The slametan is the communal feast from Java, symbolizing the social unity of those participating in it. Clifford Geertz considered it the core ritual in Javanese religion, in particular the abangan variant; the feast is common among the related Javanese and Madurese people. A slametan can be given to celebrate any occurrence, including birth, death, moving to a new house, so forth. Depending on the intention, the mood and emphasis may vary somewhat, but the main structure is the same. Geertz categorizes them into four main types: Those relating to the crises of life: birth, circumcision and death Those associated with events of the Islamic calendar The bersih désa, concerned with the social integration of the village Those held irregularly depending on unusual occurrences: departing for a long trip, moving residence, changing personal names, sorcery, so onThe ceremony takes its name from the Javanese word slamet, from Arabic: salam, which refers to a peaceful state of equanimity, in which nothing will happen.
This is what the host intends for both himself and his guests, by experiencing the egalitarian structure of the slametan and the petitions of supernatural protection from spirits. In Geertz's fieldwork in Mojokuto in the 1950s, he found that costs of slametans varied from 3 to 5,000 Indonesian rupiahs, depending on the type and the relative wealth of the host. Slametans are held in the evening, after evening prayer is finished; the date is determined either by the occurrence it is celebrating, or on auspicious days in the Javanese calendar. The guests, always men, are always close neighbors, the selection of guests is based on proximity, not whether they are friends or relatives, they are called by a messenger of the host only five or ten minutes before the slametan is to begin, they must drop whatever they are doing to come. When they arrive, the guests sit on floor mats around the food, placed in the center, while incense fills the room; the ceremony begins with a formal speech in high Javanese.
The speech thanks the attendees for coming, presents the reason for the slametan, announces his intentions and petitions the spirits to secure for himself and his guests a state of equanimity, apologizes for any errors in his speech and the humble inadequacy of the food. During pauses in the speech, the audience responds with solemn "inggih". Following the speech, somebody present gives an Arabic chant-prayer. Many will not know how. Fragments of the Koran the al-Fatiha, are most used, although special prayers may be used if they are known. At pauses the audience says "amen"; the prayer leader receives a small payment. At last, the food is served. While the ceremony is for men, the food preparation falls upon the women in the family, who for larger ceremonies may draw on kin to assist in the preparation; each guest receives a cup of tea and a banana-leaf dish containing each sort of food in the center of the room. The food is fancier than average, each variety has a symbolic meaning, sometimes explained in the speech.
The host himself does not eat, nor does he serve the food, which two of the guests do. When everybody has a dish, the host invites them to eat, which they do without speaking. After a few minutes, before eating most of the food, the guests excuse themselves, finish eating the food in their own homes, with their own wives and children; the whole ceremony lasts only ten or fifteen minutes. Around birth, there are a number of minor ones; the four major ones are: Tingkeban, at about seven months of pregnancy Babaran or brokokan, at the birth itself Pasaran, five days after birth, including the naming of the child Pitonan, seven "months" after birth The circumcision slametan and the wedding slametan are similar in their ceremony and foods offered, can be seen as coming-of-age ceremonies for boys and girls, respectively. Funerals take place as soon as possible after the death, involve the religious specialist of the village. Slametans are held the day of the death, repeated in increasing size three, forty, 100 days after the death, the first and second anniversaries, 1000 days after the death.
The final one is the most elaborate, is thought to mark the point when the body has decayed to dust. The most important of the calendrical slametans are for the Prophet's birthday and near the end of Ramadan. Other notable holidays infrequently have slametans, Satu Suro, the New Year's Day is celebrated by those who are self-consciously Muslim; because these dates are shared by everybody, it is common to attend slametans for many of one's neighbors in succession. For this reason, they tend to be small, based on the principle of inviting neighbors; the bersih désa is always held in Dhu al-Qi'dah, the eleventh month, on different days according to village tradition. This slametan is given at the place of burial of the dhanyang désa, the guardian spirit of the village. In santri v
A totem is a spirit being, sacred object, or symbol that serves as an emblem of a group of people, such as a family, lineage, or tribe. While the term totem is derived from the North American Ojibwe language, belief in tutelary spirits and deities is not limited to indigenous peoples of the Americas but common to a number of cultures worldwide. However, the traditional people of those cultures have words for their guardian spirits in their own languages, do not call these spirits or symbols "totems". Contemporary neoshamanic, New Age, mythopoetic men's movements not otherwise involved in the practice of a tribal religion have been known to use "totem" terminology for the personal identification with a tutelary spirit or guide, however this is seen by the originating cultures as cultural misappropriation. Totem poles of the Pacific Northwest of North America are monumental poles of heraldry, they feature many different designs that function as crests of chiefs. They commemorate special occasions.
