Instituto Nacional de Estadística (Spain)
The National Statistics Institute is the official agency in Spain that collects statistics about demography and Spanish society. It is an autonomous organization in Spain responsible for overall coordination of statistical services of the General State Administration in monitoring and supervision of technical procedures; every 10 years, this organisation conducts a national census. The last census took place in 2011. Through the official website one can follow all the updates of different fields of study; the oldest statistics agency of Spain and the predecessor of the current agency was the General Statistics Commission of the Kingdom, created on November 3, 1856 during the reign of Isabella II. The so-then Prime Minister Narváez approved a decree creating this body and ordering that people with recognized ability in this matter were part of it. On May 1, 1861, the Commission change its name to General Statistics Board and their first work was to do a population census. By a decree of September 12, 1870, Prime Minister Serrano created the Geographic Institute and in 1873 this Institute change its name to Geographic and Statistic Institute assuming the competences of the General Statistics Board.
In 1890, the titularity of the agency was transferred from the Prime Minister's Office to the Ministry of Development. Between 1921 and 1939, change its name many times. In the same way, the agency was transferred from a ministry to another, passing through the Deputy Prime Minister's Office, the Ministry of the Presidency and the Ministry of Labour; the National Statistics Institute was created following the Law of December 31, 1945, published in the BOE of January 3, 1946, with a mission to develop and refine the demographic and social statistics existing, creating new statistics and coordination with the statistical offices of provincial and municipal areas. At the end of 1964 the first computer was installed at the INE, it was a first-generation IBM 1401, for which a team was formed consisting of four statistics faculty and ten technicians. In the four years following it was possible that said. INE Website
Manuel Fraga Iribarne was a Spanish professor and politician in Francoist Spain, the founder of the People's Party. Fraga was the Minister of Information and Tourism between 1962 and 1969, Ambassador to the United Kingdom between 1973 and 1975, Minister of the Interior in 1975, Deputy Prime Minister between 1975 and 1976, President of the People's Alliance/People's Party between 1979 and 1990 and President of the Regional Government of Galicia between 1990 and 2005, he was a Deputy in the Congress and a Senator. Fraga's career as one of the key political figures in Spain straddles both General Francisco Franco's Spanish State and the subsequent transition to representative democracy, he served as the President of the Regional Government of Galicia from 1990 to 2005 and as a Senator until November 2011. Fraga is one of the Fathers of the Constitution. Fraga was born in Lugo Province, Galicia. Trained in law and political science, he began his political career in 1945, during Francisco Franco's reign.
Fraga started in the Franco cabinet in 1962 as Minister of tourism. He played a major role in the revitalization of Spanish tourist industry, leading a campaign under the slogan Spain is different!. On 8 March 1966, he attempted to dispel fears of a nuclear accident after the Palomares hydrogen bombs incident by swimming in the contaminated water with the American ambassador, Angier Biddle Duke. Fraga authorized the execution of political prisoners under the Francoist State. A notable case is the execution of communist leader Julián Grimau, whom he called "that little gentleman" in a press conference when asked about his detention and death sentence, his death sentence caused a large controversy outside of Spain. Grimau was executed by firing squad in 1963. Fraga never publicly expressed regret for Grimau's execution. Another notable case was the assassination by Spanish police of Enrique Ruano, a student activist who opposed the Francoist State. Fraga telephoned Ruano's father and threatened to arrest his other daughter, an anti-Francoist, unless she stopped her activism.
The then-director of Spanish newspaper ABC, Torcuato Luca de Tena confessed that Fraga ordered him to publish a manipulated copy of Ruano's personal diary in order to present Ruano as a mentally unstable person who killed himself. In the decade, Fraga established himself as one of the more prominent members of a reformist faction in the government who favoured opening up the government from above, he introduced an a posteriori censorship law, based on lifting pre-publication censorship and a reduction in its strictness. Additionally, a certain sexual liberality in films was popularly summarized in the expression Con Fraga hasta la braga, his departure from the government was prompted by the MATESA affair: the debt of the important publisher Manuel Salvat Dalmau was tangled with members of the Opus Dei, faction which Fraga opposed. When he published this information, the caudillo Franco expelled both sectors. After a brief period as Spain's ambassador in the United Kingdom, which ended with Franco's death in 1975, Fraga was appointed deputy prime minister and Interior Minister on 12 December 1975, under Carlos Arias Navarro, a post he held until 5 July 1976.
