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Deme

In Ancient Greece, a deme or demos was a suburb or a subdivision of Athens and other city-states. Demes as simple subdivisions of land in the countryside seem to have existed in the 6th century BC and earlier, but did not acquire particular significance until the reforms of Cleisthenes in 508 BC. In those reforms, enrollment in the citizen-lists of a deme became the requirement for citizenship. At this same time, demes were established in the main city of Athens itself, where they had not existed; the establishment of demes as the fundamental units of the state weakened the gene, or aristocratic family groups, that had dominated the phratries. A deme functioned to some degree as a polis in miniature, indeed some demes, such as Eleusis and Acharnae, were in fact significant towns; each deme had a demarchos. Demes collected and spent revenue. Demes were combined with other demes from the same area to make trittyes, larger population groups, which in turn were combined to form the ten tribes, or phylai of Athens.

Each tribe contained one trittys from each of three regions: the city, the coast, the inland area. Cleisthenes divided the landscape in three zones—urban and inland —and the 139 demes were organized into 30 groups called trittyes, ten for each of the zones and into ten tribes, or phyle, each composed of three trittyes, one from the coast, one from the city, one from the inland area. Cleisthenes reorganized the Boule, created with 400 members under Solon, so that it had 500 members, 50 from each tribe, each deme having a fixed quota; the ten tribes were named after legendary heroes and came to have an official order: Erechtheis named after Erechtheus Aigeis named after Aegeus Pandionis named after Pandion Leontis named after Leos, son of Orpheus Acamantis named after Acamas Oineis named after Oeneus Kekropis named after Cécrops Hippothontis named after Hippothoon Aiantis named after Ajax Antiochis named after Antiochus, son of Heracles In 307/306 – 224/223 BC the system was reorganized creating the two Macedonian Phylai, named after Demetrius I of Macedon and Antigonus I Monophthalmus, increasing the Boule to 600 members.

Each of the ten tribes, except Aiantis, provide 3 demes. In connection the contribution of each village to the Boule is properly adapted; the Egyptian Phyle XIII. Ptolemais, named after Ptolemy III Euergetes is created in 224/223 BC and the Boule increases to 600 members, the twelve tribes giving each a demos. In 201/200 BC the Macedonian Phylae are dissolved and the villages go back to the original tribe. Moreover, in spring 200 BC the tribe XIV. Attalis, named after Attalus I, is created following the same scheme used for the creation of the Egyptian Phyle: each tribe contributes a deme and a new deme, Apollonieis, is created in honour of Apollonis, wife of Attalus I of Pergamum; as a consequence we have again 600 members of the Boule. From this period there are no more quotas assigned to the demes for the 50 Boule members of each tribe The last modification is the creation in 126/127 of XV. Hadrianis, named after Hadrian following the same scheme: each tribe contributes a deme and a new deme, Antinoeis is created in honour of Hadrian's favorite, Antinous.

More over each tribe contributes 40 members to the Boule. In the first three periods there it a more detailed system of fixed quotas which remained unchanged. There is no evidence for a single general reapportionment of quotas within each of the first three periods, while there are evident small quota-variations between the first and the second periods. More in: 307/306 BC, 24 demes increased of 1 bouleutes, 13 of 2, 5 or 3, 6 of 4 and 1 of 11 and there is not a single example of a decreased quota. 224/223 BC 4 demes increased of 1 bouleutes, 1 of 2, 2 or 3 and 2 of 4. As regards the last two periods, the material illustrates the complete collapse of the quota-system from 201/200 BC; some deme lists suggest to extend the 139+3 list adding 43 other names some of which have been considered by scholars as attic demes. The criticism performed by John S. Traill shows that 24 are the result of error, ancient or modern, or of misinterpretation and 19 are well known chiefly from inscriptions of the second and third centuries after Christ, i.e. in the fifth period, thus for political purposes they were dependent on legitimate cleisthenic demes.

There are 6 pairs of homonymous demes: Halai Araphenides and Halai Aixonides Oion Dekeleikon and Oion Kerameikon Eitea: there were two demes of that name, but no modifier is known. One is associated to V. Acamantis XI. Antigonis and XV. Hadrianis. Antiochis Oi

Environmental Action

Environmental Action is a 501 non-profit environmental advocacy organization in the United States. Founded in 1970 by environmental activists at the first Earth Day, it operated until 1996 but was rebooted in 2012 as part of the Public Interest Network, a family of non-profit organizations that includes the Public Interest Research Group, Environment America, Green Corps and others. Environmental Action developed the original "Dirty Dozen", a list of members of Congress with poor records on environmental issues. Begun in 1970, it has been run annually since in partnership with the League of Conservation Voters; the group helped convince Richard Nixon to support the Clean Air Act of 1970, the Clean Water Act and the Endangered Species Act. Environmental Action, a national ecological organization that grew from the enthusiasm of Earth Day in 1970, combined political activism and grassroots organizing with an experimental egalitarian staff structure; because of this, it was considered among the most radical of the national environmental groups.