These stories are known to be read from the bottom of the pole to the top. The spiritual, mutual relationships between Aboriginal Australians and Torres Strait Islanders and the natural world are described as totems. Many Indigenous groups object to using the imported Ojibwe term "totem" to describe a pre-existing and independent practice, although others use the term; the term "token" has replaced "totem" in some areas. In some cases, such as the Yuin of coastal New South Wales, a person may have multiple totems of different types; the lakinyeri or clans of the Ngarrindjeri were each associated with one or two plant or animal totems, called ngaitji. Totems are sometimes attached to moiety relations. Torres Strait Islanders have auguds translated as totems. An augud could be a kai mugina augud. Early anthropologists sometimes attributed Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander totemism to ignorance about procreation, with the entrance of an ancestral spirit individual into the woman believed to be the cause of pregnancy.
James George Frazer in Totemism and Exogamy wrote that Aboriginal people "have no idea of procreation as being directly associated with sexual intercourse, believe that children can be born without this taking place". Frazer's thesis has been criticised by other anthropologists, including Alfred Radcliffe-Brown in Nature in 1938. Totemism is a belief associated with animistic religions; the totem is an animal or other natural figure that spiritually represents a group of related people such as a clan. Early anthropologists and ethnologists like James George Frazer, Alfred Cort Haddon, John Ferguson McLennan and W. H. R. Rivers identified totemism as a shared practice across indigenous groups in unconnected parts of the world reflecting a stage of human development. Scottish ethnologist John Ferguson McLennan, following the vogue of 19th-century research, addressed totemism in a broad perspective in his study The Worship of Animals and Plants. McLennan did not seek to explain the specific origin of the totemistic phenomenon but sought to indicate that all of the human race had, in ancient times, gone through a totemistic stage.
Another Scottish scholar, Andrew Lang, early in the 20th century, advocated a nominalistic explanation of totemism, that local groups or clans, in selecting a totemistic name from the realm of nature, were reacting to a need to be differentiated. If the origin of the name was forgotten, Lang argued, there followed a mystical relationship between the object — from which the name was once derived — and the groups that bore these names. Through nature myths and natural objects were considered as the relatives, patrons, or ancestors of the respective social units. British anthropologist Sir James George Frazer published Totemism and Exogamy in 1910, a four-volume work based on his research among Indigenous peoples of Australia and Melanesia, along with a compilation of the work of other writers in the field. By 1910, the idea of totemism as having common properties across cultures was being challenged, with Russian American ethnologist Alexander Goldenweiser subjecting totemistic phenomena to sharp criticism.
Goldenweiser compared Indigenous Australians and First Nations in British Columbia to show that the shared qualities of totemism - exogamy, descent from the totem, ceremony, guardian spirits and secret societies and art - were expressed differently between Australia and British Columbia, between different peoples in Australia and between different peoples in British Columbia. He expands his analysis to other groups to show that they share some of the customs associated with totemism, without having totems, he concludes by offering two general definitions of totemism, one of which is: "Totemism is the tendency of definite social units to become associated with objects and symbols of emotional value". The founder of a French school of sociology, Émile Durkheim, examined totemism from a sociological and theological point of view, attempting to discover a pure religion in ancient forms and claimed to see the origin of religion in totemism; the leading representative of British social anthropology, A. R. Radcliffe-Brown, took a different view of totemism.
Like Franz Boas, he was skeptical. In this he opposed the other pioneer of social anthropology in England, Bronisław Malino
Museum of Fine Arts, Boston
The Museum of Fine Arts in Boston, Massachusetts, is the fifth largest museum in the United States. It contains more than 450,000 works of art, making it one of the most comprehensive collections in the Americas. With more than one million visitors a year, it is the 60th most-visited art museum in the world as of 2017. Founded in 1870, the museum moved to its current location in 1909; the museum is affiliated with the School of the Museum of Fine Arts at Tufts. The Museum of Fine Arts was founded in 1870 and was located on the top floor of the Boston Athenaeum and most of its initial collection came from the Athenæum's Art Gallery. Francis Davis Millet, a local artist, was instrumental in starting the Art School affiliated with the museum, in appointing Emil Otto Grundmann as its first director. In 1876, the museum moved to a ornamented brick Gothic Revival building designed by John Hubbard Sturgis and Charles Brigham, noted for its massed architectural terracotta, it was located in Copley Square at St. James Streets.