This was the first government with Juan Carlos I as chief of state. By this time, Fraga believed. However, while he still favoured liberalization from above, his vision entailed an gradual transition to full democracy; the drastic measures he took as interior minister and head of state security during the first days of the Spanish transition to democracy gave him a reputation for heavy-handedness, damaged his popularity. The phrase "¡La calle es mía!" was attributed to him as his answer to complaints of police repression of street protests: he claimed that the streets did not belong to the "people" but to the state. He was known to be an admirer of Cánovas del Castillo. During a clash at the Church of St. Francis of Assisi in Vitoria between police and striking workers, on Fraga's orders the police stormed into a packed church into which 4,000 demonstrators had retreated and went on a shooting spree, resulting in five dead and over 100 wounded. Fraga was one of the writers of the new Spanish constitution approved in 1978.
Along with other former reformist members of the Francoist government, he founded the People's Alliance, became its president. Although he tried to brand the party as a mainstream conservative party, the people did not trust him due to the large number of former Francoists in the party, combined with his performance as interior minister; the party fared poorly in its first years, but after the 1982 crisis and the collapse of the UCD, the centrist party that had won the first two democratic elections, AP became the second party in Spain. Fraga was reckoned as the Leader of the Opposition to the Spanish Socialist Workers Party government; the PSOE enjoyed great popularity and an absolute majority winning streak in the 1982 and 1986 elections, in part because Fraga and the AP were viewed as too reactionary to be an alternative. Following this critical development, Fraga resigned the presidency of the party in 1986, he suffered a scandal in 1983, when it was reported that Rodolfo Almirón, a former Argentine national police officer implicated in Triple A, a right-wing death squad in Argentina, became a chief of his security team.
Because of the outcry by Argentinean Justice
Albalate de Cinca
Albalate de Cinca is a municipality located in the province of Huesca, Spain. According to the 2004 census, the municipality has a population of 1,222 inhabitants
Spanish Socialist Workers' Party
The Spanish Socialist Workers' Party is a social-democratic political party in Spain. The PSOE has been in government for a longer time than any other political party in modern democratic Spain: from 1982 to 1996 under Felipe González; the PSOE was founded in 1879, which makes it the oldest party active in Spain. The PSOE played a key role during the Second Spanish Republic, being part of coalition government from 1931 to 1933 and from 1936 to 1939, when the Republic was defeated by Francisco Franco in the Spanish Civil War. A Marxist party, it abandoned Marxism in 1979; the PSOE has had strong ties with the General Union of Workers, a Spanish trade union. For decades, UGT membership was a requirement for PSOE membership. However, since the 1980s UGT has criticized the economic policies of PSOE calling for a general strike against the PSOE government on 14 December 1988; the PSOE is a member of the Party of European Socialists, Progressive Alliance and the Socialist International. In the European Parliament, PSOE's 14 Members of the European Parliament sit in the Socialists and Democrats European parliamentary group.
PSOE was founded by Pablo Iglesias on 2 May 1879 in the Casa Labra tavern in Tetuán Street near the Puerta del Sol at the centre of Madrid. Iglesias was a typesetter who had become in contact in the past with the Spanish section of the International Working Men's Association and with Paul Lafargue; the first program of the new political party was passed in an assembly of 40 people, on 20 July of that same year. The bulk of the growth of the PSOE and its affiliated trade union, the Unión General de Trabajadores was chiefly restricted to the Madrid-Biscay-Asturias triangle up until the 1910s; the obtaining of a seat at the Congress by Pablo Iglesias at the 1910 legislative election, in which the PSOE candidates presented within the broad Republican–Socialist Conjunction, became a development of great symbolical transcendence, gave the party more publicity at the national level. The party and the UGT took a leading role in the general strike of August 1917, in the context of the events of the 1917 Crisis during the conservative government of Eduardo Dato.
