A cult film or cult movie commonly referred to as a cult classic, is a film that has acquired a cult following. Cult films are known for their dedicated, passionate fanbase, an elaborate subculture that engage in repeated viewings, quoting dialogue, audience participation. Inclusive definitions allow for major studio productions box office bombs, while exclusive definitions focus more on obscure, transgressive films shunned by the mainstream; the difficulty in defining the term and subjectivity of what qualifies as a cult film mirror classificatory disputes about art. The term cult film itself was first used in the 1970s to describe the culture that surrounded underground films and midnight movies, though cult was in common use in film analysis for decades prior to that. Cult films trace their origin back to controversial and suppressed films kept alive by dedicated fans. In some cases, reclaimed or rediscovered films have acquired cult followings decades after their original release for their camp value.
Other cult films have since become reassessed as classics. After failing in the cinema, some cult films have become regular fixtures on cable television or profitable sellers on home video. Others have inspired their own film festivals. Cult films can both form their own subcultures. Other media that reference cult films can identify which demographics they desire to attract and offer savvy fans an opportunity to demonstrate their knowledge. Cult films break cultural taboos, many feature excessive displays of violence, sexuality, profanity, or combinations thereof; this can lead to controversy and outright bans. Films that fail to attract requisite amounts of controversy may face resistance when labeled as cult films. Mainstream films and big budget blockbusters have attracted cult followings similar to more underground and lesser known films. Fans who like the films for the wrong reasons, such as perceived elements that represent mainstream appeal and marketing, will be ostracized or ridiculed.
Fans who stray from accepted subcultural scripts may experience similar rejection. Since the late 1970s, cult films have become popular. Films that once would have been limited to obscure cult followings are now capable of breaking into the mainstream, showings of cult films have proved to be a profitable business venture. Overbroad usage of the term has resulted in controversy, as purists state it has become a meaningless descriptor applied to any film, the slightest bit weird or unconventional. Films are stated to be an "instant cult classic" now before they are released. Fickle fans on the Internet have latched on to unreleased films only to abandon them on release. At the same time, other films have acquired massive, quick cult followings, owing to spreading virally through social media. Easy access to cult films via video on demand and peer-to-peer file sharing has led some critics to pronounce the death of cult films. A cult film is any film that has a cult following, although the term is not defined and can be applied to a wide variety of films.
Some definitions exclude films that have been released by major studios or have big budgets, that try to become cult films, or become accepted by mainstream audiences and critics. Cult films are defined by audience reaction as much as by their content; this may take the form of elaborate and ritualized audience participation, film festivals, or cosplay. Over time, the definition has become more vague and inclusive as it drifts away from earlier, stricter views. Increasing use of the term by mainstream publications has resulted in controversy, as cinephiles argue that the term has become meaningless or "elastic, a catchall for anything maverick or strange". Academic Mark Shiel has criticized the term itself as being reliant on subjectivity. According to feminist scholar Joanne Hollows, this subjectivity causes films with large female cult followings to be perceived as too mainstream and not transgressive enough to qualify as a cult film. Academic Mike Chopra‑Gant says that cult films become decontextualized when studied as a group, Shiel criticizes this recontextualization as cultural commodification.
In 2008, Cineaste asked a range of academics for their definition of a cult film. Several people defined cult films in terms of their opposition to mainstream films and conformism, explicitly requiring a transgressive element, though others disputed the transgressive potential, given the demographic appeal to conventional moviegoers and mainstreaming of cult films. Jeffrey Andrew Weinstock instead called them mainstream films with transgressive elements. Most definitions required a strong community aspect, such as obsessed fans or ritualistic behavior. Citing misuse of the term, Mikel J. Koven took a self-described hard-line stance that rejected definitions that use any other criteria. Matt Hills instead stressed the need for an open-ended definition rooted in structuration, where the film and the audience reaction are interrelated and neither is prioritized. Ernest Mathijs focused on the accidental nature of cult followings, arguing that cult film fans consider themselves too savvy to be marketed to, w
Archbishop Bergan High School is a private, Roman Catholic high school in Fremont, United States. It is located in the Roman Catholic Archdiocese of Omaha. Archbishop Bergan High School was established in 1950 as St. Patrick's High School; when the school relocated to its current location in 1960, it was renamed after Gerald Thomas Bergan, archbishop of the Omaha diocese from 1948 to 1969. In 2010, a new building was constructed for the grade school, with Pre-K-6th grade at the new building, 7-12th grades at the high school building. Archbishop Bergan is a member of the Nebraska School Activities Association and the Centennial Conference; the school has won the following NSAA State Championships: Boys' football - Champion: 1979-1980 Boys' basketball - Champion: 1979-1980, 1986–1987, 2007–2008, 2013-2014 Boys' golf - Champion: 2009 Zach Wiegert, former football player in the NFL School website
Russin is a municipality in the canton of Geneva in Switzerland. Russin is first mentioned around 1100 as Russino und Rucins. In 1217 it was mentioned as Russins. Russin has an area, as of 2009, of 4.91 square kilometers. Of this area, 2.63 km2 or 53.6% is used for agricultural purposes, while 1.04 km2 or 21.2% is forested. Of the rest of the land, 0.67 km2 or 13.6% is settled, 0.42 km2 or 8.6% is either rivers or lakes and 0.19 km2 or 3.9% is unproductive land. Of the built up area and buildings made up 2.4% and transportation infrastructure made up 5.9%. Power and water infrastructure as well as other special developed areas made up 5.1% of the area Out of the forested land, 19.1% of the total land area is forested and 2.0% is covered with orchards or small clusters of trees. Of the agricultural land, 24.6% is used for growing crops and 6.1% is pastures, while 22.8% is used for orchards or vine crops. Of the water in the municipality, 1.2 % is in lakes and 7.3 % streams. The municipality is located on the right bank of the Rhone river.