It was built entirely of brick and terracotta, imported from England, with some stone about its base. In 1907, plans were laid to build a new home for the museum on Huntington Avenue in Boston's Fenway-Kenmore neighborhood, near the recently-constructed mansion that would become the Isabella Stewart Gardner Museum. Museum trustees decided to hire architect Guy Lowell to create a design for a museum that could be built in stages, as funding was obtained for each phase. Two years the first section of Lowell’s neoclassical design was completed, it featured a 500-foot façade of a grand rotunda. The museum moved to its new location that year; the second phase of construction built a wing along The Fens to house paintings galleries. It was funded by Maria Antoinette Evans Hunt, the wife of wealthy business magnate Robert Dawson Evans, opened in 1915. From 1916 through 1925, the noted artist John Singer Sargent painted the frescoes that adorn the rotunda and the associated colonnades; the Decorative Arts Wing was built in 1928 and expanded in 1968.
An addition designed by Hugh Stubbins and Associates was built in 1966–70, another by The Architects Collaborative in 1976. The West Wing, now the Linde Family Wing for Contemporary Art, was designed by I. M. Pei and opened in 1981; this wing now houses the museum's cafe, meeting rooms, a giftshop/bookstore, as well as large exhibition spaces. The Tenshin-En Japanese Garden designed by Kinsaku Nakane opened in 1988, the Norma Jean Calderwood Garden Court and Terrace opened in 1997. In the mid-2000s, the museum launched a major effort to expand its facilities. In a seven-year fundraising campaign between 2001 and 2008 for a new wing, the endowment, operating expenses, the museum managed to total over $500 million, in addition to acquiring over $160 million worth of art. During the global financial crisis between 2007 and 2012, the museum's budget was trimmed by $1.5 million and the museum increased revenues by conducting traveling exhibitions, which included a loan exhibition sent to the for-profit Bellagio in Las Vegas in exchange for $1 million.
In 2011, Moody's Investors Service calculated that the museum had over $180 million in outstanding debt. However, the agency cited growing attendance, a large endowment, positive cash flow as reasons to believe that the museum's finances would become stable in the near future. In 2011, the museum put eight paintings by Monet, Pissarro, Sisley and others on sale at Sotheby's, bringing in a total of $21.6 million, to pay for Man at His Bath by Gustave Caillebotte at a cost reported to be more than $15 million. The renovation included a new Art of the Americas Wing to feature artwork from North and Central America. In 2006, the groundbreaking ceremonies took place; the wing and adjoining Ruth and Carl J. Shapiro Family Courtyard were designed in a restrained, contemporary style by the London-based architectural firm Foster and Partners, under the directorship of Thomas T. Difraia and CBT/Childs Bertman Tseckares Architects; the landscape architecture firm Gustafson Guthrie Nichol redesigned the Huntington Avenue and Fenway entrances, access roads, interior courtyards.
The wing opened on November 2010 with free admission to the public. Mayor Thomas Menino declared it "Museum of Fine Arts Day", more than 13,500 visitors attended the opening; the 12,000-square-foot glass-enclosed courtyard features a 42.5-foot high glass sculpture, titled the Lime Green Icicle Tower, by Dale Chihuly. In 2014, the Art of the Americas Wing was recognized for its high architectural achievement by being awarded the Harleston Parker Medal, by the Boston Society of Architects. In 2015, the museum renovated Tenshin-en; the garden, which opened in 1988, was designed by Japanese professor Kinsaku Nakane. The garden's kabukimon-style entrance gate was built by Chris Hall of Massachusetts, using traditional Japanese carpentry techniques; the Museum of Fine Arts possesses materials from a wide variety of art cultures. The museum maintains a large online database with information on over 346,000 items from its collection, accompanied with digitized images; some highlights of the collection include: Egyptian artifacts including sculptures and jewelry Dutch Golden Age painting, including 113 works given in 2017 by collectors Rose-Marie and Eijk van Otterloo and Susan and Matthew Weatherbie The gift includes works from 76 artists, as well as the Haverkamp-Begemann Library, a collection of more than 20,000 books, donated by the van Otterloos.