The strike was crushed by the army with the result of further undermining of the constitutional order. Sent to the prison of Cartagena, they were released a year after being elected to the Cortes in the 1918 general election. During the 1919−1921 "Crisis of the Internationals" the party experienced tensions between the members endorsing the Socialist International and the advocates for joining the Third International. Two consecutive splits of dissidents willing to join the Komintern, namely the Spanish Communist Party in 1920, the Spanish Communist Workers' Party in 1921, broke away from the PSOE and soon merged to create the Communist Party of Spain; the party was a member of the Labour and Socialist International between 1923 and 1940. After the death of Pablo Iglesias in 1925, Julián Besteiro replaced the at the presidency of the PSOE and the UGT. During the 1923–1930 dictatorship of Primo de Rivera corporativist PSOE and UGT elements were willing to engage into limited collaboration with the regime, against the political stance defended by other socialists such as Indalecio Prieto and Fernando de los Ríos, who instead vouched for a closer collaboration with republican forces.
The last years of the dictatorship saw a divergence emerge among the "corporativists". The opposition of Besteiro to participate in the "Revolutionary Committee" led to his resignation as president both of the party and the trade union in February 1931, he was replaced as president of the party by Remigio Cabello. After the proclamation of the Second Spanish Republic on 14 April 1931, three PSOE members were included in the cabinet of the provisional government: Indalecio Prieto, Fernando de los Ríos and Francisco Largo Caballero; the socialist presence remained in the rest of cabinets of the "Social-Azañist Biennium". After the November 1933 general election, which marked a win for the right-of-centre forces, in a climate of increasing polarization and growing unemployment along a desire to mend the mistake of not having sided along the republicans in the election against the united right, Largo Caballero adopted a revolutionary rhetoric. Indalecio Prieto had participated in the aggressive rhetoric, having condemned the heavy-hand repression of the December 1933 anarchist uprising by the government, cheered on by the CEDA parliamentary fraction leaders.
The Socialist Youth of Spain engaged into a shrilling revolutionary rhetoric, while Besteiro opposed the insurrectionary drift of the militancy. The formation of a new cabinet including CEDA ministers in October 1934 was perceived among the Left as a reaction, with the CEDA party being indistinguishable from contemporary Fascism to most workers, while CEDA leader Gil-Robles had vouched for the establishment of a corporative state in the 1933 electoral campaign. Having the UGT called for a general strike in the country for 5 October, the strike developed into a full-blown insurrection
Jason R. "Jay" Fraga is an American speaker and former BMX racer. Jay is the executive director of The Knockout Project, he is an outspoken advocate on the topic of concussion education, having sustained multiple concussions. He suffers from post-concussion syndrome. Fraga argues that concussed athletes are unable to judge the severity of their own injuries and need oversight from medically-qualified sideline observers; the Knockout Project Jay Fraga Interview Part I, Triax Technologies Jay Fraga Interview Part II, Triax Technologies PBS "Jay Fraga Concussion Follow Up" extended interview BMX News "Riding Hurt With Robinson and Fraga" extended interview
Province of Huesca
Huesca Huesca/Uesca, is a province of northeastern Spain, in northern Aragon. The capital is Huesca. Positioned just south of the central Pyrenees, Huesca borders France and the French Departments of Pyrénées-Atlantiques and Hautes-Pyrénées. Within Spain, Huesca's neighboring provinces are Navarre and Lleida. Covering a mountainous area of 15626 km², the province of Huesca has a total population of 219345 in 2018, with a quarter of its people living in the capital city of Huesca; the low population density, 14.62/km², has meant that Huesca's lush valleys and lofty mountain ranges have remained pristine and unspoiled by progress. Home to majestic scenery, the tallest mountain in the Pyrenees, the Aneto. Popular with mountaineers, spelunkers and white water rafters it is a popular snow skiing destination with notable resorts in Candanchú, Astún, Panticosa and Cerler; the Romans colonised the province of Huesca, which formed the northern part of Hispania Tarraconensis, continued to live there well into the 5th century until the arrival of the Visigoths.
As a mountainous frontier region, it was difficult to dominate. The northern counties had at one time belonged to the Kingdom of Navarre but split off and managed to stem early Moorish invasions in the Middle Ages by forming alliances between themselves and with the Franks, to become Frankish feudal marches; the imperative of sovereignty, or independence, for the northern border counts, gave rise to the Kingdom of Aragon, the precursor to the Empire or Crown of Aragon, the Kingdom of Spain. The modern day province comprises 202 municipalities; the following comarcas having their capital in Huesca Province include municipal terms within Zaragoza Province: Bajo Cinca: Mequinenza. Hoya de Huesca: Murillo de Gállego and Santa Eulalia de Gállego. Jacetania: Artieda, Salvatierra de Esca and Sigüés. Monegros: La Almolda, Farlete, Leciñena and Perdiguera. Spanish is the primary language in the province. However, the local linguistic varieties in the center and north of the province belong to the Aragonese language, which now survives in the northernmost comarcas, such as the Aragon Valley in Jacetania, the Alto Gallego and Ribagorza, where hitherto landlocked and isolated villages have helped the language to thrive into the 21st century.