Based in Washington, D. C. Environmental Action used education and advocacy to create innovative media campaigns and score legislative victories. Operational from 1970 to 1996, the organization spawned dozens of activists who went on to play significant roles across the environmental and social change movements. After its demise, the name was resurrected by a different entity. Environmental Action known as Environmental Teach-In, was launched on April 21, 1970, the day before the first Earth Day, it was made up of young activists influenced both by America's pollution crisis and by the anti-war movement of the 1960s. In its founding statement, Environmental Action pledged to focus attention on poor people, African-Americans, anti-war groups and the 1970 Congressional elections; the staff went from organizing Earth Day into lobbying for political change on Capitol Hill, advocating for meaningful new environmental laws and pressing for corporate reform through media efforts and demonstrations. Because Environmental Action lobbied Congress and was not tax-deductible, because its paid membership peaked at only 22,000 in 1979, it continually operated over its 26-year lifetime on a bare-bones budget.

Soon after its founding, Environmental Action named the "Dirty Dozen"—12 anti-environmental congressmen of both parties. Seven of the 12 went down to defeat in November 1970, helping to pave the way for overwhelming congressional passage of strong legislation on clean air and water that year and the next; the campaign pushed Environmental Action onto center stage regarding environment and the voting booth. The Dirty Dozen campaign was covered in the press, not only in the news section but through numerous editorials and in political humor columns, it became Environmental Action's best-known and most effective tactic though it was attacked by Congressional leaders who considered legislation to prohibit it. It has since been imitated by numerous other advocacy organizations across a spectrum of issues; as part of the Coalition for Clean Air, Environmental Action lobbied for legislation engineered by Senator Edmund Muskie and John Sherman Cooper. This marked the first time that citizen lobbyists helped to draft detailed legislative language on an environmental issue.

Despite opposition from all of corporate America, the law was overwhelmingly passed in the House and unanimously in the Senate. In conference committee, Muskie's Senate version dominated a weaker House bill, President Nixon signed the Clean Air Act into law on December 31, 1970. Beginning in the 1950s, aerospace companies set their sights on building a commercial airliner that could fly faster than the speed of sound. By the mid-1960s, significant environmental impacts were coming to the fore, including massive fuel consumption, potential damage to the upper atmosphere, a continuous sonic boom emanating in a 15-mile wide wake behind the plane. Environmental Action, with Friends of the Earth, the Sierra Club and others, organized the broadest legislative effort to that point by environmentalists Thanks to the effort, along with the plane's dismal economics, the supersonic transport was voted down by the Senate on December 3, 1970 and zeroed out of the budget by the full Congress on March 24, 1971.

Inspired by "The Fox", a pseudonym under which Chicagoan James F. Phillips led direct action against the U. S. Steel Corporation, Environmental Action coined a new word—"ecotage"—to denote the use of sabotage in the name of ecology, it held a nationwide contest. The Fox had engaged in extra-legal direct action—including dumping a pail of dead fish on the white carpet of U. S. Steel's CEO and placing a heavy manhole cover on top of a U. S. Steel smokestack—but Environmental Action expressly foreswore illegal actions, soliciting only ideas; the contest winners, the Eco-Commando Force'70 were feted at a banquet and, in 1972, Pocket Books published Ecotage, a book, influential on more militant ecology organizations such as Greenpeace, Earth First!, Rainforest Action Network. In 1956, the United States began constructing the Interstate Highway System, the largest public works project in history. In rural areas the highways were popular, but by the late 1960s many Interstates had begun to penetrate inner cities, destroying neighborhoods, adding pollution, generating political resistance.

Local anti-highway groups sprang up in dozens of locations from Boston to Seattle calling for changes to the Highway Trust Fund, an exclusive source of highway-only dollars from Washington. In 1971, Environmental Action and several other organizations la

Ikarigaseki Station

Ikarigaseki Station is a railway station on the northern Ōu Main Line in the city of Hirakawa, Aomori Prefecture, operated by East Japan Railway Company. Ikarigaseki Station is served by the Ōu Main Line, is located 427.2 km from the starting point of the Ōu Main Line at Fukushima. The station has one side platform and one island platform serving three tracks, connected to the station building by a footbridge; the station is staffed. Ikarigaseki Station was opened on 21 October 1895 as a station on the Japanese Government Railways system, which became the Japanese National Railways. With the privatization of JNR on 1 April 1987, it came under the operational control of JR East. In fiscal 2015, the station was used by an average of 113 passengers daily. Ikarigasaki Post Office Former Ikarigaseki village hall Ikarigaseki Elementary School Ikarigaseki Junior High School List of Railway Stations in Japan Official website

