conspicuous consumption. For such reasons, senior wives sometimes work hard or contribute from their own resources to enable their husbands to accumulate the bride price for an extra wife. Polygyny may result from the practice of levirate marriage. In such cases, the deceased man's heir may inherit his assets and wife; this provides support for the widow and her children and maintains t
Marriage called matrimony or wedlock, is a or ritually recognised union between spouses that establishes rights and obligations between those spouses, as well as between them and any resulting biological or adopted children and affinity. The definition of marriage varies around the world not only between cultures and between religions, but throughout the history of any given culture and religion, evolving to both expand and constrict in who and what is encompassed, but it is principally an institution in which interpersonal relationships sexual, are acknowledged or sanctioned. In some cultures, marriage is recommended or considered to be compulsory before pursuing any sexual activity; when defined broadly, marriage is considered a cultural universal. A marriage ceremony is known as a wedding. Individuals may marry for several reasons, including legal, libidinal, financial and religious purposes. Whom they marry may be influenced by gender determined rules of incest, prescriptive marriage rules, parental choice and individual desire.
In some areas of the world, arranged marriage, child marriage and sometimes forced marriage, may be practiced as a cultural tradition. Conversely, such practices may be outlawed and penalized in parts of the world out of concerns of the infringement of women's rights, or the infringement of children's rights, because of international law. Around the world in developed democracies, there has been a general trend towards ensuring equal rights within marriage for women and recognizing the marriages of interfaith and same-sex couples; these trends coincide with the broader human rights movement. Marriage can be recognized by a state, an organization, a religious authority, a tribal group, a local community, or peers, it is viewed as a contract. When a marriage is performed and carried out by a government institution in accordance with the marriage laws of the jurisdiction, without religious content, it is a civil marriage. Civil marriage recognizes and creates the rights and obligations intrinsic to matrimony before the state.
When a marriage is performed with religious content under the auspices of a religious institution it is a religious marriage. Religious marriage recognizes and creates the rights and obligations intrinsic to matrimony before that religion. Religious marriage is known variously as sacramental marriage in Catholicism, nikah in Islam, nissuin in Judaism, various other names in other faith traditions, each with their own constraints as to what constitutes, who can enter into, a valid religious marriage; some countries do not recognize locally performed religious marriage on its own, require a separate civil marriage for official purposes. Conversely, civil marriage does not exist in some countries governed by a religious legal system, such as Saudi Arabia, where marriages contracted abroad might not be recognized if they were contracted contrary to Saudi interpretations of Islamic religious law. In countries governed by a mixed secular-religious legal system, such as in Lebanon and Israel, locally performed civil marriage does not exist within the country, preventing interfaith and various other marriages contradicting religious laws from being entered into in the country, civil marriages performed abroad are recognized by the state if they conflict with religious laws.
The act of marriage creates normative or legal obligations between the individuals involved, any offspring they may produce or adopt. In terms of legal recognition, most sovereign states and other jurisdictions limit marriage to opposite-sex couples and a diminishing number of these permit polygyny, child marriages, forced marriages. In modern times, a growing number of countries developed democracies, have lifted bans on and have established legal recognition for the marriages of interfaith and same-sex couples; some cultures allow the dissolution of marriage through annulment. In some areas, child marriages and polygamy may occur in spite of national laws against the practice. Since the late twentieth century, major social changes in Western countries have led to changes in the demographics of marriage, with the age of first marriage increasing, fewer people marrying, more couples choosing to cohabit rather than marry. For example, the number of marriages in Europe decreased by 30% from 1975 to 2005.
In most cultures, married women had few rights of their own, being considered, along with the family's children, the property of the husband. In Europe, the United States, other places in the developed world, beginning in the late 19th century and lasting through the 21st century, marriage has undergone gradual legal changes, aimed at improving the rights of the wife; these changes included giving wives legal identities of their own, abolishing the right of husbands to physically discipline their wives, giving wives property rights, liberalizing divorce laws, providing wives with reproductive rights of their own, requiring a wife's consent when sexual relations occur. These changes have occurred in Western countries. In the 21st century, there continue to be controversies regarding the legal status of married women, legal acceptance of or leniency towards violence within marriage, traditional marriage customs such as dowry and bride price, for
Milk kinship, formed during nursing by a non-biological mother, was a form of fostering allegiance with fellow community members. This particular form of kinship did not exclude particular groups, such that class and other hierarchal systems did not matter in terms of milk kinship participation. Traditionally speaking, this practice predates the early modern period, though it became a used mechanism for developing alliances in many hierarchical societies during that time. Milk kinship used the practice of breast feeding by a wet nurse to feed a child either from the same community, or a neighbouring one; this wet nurse played the strategic role in forging relations between her family and the family of the child she was nursing, as well as their community. In the early modern period, milk kinship was practiced in many Arab countries for both religious and strategic purposes. Like the Christian practice of godparenting, milk kinship established a second family that could take responsibility for a child whose biological parents came to harm.
