A cooperative is "an autonomous association of persons united voluntarily to meet their common economic and cultural needs and aspirations through a jointly-owned and democratically-controlled enterprise". Cooperatives may include: businesses owned and managed by the people who use their services organizations managed by the people who work there multi-stakeholder or hybrid cooperatives that share ownership between different stakeholder groups. For example, care cooperatives where ownership is shared between both care-givers and receivers. Stakeholders might include non-profits or investors. Second- and third-tier cooperatives whose members are other cooperatives platform cooperatives that use a cooperatively owned and governed website, mobile app or a protocol to facilitate the sale of goods and services. Research published by the Worldwatch Institute found that in 2012 one billion people in 96 countries had become members of at least one cooperative; the turnover of the largest three hundred cooperatives in the world reached $2.2 trillion.
Cooperative businesses are more economically resilient than many other forms of enterprise, with twice the number of co-operatives surviving their first five years compared with other business ownership models. Cooperatives have social goals which they aim to accomplish by investing a proportion of trading profits back into their communities; as an example of this, in 2013, retail co-operatives in the UK invested 6.9% of their pre-tax profits in the communities in which they trade as compared with 2.4% for other rival supermarkets. Since 2002 cooperatives and credit unions could be distinguished on the Internet by use of a.coop domain. Since 2014, following International Cooperative Alliance's introduction of the Cooperative Marque, ICA cooperatives and WOCCU credit unions can be identified by a coop ethical consumerism label. Cooperation dates back as far. Tribes were organized as cooperative structures, allocating jobs and resources among each other, only trading with the external communities.
In alpine environments, trade could only be maintained in organized cooperatives to achieve a useful condition of artificial roads such as Viamala in 1472. Pre-industrial Europe is home to the first cooperatives from an industrial context; the roots of the cooperative movement can extend worldwide. In the English-speaking world, post-feudal forms of cooperation between workers and owners that are expressed today as "profit-sharing" and "surplus sharing" arrangements, existed as far back as 1795; the key ideological influence on the Anglosphere branch of the cooperative movement, was a rejection of the charity principles that underpinned welfare reforms when the British government radically revised its Poor Laws in 1834. As both state and church institutions began to distinguish between the'deserving' and'undeserving' poor, a movement of friendly societies grew throughout the British Empire based on the principle of mutuality, committed to self-help in the welfare of working people. In 1761, the Fenwick Weavers' Society was formed in Fenwick, East Ayrshire, Scotland to sell discounted oatmeal to local workers.
Its services expanded to include assistance with savings and loans and education. In 1810, Welsh social reformer Robert Owen, from Newtown in mid-Wales, his partners purchased New Lanark mill from Owen's father-in-law David Dale and proceeded to introduce better labour standards including discounted retail shops where profits were passed on to his employees. Owen left New Lanark to pursue other forms of cooperative organization and develop coop ideas through writing and lecture. Cooperative communities were set up in Glasgow and Hampshire, although unsuccessful. In 1828, William King set up a newspaper, The Cooperator, to promote Owen's thinking, having set up a cooperative store in Brighton; the Rochdale Society of Equitable Pioneers, founded in 1844, is considered the first successful cooperative enterprise, used as a model for modern coops, following the'Rochdale Principles'. A group of 28 weavers and other artisans in Rochdale, England set up the society to open their own store selling food items they could not otherwise afford.
Within ten years there were over a thousand cooperative societies in the United Kingdom. Other events such as the founding of a friendly society by the Tolpuddle Martyrs in 1832 were key occasions in the creation of organized labor and consumer movements. Friendly Societies established forums through which one member, one vote was practiced in organisation decision-making; the principles challenged the idea that a person should be an owner of property before being granted a political voice. Throughout the second half of the nineteenth century there was a surge in the number of cooperative organisations, both in commercial practice and civil society, operating to advance democracy and universal suffrage as a political principle. Friendly Societies and consumer cooperatives became the dominant form of organization amongst working people in Anglosphere industrial societies prior to the rise of trade unions and industrial factories. Weinbren reports that by the end of the 19th century, over 80% of British working age men and 90% of Australian working age men were members of one or more Friendly Society.