Angela Povilaitis

Angela Povilaitis is a former assistant attorney general of Michigan. In 2018, she gained national media attention as the attorney who led the prosecution of Larry Nassar, the ex-USA Gymnastics and Michigan State University doctor accused of molestation by hundreds of women and girls. Povilaitis graduated from Wayne State University Law School in 2000. Povilaitis is now a staff policy attorney with the Michigan Domestic and Sexual Violence Treatment and Prevention Board. Povilaitis a Michigan assistant attorney general who prosecuted cases and ran a statewide cold-case sexual assault project, built a case against Larry Nassar with Michigan State University Police Det. Lt. Andrea Munford after former gymnast Rachael Denhollander filed a complaint and spoke publicly in September 2016 against Nassar, prompting other women to come forward. Povilaitis brought ten charges against Nassar involving nine victims between 1998-2015 in two counties before he pled guilty; the charges were only a part of the case: more than 140 others filed civil lawsuits against Nassar, with MSU officials fielding all but fifteen of them.

Aly Raisman, McKayla Maroney, Gabby Douglas and other Olympic gymnasts accused Nassar of sexual assault during nationally televised interviews or on social media. In January and February 2018, more than 200 women spoke before two Michigan county judges about the impact that Nassar's abuse had on their lives, their testimonies were broadcast around the world. Povilaitis has won some awards for her work including the first Outstanding Advocate for Victims of Crime award and the 2018 Glamour Women of the Year

Confederation Congress Proclamation of 1783

Confederation Congress Proclamation of 1783 was a proclamation by the Congress of the Confederation dated September 22, 1783 prohibiting the extinguishment of aboriginal title in the United States without the consent of the federal government. The policy underlying the proclamation was inaugurated by the Royal Proclamation of 1763, continued after the ratification of the United States Constitution by the Nonintercourse Acts of 1790, 1793, 1796, 1799, 1802, 1833. During the Articles of Confederation-era, several U. S. states New York, purchased lands from Indians without the consent of Congress. In the 1980s, in the wake of the Oneida I decision permitting tribes to pursue such claims in federal courts, several tribes challenged such conveyances as contrary to the Proclamation. However, the Second Circuit has held that Congress had neither the authority nor the intent to prohibit such purchases within the borders of individual states, thus that the Proclamation applied only to the federal territories.

The Proclamation prohibits: all persons from making settlements on lands inhabited or claimed by Indians, without the limits or jurisdiction of any particular State, from purchasing or receiving any gift or cession of such lands or claims without the express authority and directions of the United States in Congress assembled. The Proclamation declared: that every such purchase or settlement, gift or cession, not having the authority aforesaid, is null and void, that no right or title will accrue in consequence of any such purchase, cession or settlement. Few early cases cite the Proclamation. However, the Proclamation has been cited in more recent litigation challenging conveyances of aboriginal title from tribes between 1783 and 1790; the most in-depth analysis of the Proclamation was conducted by the United States Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit in Oneida Indian Nation of New York v. New York. There, the Oneida Indian Nation challenged purchases of Oneida lands by the state of New York in 1785 and 1788.

Judge Jon O. Newman, for a unanimous three-judge panel, became one of the first U. S. federal judges to rule on the powers of the Congress and the states under the Articles of Confederation, 200 years after the fact. Newman held: the states were empowered under the Articles to purchase land from Indians without the consent of Congress; the result of this decision was to extinguish "one of the largest land claims" claiming between 5,500,000 and 6,000,000 acres. Howard Elijah, secretary of the Oneida Council of Chiefs, called the decision a "genocide." The Oneidas were represented by the Native American Rights Fund. J. David Lehman, The End of the Iroquois Mystique: The Oneida Land Cession Treaties of the 1780s, 47 Wm. & Mary L. Rev. 523. Theodore C. Max, Conundrums Along the Mohawk: Preconstitutional Land Claims of the Oneida Indian Nation, 11 N. Y. U. Rev. L. & Soc. Change 473. Text of the Proclamation

Missouri Athletic Club Building

The Missouri Athletic Club's Downtown Clubhouse is a historic building having Renaissance Revival architecture. It was added to the National Register of Historic Places in 2007; the Missouri Athletic Club has two clubhouses. The Downtown Clubhouse is located at 405 Washington Avenue, at the corner of Fourth Street, adjacent to the entrance to the Eads Bridge on the Missouri side. Designed by William B. Ittner, the clubhouse contains two restaurants, a ballroom, a barber shop, numerous private meeting rooms, a reading room, a billiard parlor, a rooftop deck, more than 75 guest rooms, full-service athletic facilities; the athletic facilities include weight training, a pro shop, tanning beds and dry saunas, pros, a masseuse, squash courts, racquetball courts, handball courts