"Milk kinship in Islam thus appears to be a culturally distinctive, but by no means unique, institutional form of adoptive kinship." The childhood of the Islamic prophet, illustrates the practice of traditional Arab milk kinship. In his early childhood, he was sent away to foster-parents amongst the Bedouin. By nursing him, Halimah bint Abdullah became his "milk-mother." The rest of her family was drawn into the relationship as well: her husband al-Harith became Muhammad's "milk-father," and Muhammad was raised alongside their biological children as a "milk-brother". Due to milk kinship a man cannot marry His foster mother or other female foster ancestor His foster sister When Crazy Horse was a baby, he nursed at the breast of every woman in the tribe; the Sioux raised their children that way. Every warrior called every woman in the tribe "Mother"; every older warrior, they called him "Grandfather". "Colactation creates a durable and intimate bond. People of different races and religions could be brought together strategically through the bonding of the milk mother and their milk ‘children’.
Milk kinship was as relevant for peasants as ‘fostering’ or as ‘hosting’ other children, in that it secured the good will from their masters and their wives. As mentioned the milk women’s family is the ‘core range’ to the child she is nursing and they become milk kin, which may strategically be useful for the future if the child is from a higher class family, as the milk women’s children will become ‘milk-brothers’ and ‘milk-sisters.’ Thus peasant women would most play the role of the ‘milk’ mother to her non-biological children, they held an important role in maintaining the connection between herself and the master whose baby she is nursing. It is important to note that it was a practical way to assist families who were of a ill mother or whose mother died in childbirth; this would have been helpful in many societies where in times of war, if families perished, other members of society would end up co-parenting through the link of milk-kinship. Noble offspring were sent to milk kin fosterers that would foster them to maturity so that the children would be raised by their successive status subordinates.
The purpose of this was for political importance to build milk kin as bodyguards. This was a major practice in the Hindu Kush society. One particular theory mentioned by Peter Parkes is an Arab folk-analogy that breast milk is supposed to be “transformed male semen” that arises from Hertiers Somatic Scheme. There is no evidence that Arabs considered a mother's milk to be ‘transformed sperm’. Another suggested analogy is, it is suggested since that milk is of the woman, her moods and dispositions are transferred through the breast milk. Parkes mentions that milk-kinship was “further endorsed as a canonical impediment to marriage by several eastern Christian churches”; this indicates that this procedure was practiced among numerous religious communities, not just Islamic communities, in the early modern Mediterranean. Soraya Altorki published a pioneering article on Sunni Arab notions of kinship created through suckling breast milk. Altorki indicated that milk kinship had received little attention from anthropologists, despite its recognised significance in Muslim family law as a complex impediment to marriage.
Milk kinship has since attracted further fieldwork throughout Islamic Asia and North Africa, demonstrating its importance as a culturally distinctive institution of adoptive affiliation. Héritier's somatic thesis posits that Islamic marriage between milk kin is forbidden because of an ancient pre-Islamic meme, communicated in the Arab saying ‘the milk is from the man’. Héritier’s somatic explanation has since been endorsed – and confirmed – by several French ethnographers of the Maghreb being further developed in her monograph on incest. In reaction, a few scholars have cited jurisprudence. "A child is the product of the conjoint seed of man and woman... but milk is the property of woman alone. Al-Qurtubi, Jami’ al-ahkam V.83, cited in Benkheira. The rules of Sunni marital incest apply through a standard of adoptive kin relations, but the modern jurisprudence does not explain the origin of the taboo. Héritier explains Islamic juridical reckonings of milk kinship as the continuation of a somatic scheme of male filiative substan