From the mid-nineteenth century, mutual organisations embraced these ideas in economic enterprises, firstly amongst tradespeople, in cooperative stores, educational institutes, financial institutions and industrial enterprises. The common thread (enacte
Saint-Quentin is a commune in the Aisne department in Hauts-de-France in northern France. It has been identified as the Augusta Veromanduorum of antiquity, it is named after Saint Quentin, said to have been martyred there in the 3rd century. Saint-Quentin is a sub-prefecture of Aisne. Although Saint-Quentin is by far the largest city in Aisne, the capital is the third-largest city, Laon; the mayor of Saint-Quentin is a member of the centre-right LR Party. The city was founded by the Romans, in the Augustean period, to replace the oppidum of Vermand as the capital of Viromandui, it received the name of Augusta Viromanduorum, Augusta of the Viromandui, in honor of the Emperor Augustus. The site is that of a ford across the River Somme. During the late Roman period, it is possible that the civitas capital was transferred back to Vermand. During the early Middle Ages, a major monastery, now the Basilica of Saint-Quentin, based on pilgrimage to the tomb of Quentin, a Roman Christian who came to evangelize the region and was martyred in Augusta, giving rise to a new town, named after him.
From the 9th century, Saint-Quentin was the capital of Vermandois County. From the 10th century, the counts of Vermandois were powerful; the city grew rapidly: the "bourgeois" organized themselves and obtained, in the second half of the 12th century, a municipal charter which guaranteed their commune a large degree of autonomy. At the beginning of the 13th century, Saint-Quentin entered the royal domain. At that time, it was a thriving city, based on its wool textile industry, it was a centre of commerce boosted by its position on the border of the kingdom of France, between the Champagne fairs and the cities of Flanders: it had an important annual fair. It benefited from its location in the heart of a rich agricultural region. From the 14th century, Saint-Quentin suffered from this strategic position: it endured the French-English wars. In the 15th century, the city was disputed between the dukes of Burgundy. Ravaged by the plague on several occasions, its population decreased, while its economy was in crisis: its fair was irrelevant, agricultural production diminished.
The declining textile industry turned to the production of flax canvas. Meanwhile, the city faced major expenses to maintain armed troops. Between the end of the 15th century and the mid-17th century, this strategic position was the cause of frequent misfortune. In 1557, a siege by the Spanish army ended with the looting of the city and its desertion for two years. Given back to France in 1559, it underwent intense fortification work: the medieval wall was protected by many new advanced fortifications, redesigned several times. Two districts were razed to make way for them. In the mid-17th century, the city escaped the sieges, but suffered the horrors of wars ravaging the Picardy region, accompanied by the plague and famine. In the second half of the 17th century, the conquests of Louis XIV took St Quentin away from the border, it lost much of its strategic role. At the end of the 16th century, its textile production specialized in fine flax canvas; this brought prosperity in the 18th century, when these textiles were exported across Europe and the Americas.
During the First French Empire, difficulties in the export market brought an economic decline. At the request of the municipality, Napoleon ordered the razing of the fortifications, to allow the city to grow beyond its old boundaries. In 1814-1815, Saint-Quentin without any damage. In the 19th century, St Quentin developed into a thriving industrial city, thanks to entrepreneurs on the lookout for new technologies. Textiles and mechanical products were foremost among a wide variety of products. In 1870, during the Franco-Prussian War, the population repelled the Prussians on October 8, but the city fell during the second offensive; that hopeless but heroic action had national repercussions: Saint-Quentin was decorated with the Legion of Honour. In 1871, on January 19, the French army was defeated near the town; the First World War hit St Quentin hard. In September 1914, the city was overrun, it endured a harsh occupation. From 1916, it lay at the heart of the war zone, because the Germans had integrated it into the Hindenburg Line.