It consists of the hamlets of Verbois, La Chaumaz and Les Baillets. The municipality of Russin consists of the sub-sections or villages of Molards, Russin - plateau, Teppes-du-Biolay and Russin - village. Russin has a population of 541; as of 2008, 23.8% of the population are resident foreign nationals. Over the last 10 years the population has changed at a rate of 16.6%. It has changed at a rate of 6 % due to births and deaths. Most of the population speaks French, with German being second most common and Portuguese being third. There are 4 people; as of 2008, the gender distribution of the population was 48.6 % female. The population was made up of 59 non-Swiss men. There were 63 non-Swiss women. Of the population in the municipality 105 or about 26.8% were born in Russin and lived there in 2000. There were 123 or 31.4% who were born in the same canton, while 52 or 13.3% were born somewhere else in Switzerland, 93 or 23.7% were born outside of Switzerland. In 2008 there were 4 live births to Swiss citizens and 3 births to non-Swiss citizens, in same time span there.
Ignoring immigration and emigration, the population of Swiss citizens increased by 4 while the foreign population increased by 3. There were 1 Swiss woman who emigrated from Switzerland. At the same time, there was 1 non-Swiss man and 5 non-Swiss women who immigrated from another country to Switzerland; the total Swiss population change in 2008 was an increase of 1 and the non-Swiss population increased by 6 people. This represents a population growth rate of 1.8%. The age distribution of the population is children and teenagers make up 25.5% of the population, while adults make up 62.2% and seniors make up 12.2%. As of 2000, there were 160 people who never married in the municipality. There were 19 individuals who are divorced; as of 2000, there were 155 private households in the municipality, an average of 2.4 persons per household. There were 42 households that consist of 14 households with five or more people. Out of a total of 163 households that answered this question, 25.8% were households made up of just one person and there was 1 adult who lived with their parents.
Of the rest of the households, there are 49 married couples without children, 52 married couples with children There were 8 single parents with a child or children. There were 3 households that were made up of unrelated people and 8 households that were made up of some sort of institution or another collective housing. In 2000 there were 77 single family homes out of a total of 125 inhabited buildings. There were 14 multi-family buildings, along with 23 multi-purpose buildings that were used for housing and 11 other use buildings that had some housing. Of the single family homes 32 were built before 1919, while 6 were built between 1990 and 2000; the most multi-family homes were built before 1919 and the next most were built between 1961 and 1970. There were 2 multi-family houses built between 1996 and 2000. In 2000 there were 162 apartments in the municipality; the most common apartment size was 4 rooms of which there were 43. There were 53 apartments with five or more rooms. Of these apartments, a total of 144 apartments were permanently occupied, while 10 apartments were seasonally occupied and 8 apartments were empty.
As of 2009, the construction rate of new housing units was 56 new units per 1000 residents. The vacancy rate for the municipality, in 2010, was 0%; the historical population is given in the following chart: The Campagne De La Grand’Cour is listed as a Swiss heritage site of national significance. In the 2007 federal election the most popular party was the SVP; the next three most popular parties were the Green Party, the FDP and the SP. In the federal election, a total of 152 votes were cast, the voter turnout was 64.1%. In the 2009 Grand Conseil election, there were a total of 265 registered voters; the most popular party in the municipality for this election was the Les Radicaux with