In the easternmost areas of the province, varieties of the Catalan language are spoken, with a few transitional dialects difficult to classify as Aragonese or Catalan. List of municipalities in Huesca Diputación Provincial de Huesca
A census is the procedure of systematically acquiring and recording information about the members of a given population. The term is used in connection with national population and housing censuses; the United Nations defines the essential features of population and housing censuses as "individual enumeration, universality within a defined territory and defined periodicity", recommends that population censuses be taken at least every 10 years. United Nations recommendations cover census topics to be collected, official definitions and other useful information to co-ordinate international practice; the word is of Latin origin: during the Roman Republic, the census was a list that kept track of all adult males fit for military service. The modern census is essential to international comparisons of any kind of statistics, censuses collect data on many attributes of a population, not just how many people there are. Censuses began as the only method of collecting national demographic data, are now part of a larger system of different surveys.
Although population estimates remain an important function of a census, including the geographic distribution of the population, statistics can be produced about combinations of attributes e.g. education by age and sex in different regions. Current administrative data systems allow for other approaches to enumeration with the same level of detail but raise concerns about privacy and the possibility of biasing estimates. A census can be contrasted with sampling in which information is obtained only from a subset of a population. Modern census data are used for research, business marketing, planning, as a baseline for designing sample surveys by providing a sampling frame such as an address register. Census counts are necessary to adjust samples to be representative of a population by weighting them as is common in opinion polling. Stratification requires knowledge of the relative sizes of different population strata which can be derived from census enumerations. In some countries, the census provides the official counts used to apportion the number of elected representatives to regions.
In many cases, a chosen random sample can provide more accurate information than attempts to get a population census. A census is construed as the opposite of a sample as its intent is to count everyone in a population rather than a fraction. However, population censuses rely on a sampling frame to count the population; this is the only way to be sure that everyone has been included as otherwise those not responding would not be followed up on and individuals could be missed. The fundamental premise of a census is that the population is not known and a new estimate is to be made by the analysis of primary data; the use of a sampling frame is counterintuitive as it suggests that the population size is known. However, a census is used to collect attribute data on the individuals in the nation; this process of sampling marks the difference between historical census, a house to house process or the product of an imperial decree, the modern statistical project. The sampling frame used by census is always an address register.
Thus it is not known how many people there are in each household. Depending on the mode of enumeration, a form is sent to the householder, an enumerator calls, or administrative records for the dwelling are accessed; as a preliminary to the dispatch of forms, census workers will check any address problems on the ground. While it may seem straightforward to use the postal service file for this purpose, this can be out of date and some dwellings may contain a number of independent households. A particular problem is what are termed'communal establishments' which category includes student residences, religious orders, homes for the elderly, people in prisons etc; as these are not enumerated by a single householder, they are treated differently and visited by special teams of census workers to ensure they are classified appropriately. Individuals are counted within households and information is collected about the household structure and the housing. For this reason international documents refer to censuses of housing.
The census response is made by a household, indicating details of individuals resident there. An important aspect of census enumerations is determining which individuals can be counted from which cannot be counted. Broadly, three definitions can be used: de facto residence; this is important to consider individuals who have temporary addresses. Every person should be identified uniquely as resident in one place but where they happen to be on Census Day, their de facto residence, may not be the best place to count them. Where an individual uses services may be more useful and this is at their usual, or de jure, residence. An individual may be represented at a permanent address a family home for students or long term migrants, it is necessary to have a precise definition of residence to decide whether visitors to a country should be included in the population count. This is becoming more important as students travel abroad for education for a period of several years. Other groups causing problems of enumeration are new born babies, people away on holiday, people moving home around census day, people without a fixed address.
People having second homes because of working in another part of the country or retaining a holiday cottage are dif