After the evacuation of the population in March, the town was systematically looted and industrial equipment removed or destroyed. The fighting destroyed it: 80% of buildings were damaged. Despite national support, the reconstruction process was long, the city struggled to regain its pre-1914 dynamism; the 1911 population of 55,000 was achieved again only in the mid-1950s, in the context of general economic expansion. This prosperity continued until the mid-1970s, when the French textile industry began to suffer through competition from developing countries. La basilique hôtel de ville XIX°: l'hôtel de ville of Saint-Quentin, was built in 1509, in a gothic style, 173 sculptures. L'hôtel de ville of Saint-Quentin is famous for its peal of 37 bells. Ce monument abrite une superbe salle des mariages (plafond polychrome et cheminée de type renais
Red flag (politics)
In politics, a red flag is predominantly a symbol of socialism, Marxism, trade unions, left-wing politics, of anarchism. Socialists adopted the symbol during the Revolutions of 1848 and it became a symbol of communism as a result of its use by the Paris Commune of 1871; the flags of several communist states, including China and the Soviet Union, are explicitly based on the original red flag. The red flag is used as a symbol by some democratic socialists and social democrats, for example the League of Social Democrats of Hong Kong, French Socialist Party and the Social Democratic Party of Germany; the Labour Party in Britain used it until the late 1980s. It was the inspiration for The Red Flag. In the Middle Ages, ships in combat flew a long red streamer, called the Baucans, to signify a fight to the death. In one petition, a group of English sailors asserted that the Crown had no right to a share of the prize money earned from a Norman ship captured in 1293 because it had raised the Baucans. By the 17th century, the Baucans had evolved into a red flag, or "flag of defiance."
It was raised in castles under siege to indicate that they would not surrender. "The red flag is a signal of battle," according to Chambers Cyclopedia. The red cap was a symbol of popular revolt in France going back to the Jacquerie of 1358; the color red become associated with patriotism early in the French Revolution due to the popularity of the Tricolour cockade, introduced in July 1789, the Phrygian cap, introduced in May 1790. A red flag was raised over the Champ-de-Mars in Paris on July 17, 1791 by Lafayette, commander of the National Guard, as a symbol of martial law, warning rioters to disperse; as many as fifty anti-royalist protesters were killed in the fighting. Inverting the original symbolism, the Jacobins protested this action by flying a red flag to honor the "martyrs' blood" of those, killed, they created their own red flags to declare "the martial law of the people against the revolt of the court." The Jacobin Club ruled France during the Reign of Terror and made the red flag an unofficial national emblem.
However, the earlier Tricolor regained popularity under Napoleon. British sailors mutinied near the mouth of the River Thames in 1797 and hoisted a red flag on several ships. Two red flags soaked in calf's blood were flown by marchers in South Wales during the Merthyr Rising of 1831, it is claimed to be the first time. Along with the Newport Rising eight years it was one of the most serious violent outbreaks witnessed on mainland Britain; the red flags of Merthyr became a potent relic following the execution of early trade unionist Dic Penderyn in August 1831, despite a public campaign to pardon him. During the Mexican siege of the Alamo in March 1836, General Antonio Lopez de Santa Ana displayed a plain red flag from the highest church tower in Bejar; the meaning of this flag was not socialism: its meaning - directed to the Alamo defenders - meant "no surrender. At much the same time, the Liberal "Colorados" in the Uruguayan Civil War used red flags; this prolonged struggle at the time got considerable attention and sympathy from Liberals and revolutionaries in Europe and it was in this war that Garibaldi first made a name for himself and that he was inspired to have his troops wear the famous Red Shirts.
During the 1848 Revolution in France and radical republicans demanded that the red flag be adopted as France's national flag. Led by poet-politician Alphonse de Lamartine, the government rejected the crowd's demand: "he red flag that you have brought back here has done nothing but being trailed around the Champ-de-Mars in the people's blood in 91 and 93, whereas the Tricolore flag went round the world along with the name, the glory and the liberty of the homeland!" The banner of the Paris Commune of 1871 was red and it was at this time that the red flag became a symbol of communism. The flag was flown by anarchists at a May Day rally for an eight-hour workday in Chicago in 1886. A bomb blast killed five were executed; this event, considered the beginning of the international labor movement, is still commemorated annually in many countries The red flag gained great popularity during the Russian Revolution of 1917. The Soviet flag, with a hammer, a sickle and a star on a red background, was adopted in 1923.