The donors are establishing a dedic
Divination is the attempt to gain insight into a question or situation by way of an occultic, standardized process or ritual. Used in various forms throughout history, diviners ascertain their interpretations of how a querent should proceed by reading signs, events, or omens, or through alleged contact with a supernatural agency. Divination can be seen as a systematic method with which to organize what appear to be disjointed, random facets of existence such that they provide insight into a problem at hand. If a distinction is to be made between divination and fortune-telling, divination has a more formal or ritualistic element and contains a more social character in a religious context, as seen in traditional African medicine. Fortune-telling, on the other hand, is a more everyday practice for personal purposes. Particular divination methods vary by religion. Divination is dismissed by skeptics as being superstition. In the 2nd century, Lucian devoted a witty essay to the career of a charlatan, "Alexander the false prophet", trained by "one of those who advertise enchantments, miraculous incantations, charms for your love-affairs, visitations for your enemies, disclosures of buried treasure, successions to estates" though most Romans believed in prophetic dreams and charms.
The Oracle of Amun at the Siwa Oasis was made famous when Alexander the Great visited it after conquering Egypt from Persia in 332 BC. Deuteronomy 18:10-12 or Leviticus 19:26 can be interpreted as categorically forbidding divination. However, some would claim that divination is indeed practiced in the Bible, such as in Exodus 28, when the Urim and Thummim are mentioned; some would say that Gideon practiced divination, though when he uses a piece of fleece or wool in Judges 6:36-40, he is not attempting to predict the outcome of an important battle. Communicating with God through prayer may in some cases be considered divination. In addition, the method of "casting lots" used in Joshua 14:1-5 and Joshua 18:1-10 to divide the conquered lands of Canaan between the twelve tribes is not seen by some as divination, but as done at the behest of God. Both oracles and seers in ancient Greece practiced divination. Oracles were the conduits for the gods on earth; because of the high demand for oracle consultations and the oracles’ limited work schedule, they were not the main source of divination for the ancient Greeks.
That role fell to the seers. Seers were not in direct contact with the gods. Seers used many methods to explicate the will of the gods including bird signs, etc.. They did not keep a limited schedule; the disadvantage to seers was. Oracles could answer more generalized questions, seers had to perform several sacrifices in order to get the most consistent answer. For example, if a general wanted to know if the omens were proper for him to advance on the enemy, he would ask his seer both that question and if it were better for him to remain on the defensive. If the seer gave consistent answers, the advice was considered valid. At battle, generals would ask seers at both the campground and at the battlefield; the hiera entailed the seer slaughtering a sheep and examining its liver for answers regarding a more generic question. The battlefield sacrifice only occurred. Neither force would advance; because the seers had such power over influential individuals in ancient Greece, many were skeptical of the accuracy and honesty of the seers.
The degree to which seers were honest depends on the individual seers. Despite the doubt surrounding individual seers, the craft as a whole was well regarded and trusted by the Greeks; the divination method of casting lots was used by the remaining eleven disciples of Jesus in Acts 1:23-26 to select a replacement for Judas Iscariot. Therefore, divination was arguably an accepted practice in the early church. However, divination became viewed as a pagan practice by Christian emperors during ancient Rome. In 692 the Quinisext Council known as the "Council in Trullo" in the Eastern Orthodox Church, passed canons to eliminate pagan and divination practices. Fortune-telling and other forms of divination were widespread through the Middle Ages. In the constitution of 1572 and public regulations of 1661 of Kur-Saxony, capital punishment was used on those predicting the future. Laws forbidding divination practice continue to this day. Småland is famous for Årsgång, a practice which occurred until the early 19th century in some parts of Småland.
Occurring on Christmas and New Year's Eve, it is a practice in which one would fast and keep themselves away from light in a room until midnight to complete a set of complex events to interpret symbols encountered throughout the journey to foresee the coming year. Divination was a central component of ancient Mesoamerican religious life. Many Aztec gods, including central creator gods, were described as diviners and were associated with sorcery. Tezcatlipoca is the pa
Robert Ranulph Marett
Robert Ranulph Marett was a British ethnologist. He was an exponent of what is sometimes called the Evolutionary School or more the British Evolutionary School of Cultural anthropology. Founded by Marett's older colleague, Edward Burnett Tylor, it asserted that modern primitive societies evidence remnants of phases in the evolution of culture, which it attempted to recapture by comparative and historical methods. Marett focused on the anthropology of religion. Asserting with Tylor the evolutionary origin of religions he modified Tylor's animistic theory to include the concept of mana, his anthropological teaching and writing career at Oxford University spanned the earlier 20th century prior to the Second World War. He trained many notable anthropologists, he was a colleague of John Myres and through him connected to the world of Aegean archaeology. Marett was the only son of Sir Robert Pipon Marett and Bailiff of Jersey, Julia Anne Marett, he was born in Saint Brélade. He belonged to a family named Maret, that settled on Jersey from Normandy in the 13th century.