Various Communist and socialist newspapers have used the name The Red Flag. In China, both the Nationalist Party-led Republic of China and the Communist Party-led People's Republic of China use a red field for their flags, a reference to their revolutionary origins. In more recent times, social democratic parties have gravitated away from the Red Flag as a symbol. However, several European parties retain a "red square" symbol, including Germany's SPD and the Party of European Socialists; the building to have had a red flag flying for the longest period of time and to still have one is the Victorian Trades Hall in Melbourne, Australia. The flag has been flying for over a century. Anarchists, as part of the socialist movement used red flag in the 19th Century - it was one of the first anarchist symbols. Usage of the red flag by anarchists disappeared after the October Revolution, when red flags started to be associated only with communist parties and bureaucratic and authoritarian
Socialist feminism rose in the 1960s and 1970s as an offshoot of the feminist movement and New Left that focuses upon the interconnectivity of the patriarchy and capitalism. Socialist feminists argue that liberation can only be achieved by working to end both the economic and cultural sources of women's oppression. Socialist feminism is a two-pronged theory that broadens Marxist feminism's argument for the role of capitalism in the oppression of women and radical feminism's theory of the role of gender and the patriarchy. Socialist feminists reject radical feminism's main claim that patriarchy is the only or primary source of oppression of women. Rather, socialist feminists assert that women are unable to be free due to their financial dependence on males. Women are subjects to the male rulers in capitalism due to an uneven balance in wealth, they see economic dependence as the driving force of women's subjugation to men. Further, socialist feminists see women's liberation as a necessary part of larger quest for social and political justice.
Socialist feminists attempted to integrate the fight for women's liberation with the struggle against other oppressive systems based on race, class or economic status. Socialist feminism draws upon many concepts found in Marxism, such as a historical materialist point of view, which means that they relate their ideas to the material and historical conditions of people's lives. Thus, socialist feminists consider how the sexism and gendered division of labor of each historical era is determined by the economic system of the time; those conditions are expressed through capitalist and patriarchal relations. Socialist feminists reject the Marxist notion that class and class struggle are the only defining aspects of history and economic development. Karl Marx asserted. According to socialist feminists, this view of gender oppression as a sub-class of class oppression is naive and much of the work of socialist feminists has gone towards specifying how gender and class work together to create distinct forms of oppression and privilege for women and men of each class.
For example, they observe that women's class status is derivative of her husband's class or occupational status, e.g. a secretary that marries her boss assumes his class status. In 1972, "Socialist Feminism: A Strategy for the Women's Movement", believed to be the first publication to use the term socialist feminism, was published by the Hyde Park Chapter of the Chicago Women's Liberation Union. Other socialist feminists, notably two long-lived American organizations Radical Women and the Freedom Socialist Party, point to the classic Marxist writings of Frederick Engels and August Bebel as a powerful explanation of the link between gender oppression and class exploitation. In the decades following the Cold War, feminist writer and scholar Sarah Evans says that the socialist feminist movement has lost traction in the West due to a common narrative that associates socialism with totalitarianism and dogma. Anarcha-feminism called anarchist feminism and anarcho-feminism, combines anarchism with feminism.
It views patriarchy as a manifestation of involuntary coercive hierarchy that should be replaced by decentralized free association. Anarcha-feminists believe that the struggle against patriarchy is an essential part of class struggle, the anarchist struggle against the state. In essence, the philosophy sees anarchist struggle as a necessary component of feminist struggle and vice versa. L. Susan Brown claims that "as anarchism is a political philosophy that opposes all relationships of power, it is inherently feminist". Bakunin opposed patriarchy and the way the law "subjects to the absolute domination of the man", he argued that "qual rights must belong to men and women" so that women can "become independent and be free to forge their own way of life". Bakunin foresaw the end of "the authoritarian juridical family" and "the full sexual freedom of women."Anarcha-feminism began with late 19th and early 20th century authors and theorists such as anarchist feminists Emma Goldman, Voltairine de Cleyre and Lucy Parsons.
In the Spanish Civil War, an anarcha-feminist group, Mujeres Libres linked to the Federación Anarquista Ibérica, organized to defend both anarchist and feminist ideas, while the prominent Spanish anarchist and feminist leader Federica Montseny held that the "emancipation of women would lead to a quicker realization of the social revolution" and that "the revolution against sexism would have to come from intellectual and militant'future-women.' According to this Nietzschean concept of Federica Montseny's, women could realize through art and literature the need to revise their own roles."In Argentina, Virginia Bolten is responsible for the publication of a newspaper called La Voz de la Mujer, published nine times in Rosario between 8 January 1896 and 1 January 1897, was revived in 1901. A similar paper with the same name was published in Montevideo, which suggests that Bolten may have founded and edited it after her deportation. "La Voz de la Mujer described itself as "dedicated to the advancement of Communist Anarchism".
Its central theme was that of the multiple nature of women's oppression. An editorial asserted, "We believe that in present-day society nothing and nobody has a more wretched situation than unfortunate women." Women, they said, were doubly oppressed -- by men. Its feminism can be seen upon male power over women, its contributors, li
Workers' self-management referred to as self-management, labor management and autogestión, is a form of organizational management based on self-directed work processes on the part of an organization's workforce. Self-management is a characteristic of many forms of socialism, with proposals for self-management having appeared many times throughout the history of the socialist movement, advocated variously by libertarian and market socialists and anarchists. There are many variations of self-management. In some variants, all the worker-members manage the enterprise directly through assemblies while in other forms workers exercise management functions indirectly through the election of specialist managers. Self-management may include worker supervision and oversight of an organization by elected bodies, the election of specialized managers, or self-directed management without any specialized managers as such; the goals of self-management are to improve performance by granting workers greater autonomy in their day-to-day operations, boosting morale, reducing alienation and eliminating exploitation when paired with employee ownership.
An enterprise, self-managed is referred to as a labour-managed firm. Self-management refers to control rights within a productive organization, being distinct from the questions of ownership and what economic system the organization operates under. Self-management of an organization may coincide with employee ownership of that organization, but self-management can exist in the context of organizations under public ownership and to a limited extent within private companies in the form of co-determination and worker representation on the board of directors. An economic system consisting of self-managed enterprises is sometimes referred to as a participatory economy, self-managed economy, or cooperative economy; this economic model is a major version of market socialism and decentralized planned economy, stemming from the notion that people should be able to participate in making the decisions that affect their well-being. The major proponents of self-managed market socialism in the 20th century include the economists Benjamin Ward, Jaroslav Vanek and Branko Horvat.
The Ward–Vanek model of self-management involves the diffusion of entrepreneurial roles amongst all the partners of the enterprise. Branko Horvat notes that participation is not more desirable, but more economically viable than traditional hierarchical and authoritarian management as demonstrated by econometric measurements which indicate an increase in efficiency with greater participation in decision-making. According to Horvat, these developments are moving the world toward a self-governing socialistic mode of organization. In the economic theory of self-management, workers are no longer employees but partners in the administration of their enterprise. Management theories in favor of greater self-management and self-directed activity cite the importance of autonomy for productivity in the firm and economists in favor of self-management argue that cooperatives are more efficient than centrally-managed firms because every worker receives a portion of the profit, thereby directly tying their productivity to their level of compensation.
Historical economic figures who supported cooperatives and self-management of some kind include the anarchist Pierre Joseph Proudhon, classical economist John Stuart Mill and the neoclassical economist Alfred Marshall. Contemporary proponents of self-management include the American Marxist economist Richard D. Wolff and anarchist philosopher Noam Chomsky; the theory of the labor manager firm explains the behavior and nature of self-managed organizational forms. Although self-managed firms can coincide with worker ownership, the two are distinct concepts and one need not imply the other. According to traditional neoclassical economic theory, in a competitive market economy ownership of capital assets by labor should have no significant impact on firm performance; the classical liberal philosopher John Stuart Mill believed that worker-run and owned cooperatives would displace traditional capitalist firms in the competitive market economy due to their superior efficiency and stronger incentive structure.