The Saint Brélade branch came to build a manor house for themselves, La Haule Manor. They were substantial in wealth and position, contributing high-level magistrates to the government of Jersey. Robert's father had been Bailiff of Jersey, he was one of the founders of a patriotic newspaper. Earlier, Philip Maret, 3rd son of the 2nd Seigneur of La Haule, born in 1701, had emigrated to Boston, where he became a merchant captain, his subsequent family participated in the American Revolution and the War of 1812. Robert's mother, Julia Anne bore the name of Marett before marriage, she was one of the eight children of the Janvrin sisters, Esther Elizabeth and Maria Eliza, by one Philip Marett, not in Robert Pipon's immediate line. Philip was a name used by the Maretts, thus Julia Anne was only a distant cousin of her husband. The house, came into Robert Ranulph's possession through his mother, her mother was Maria Eliza Janvrin. She and Robert Pipon had four children, Robert Ranulph, Mabel Elizabeth, Philippa Laetitia, Julia Mary.
Robert Ranulph may have been an only son. He came from a large-family environment; the family was Anglican. Cyril Norwood said of him, in a review of his autobiography in 1941: Born of good family, reaching back through many generations of service in Jersey, he was brought up in a good home with wise and cultured parents in a beautiful place set fair in the freedom of sky and sea. Nature in her kindness endowed him with good brains, good memory, lively imagination and abounding physical vigour. For his initial educational years the young Robert was taught in a dame school of the area, he was placed in St. Aubin’s School, a private grammar school founded in Maison Martel, the former home of the Martel family, merchants, in Saint Aubin, not far from La Haule Manor, it had been founded in 1813 by her husband, Philip le Maistre, a schoolteacher. The Brines, rope-makers, had purchased the mansion from the Martels. In 1867 they reported a student population of about 50 boys, half boarders, half day. For the wealthy on Jersey, this school was the only path to secondary school.
St. Aubin’s had an international reputation. Robert attended between ages 9 through 14, 1875–1880. Since 1873, on the death of Le Maistre, the headmaster and owner was John Este Vibert, who had a military frame of mind. Many future military officers came from St. Aubin’s. Vibert was a scientist, a member of the Royal Meteorological Society, he manned a weather station in the building. Marett went on to secondary school at Jersey, it was founded in 1850 on recommendation of Queen Victoria. Marett was there from age 14 to 18, 1880–1884, he commuted daily by the train line which existed for several decades across the south of the island. In secondary school, as in university afterward, Marett was popular, he played sports. In life he golfed and went shooting. Less formally he loved to prank, he was a joiner. He joined the Jersey Militia a social club, being made a lieutenant at age 17, he read avidly in La Haule's extensive library. He took a great interest in natural history. After finishing school in 1884, he planned to start at Balliol College, Oxford University in autumn, but his father’s lingering illness delayed him.
His father died on November 10. According to the British law of primogeniture, he inherited the entire estate. For the time being, he was not interested. There were no practical changes in the management of the estate, his mother and three sisters continued living in the many-room home, assisted by servants. His mother died in 1901; the three sisters never married. They were still in the house, all over 70, when the Germans occupied it in 1940. Leaving for Oxford, Robert never returned on a permanent basis, his own family did move there, but for him, it was only a part-time home, which he occupied in the summer. It was an ideal summer home, sparsely populated, located on the shore and luxurious, but without such amenities as electricity. Though well-to-do, Marett applied for financial assistance, the award of, based on excellence demonstrated in an examination. In British English, he won an “exhibition” from the Council of Legal Education, a modest financial award, in this case for the study of law.
The award made him an “exhibitioner.” He had to join the Inner Temple, one of the four groups of a professional association of barristers called the Inns of Court. It was an educational institution qualifying lawyers to argue at the
Monotheism is defined as the belief in the existence of only one god that created the world, is all-powerful and intervenes in the world. A broader definition of monotheism is the belief in one god. A distinction may be made between exclusive monotheism, both inclusive monotheism and pluriform monotheism which, while recognising various distinct gods, postulate some underlying unity. Monotheism is distinguished from henotheism, a religious system in which the believer worships one god without denying that others may worship different gods with equal validity, monolatrism, the recognition of the existence of many gods but with the consistent worship of only one deity; the term "monolatry" was first used by Julius Wellhausen. The broader definition of monotheism characterizes the traditions of Bábism, the Bahá'í Faith, Balinese Hinduism, Cao Dai, Christianity, Eckankar, Hindu sects such as Shaivism and Vaishnavism, Judaism, Rastafari, Seicho no Ie, Tengrism, Tenrikyo and Zoroastrianism, elements of pre-monotheistic thought are found in early religions such as Atenism, ancient Chinese religion, Yahwism.
The word monotheism comes from the Greek μόνος meaning "single" and θεός meaning "god". The English term was first used by Henry More. Quasi-monotheistic claims of the existence of a universal deity date to the Late Bronze Age, with Akhenaten's Great Hymn to the Aten. A possible inclination towards monotheism emerged during the Vedic period in Iron-Age South Asia; the Rigveda exhibits notions of monism of the Brahman in the comparatively late tenth book, dated to the early Iron Age, e.g. in the Nasadiya sukta. Since the sixth century BCE, Zoroastrians have believed in the supremacy of one God above all: Ahura Mazda as the "Maker of All" and the first being before all others. Nonetheless, Zoroastrianism was not monotheistic because it venerated other yazatas alongside Ahura Mazda. Ancient Hindu theology, was monist, but was not monotheistic in worship because it still maintained the existence of many gods, who were envisioned as aspects of one supreme God, Brahman. Numerous ancient Greek philosophers, including Xenophanes of Colophon and Antisthenes believed in a similar polytheistic monism that came close to monotheism, but fell short.
Judaism was the first religion to conceive the notion of a personal monotheistic God within a monist context. The concept of ethical monotheism, which holds that morality stems from God alone and that its laws are unchanging, first occurred in Judaism, but is now a core tenet of most modern monotheistic religions, including Zoroastrianism, Islam and Bahá'í Faith. According to Jewish and Islamic tradition, monotheism was the original religion of humanity. Scholars of religion abandoned that view in the 19th century in favour of an evolutionary progression from animism via polytheism to monotheism, but by 1974 this theory was less held, a modified view similar to Lang's became more prominent. Austrian anthropologist Wilhelm Schmidt had postulated an Urmonotheismus, "original" or "primitive monotheism" in the 1910s, it was objected that Judaism and Islam had grown up in opposition to polytheism as had Greek philosophical monotheism. More Karen Armstrong and other authors have returned to the idea of an evolutionary progression beginning with animism, which developed into polytheism, which developed into henotheism, which developed into monolatry, which developed into true monotheism.
While all adherents of the Abrahamic religions consider themselves to be monotheists, some in Judaism do not consider Christianity to be a pure form of monotheism, classifying it as Shituf. Islam does not recognize modern-day Christianity as monotheistic due to the Christian doctrine of Trinity, which Islam argues was not a part of the original monotheistic Christianity as preached by Jesus. Christians, on the other hand, argue that the doctrine of the Trinity is a valid expression of monotheism, citing that the Trinity does not consist of three separate deities, but rather the three persons, who exist consubstantially within a single Godhead. Judaism is one of the oldest monotheistic religions in the world, although some scholars have argued that the earliest Israelites were monolatristic rather than monotheistic. God in Judaism was monotheistic, an absolute one and incomparable being, the ultimate cause of all existence; the Babylonian Talmud references other, "foreign gods" as non-existent entities to whom humans mistakenly ascribe reality and power.
One of the best-known statements of Rabbinical Judaism on monotheism is the Second of Maimonides' 13 Principles of faith: God, the Cause of all, is one. This does not mean one as in one of a pair, nor one like a species, nor one as in an object, made up of many elements, nor as a single simple object, infinitely divisible. Rather, God is a unity unlike any other possible unity; some in Judaism and Islam reject the Christian idea of monotheism. Judaism uses the term shituf to refer to the worship of God in a manner which Judaism deems to be neither purely monotheistic nor polytheistic. During the 8th century BCE, the worship of YHWH in Israel was in competition with many other cults, described by the Yahwist faction collectively as Baals; the oldest books of th