While both Mill and Karl Marx thought that democratic worker management would be more efficient in the long run compared with hierarchical management, Marx was not hopeful about the prospects of labor-managed and owned firms as a means to displace traditional capitalist firms in the market economy. Despite their advantages in efficiency, in Western market economies the labor-managed firm is comparatively rare. Benjamin Ward critiqued. According to Ward, the labor-managed firm strives to maximize net income for all its members as contrasted with the traditional capitalist firms' objective function of maximizing profit for external owners; the objective function of the labor managed firm creates an incentive to limit employment in order to boost the net income of the firm's existing members. Thus, an economy consisting of labor-managed firms would have a tendency to underutilize labor and tend toward high rates of unemployment. In the 19th century, the idea of a self-managed economy was first articulated by the anarchist philosopher and economist Pierre-Joseph Proudhon.
This economic model was called mutualism to highlight the mutual relationship among individuals in this system and involved cooperatives operating in a free-market economy. The classical liberal philosopher John Stuart Mill argued worker-run cooperatives would eventu
Social anarchism is a non-state form of socialism and is considered to be the branch of anarchism that sees individual freedom as being interrelated with mutual aid. Social anarchist thought emphasizes community and social equality as complementary to autonomy and personal freedom through norms such as freedom of speech maintained in a decentralized federalism, balanced with freedom of interaction in thought as well as incorporating the concept of subsidiarity, namely "that one should not withdraw from individuals and commit to the community what they can accomplish by their own enterprise and industry" and that "or every social activity ought of its nature to furnish help to the members of the body social, never destroy and absorb them", or the slogan "Do not take tools out of people's hands". Social anarchism has advocated that the conversion of a proportion of present-day and future productive private property be made into social property to offer individual empowerment through easier access to such as tools or parts, or a sharing of the commons while retaining respect for personal property.
The term is used to describe the theory—contra individualist anarchism—that places an emphasis on the communitarian and cooperative aspects in anarchist theory while opposing authoritarian forms of communitarianism associated with groupthink and collective conformity and instead favouring a reconciliation between individuality and sociality. For instance, illegitimate authority is removed through vigilance. While self-determination is asserted as is worker's self-management and education and empowerment emphasized, both individually and through interaction with the community, a do-it-youself mentality is combined with educational efforts within the social realm. Social anarchism is considered an umbrella term that includes—but is not limited to—the post-capitalist economic models of anarcho-communism, collectivist anarchism and sometimes mutualism, or non-state controlled federated guild socialism dual power industrial democracy or federated cooperatives in addition to workers' and consumers' councils, replacing much of the present state system yet still retaining basic rights as well as the trade union approach of anarcho-syndicalism, the social struggle strategies of platformism and specifism and the environmental philosophy of social ecology.
The term social anarchism is used interchangeably with libertarian socialism, left-libertarianism, or left anarchism. It emerged in the late 19th century as a distinction from individualist anarchism. Mutualism developed by Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, emerged from early 19th century socialism and is considered a market-oriented strand within the libertarian socialist tradition. Mutualists accept property rights, but with brief abandonment time periods. In a community in which mutuality property rules were upheld, a landowner would need to make continuous use of his/her land. A mutualist property regime is described as one rooted in possession, occupancy-and-use, or usufruct. Mutualism is associated with the economic views of 19th century American individualist anarchists such as Benjamin Tucker and William Batchelder Greene. Today, Kevin Carson is a contemporary mutualist and author of Studies in Mutualist Political Economy who describes this work as "an attempt to revive individualist anarchist political economy, to incorporate the useful developments of the last hundred years, to make it relevant to the problems of the twenty-first century".
Collectivist anarchism is a revolutionary form of anarchism associated with Mikhail Bakunin and James Guillaume. It is a specific tendency, not to be confused with the broad category sometimes called collectivist or communitarian anarchism; the tendency emerged from the most radical wing of mutualism during the late 1860s. Unlike mutualists, collectivist anarchists oppose all private ownership of the means of production, instead advocating that ownership be collectivized, being made the joint property of the commune; this was to be achieved through violent revolution, first starting with a small cohesive group through acts of armed insurrection, or propaganda by the deed, which would inspire the workers and peasants as a whole to revolt and forcibly collectivize the means of production. However, collectivization was not to be extended to the distribution of income as workers would be paid according to time worked, rather than receiving goods being distributed "according to need" as in anarcho-communism.
This position was criticised by anarcho-communists as "uphold the wages system". Anarchist communist and collectivist ideas were not mutually exclusive. Although the collectivist anarchists advocated compensation for labor, some held out the possibility of a post-revolutionary transition to a communist system of distribution according to need, claiming that this would become more feasible once technology and productivity had evolved to a point where "production outstrips consumption" in a relative sense. Collectivist anarchism arose contemporaneously with Marxism, but it opposed the Marxist dictatorship of the proletariat despite the stated Marxist goal of a collectivist stateless society. Anarcho-communism is a theory of anarchism that advocates the abolition of the state, money and private property. Politically, anarcho-communists advocate replacing the nation-state and representative government with a
Agrarian socialism is a political ideology which combines an agrarian way of life with a socialist economic system. When compared to standard socialist systems which are urban/industrial and more progressive in terms of social orientation, many agrarian socialist movements have tended to be rural, locally focused, traditional/conservative; the emphasis of agrarian socialists is therefore on control and utilisation of land rather than other means of production. A 17th-century movement called the diggers based their ideas on agrarian communism; the Socialist Revolutionary Party was a major political party in early 20th century Russia and a key player in the Russian Revolution. After the February Revolution of 1917 it shared power with other liberal and democratic socialist forces within the Russian Provisional Government. In November 1917, it won a plurality of the national vote in Russia's first-ever democratic elections, but soon split and the remaining faction of this party which remained loyal to Alexander Kerensky was defeated and destroyed by the Bolsheviks in the course of the Russian Civil War and subsequent persecution.
The party's ideology was built upon the philosophical foundation of Russia's narodnik–Populist movement of the 1860s-70s and its worldview developed by Alexander Herzen and Pyotr Lavrov. After a period of decline and marginalization in the 1880s, the Populist/narodnik school of thought about social change in Russia was revived and modified by a group of writers and activists known as "neonarodniki" Viktor Chernov, their main innovation was a renewed dialogue with Marxism and the integration of some of the key Marxist concepts into their thinking and practice. In this way, with the economic spurt and industrialization in Russia in the 1890s, they attempted to broaden their appeal in order to attract the growing urban workforce to their traditionally peasant-oriented program; the intention was to widen the concept of the'people' so that it encompassed all elements in the society that were opposed to the Tsarist regime. The party's program was both democratic agrarian socialist in nature, their policy platform differed from that of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Parties—both Bolshevik and Menshevik—in that it was not Marxist.
Whereas Russian SDs defined class membership in terms of ownership of the means of production and other SR theorists defined class membership in terms of extraction of surplus value from labor. On the first definition, small-holding subsistence farmers who do not employ wage labor are, as owners of their land, members of the petty bourgeoisie. Chernov considered the proletariat the'vanguard', with the peasantry forming the'main body' of the revolutionary army. Agrarianism Collective farming Collectivization in the Soviet Union Democratic Kampuchea Eco-socialism Geolibertarianism Georgism Land reform Localism Maoism Types of socialism Campbell, Heather M, The Britannica Guide to Political Science and Social Movements That Changed the Modern World, The Rosen Publishing Group, 2009, pp. 127–129, ISBN 978-1-61530-062-4 Bissett, Agrarian Socialism in America: Marx and Jesus in the Oklahoma Countryside, 1904-1920, University of Oklahoma Press Dejene, Peasants, Agrarian Socialism, Rural Development in Ethiopia, Westview Press Lipset, Agrarian Socialism: Cooperative Commonwealth Federation in Saskatchewan: A Study in Political Sociology, University of California Press Wilkison, Kyle G. Yeomen and Socialists: Plain Folk Protest in Texas, 1870-1914, Texas A&M University Press