Laurent-Désiré Kabila, or Laurent Kabila, was a Congolese revolutionary and politician who served as the third President of the Democratic Republic of the Congo from May 17, 1997, when he overthrew Mobutu Sese Seko, until his assassination by one of his bodyguards on January 16, 2001. He was succeeded eight days by his 29-year-old son Joseph. Kabila was born to a member of the Luba people in Baudoinville, Katanga Province, in the Belgian Congo, his father was a Luba and his mother was a Lunda. It is claimed that he studied abroad but no proof has been found or provided. Shortly after the Congo achieved independence in 1960, Katanga seceded under the leadership of Moïse Tshombe. Kabila organised the Baluba in an anti-secessionist rebellion in Manono. In September 1962 a new province, North Katanga, was established, he became a member of the provincial assembly and served as chief of cabinet for Minister of Information Ferdinand Tumba. In September 1963 he and other young members of the assembly were forced to resign, facing allegations of communist sympathies.
Kabila established himself as a supporter of hard-line Lumumbist Prosper Mwamba Ilunga. When the Lumumbists formed the Conseil National de Libération, he was sent to eastern Congo to help organize a revolution, in particular in the Kivu and North Katanga provinces. In 1965, Kabila set up a cross-border rebel operation from Kigoma, across Lake Tanganyika. Che Guevara assisted Kabila for a short time in 1965. Guevara had appeared in the Congo with 100 men who planned to bring about a Cuban-style revolution. Guevara judged Kabila as "not the man of the hour" he had alluded being too distracted. This, in Guevara's opinion, accounted for Kabila showing up days late at times to provide supplies, aid, or backup to Guevara's men; the lack of cooperation between Kabila and Guevara contributed to the suppression of the revolt that same year. In Guevara's view, of all of the people he met during his campaign in Congo, only Kabila had "genuine qualities of a mass leader". After the failure of the rebellion, Kabila turned to smuggling timber on Lake Tanganyika.
He ran a bar and brothel in Tanzania. In 1967, Kabila and his remnant of supporters moved their operation into the mountainous Fizi – Baraka area of South Kivu in the Congo, founded the People's Revolutionary Party. With the support of the People's Republic of China, the PRP created a secessionist Marxist state in South Kivu province, west of Lake Tanganyika; the PRP state came to an end in 1988 and Kabila disappeared and was believed to be dead. While in Kampala, Kabila met Yoweri Museveni, the future president of Uganda. Museveni and former Tanzanian President Julius Nyerere introduced Kabila to Paul Kagame, who would become president of Rwanda; these personal contacts became vital in mid-1990s, when Uganda and Rwanda sought a Congolese face for their intervention in Zaire. Kabila returned in October 1996, leading ethnic Tutsis from South Kivu against Hutu forces, marking the beginning of the First Congo War. With support from Uganda and Burundi, Kabila pushed his forces into a full-scale rebellion against Mobutu as the Alliance of Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Congo-Zaire.
He used children in the conflict and it was estimated that up to 10,000 children served under him. By mid-1997, the ADFL had completely overrun the country and the remains of Mobutu's army. Only the country's decrepit infrastructure slowed Kabila's forces down. Following failed peace talks held on board of the South African ship SAS Outeniqua, Mobutu fled into exile on 16 May; the next day, from his base in Lubumbashi, Kabila proclaimed himself president. Kabila suspended the Constitution, changed the name of the country from Zaire to the Democratic Republic of the Congo—the country's official name from 1964 to 1971, he made his grand entrance into Kinshasa on 20 May and was sworn in on 31 May commencing his term as president. Kabila had been a committed Marxist, but his policies at this point were a mix of capitalism and collectivism, he declared that elections would not be held for two years, since it would take him at least that long to restore order. While some in the West hailed Kabila as representing a "new breed" of African leadership, critics charged that Kabila's policies differed little from his predecessor's, being characterised by authoritarianism and human rights abuses.
As early as late 1997, Kabila was being denounced as "another Mobutu". Kabila was accused of self-aggrandizing tendencies, including trying to set up a personality cult, with the help of Mobutu's former minister of information, Dominique Sakombi Inongo. Sakombi Inongo branded Kabila as "the Mzee", posters reading "Here is the man we needed" appeared all over the country. By 1998, Kabila's former allies in Uganda and Rwanda had turned against him and backed a new rebellion of the Rally for Congolese Democracy, the Second Congo War. Kabila found new allies in Angola and Zimbabwe, managed to hold on in the south and west of the country and by July 1999, peace talks led to the withdrawal of most foreign forces. Kabila was shot and killed in his office on 16 January 2001; the DRC's authorities managed to keep power, despite Kabila's assassination. The exact circumstances are still disputed. Kabila died on the spot, according to DRC's health minister Leonard Mas
History of communism
The history of communism encompasses a wide variety of ideologies and political movements sharing the core theoretical values of common ownership of wealth, economic enterprise and property. Most modern forms of communism are grounded at least nominally in Marxism, a theory and method conceived by Karl Marx during the 19th century. Marxism subsequently gained a widespread following across much of Europe and throughout the late 1800s its militant supporters were instrumental in a number of failed revolutions on that continent. During the same era, there was a proliferation of communist parties which rejected armed revolution, but embraced the Marxist ideal of collective property and a classless society. Although Marxist theory suggested that the places ripest for social revolution—either through peaceful transition or by force of arms—were industrial societies, communism was successful in underdeveloped countries with endemic poverty such as the Russian Empire and the Republic of China. In 1917, the Bolshevik Party seized power during the Russian Revolution and created the Soviet Union, the world's first self-declared socialist state.
The Bolsheviks embraced the concept of proletarian internationalism and world revolution, seeing their struggle as an international rather than a purely regional cause. This was to have a phenomenal impact on the spread of communism during the 20th century as the Soviet Union installed new Marxist–Leninist governments in Central and Eastern Europe following World War II and indirectly backed the ascension of others in the Americas and Africa. Pivotal to this policy was the Communist International simply known as the Commintern, formed with the perspective of aiding and assisting communist parties around the world and fostering revolution; this was one major cause of tensions during the Cold War as the United States and its military allies equated the global spread of communism with Soviet expansionism by proxy. By 1985, one-third of the world's population lived under a Marxist–Leninist system of government in one form or another. However, there was significant debate among communist and Marxist ideologues as to whether most of these countries could be meaningfully considered Marxist at all as many of the basic components of the Marxist system were altered and revised by such countries.
The failure of these governments to live up to the ideal of a communist society as well as their general trend towards increasing authoritarianism has been linked to the decline of communism in the late 20th century. With the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991, several Marxist–Leninist states repudiated or abolished the ideology altogether. By the 21st century, only a small number of Marxist–Leninist states remained, namely Cuba and Laos. Despite retaining a nominal commitment to communism, China has ceased to be governed by the principles of Maoism, reverting to an authoritarian regime with a mixed economy. From the Bolshevik Revolution in 1917 until 2017, demographers have estimated that self-styled socialist states following Marxism–Leninism or one of its variants have collectively claimed the lives of more than 68 million people through starvation, political purges, extrajudicial killings, forced labour camps and violently implemented social engineering policies; the word communism derives from the French communisme which developed out of the Latin roots communis and the suffix isme and was in use as a word designating various social situations before it came to be associated with more modern conceptions of an economic and political organization.
Semantically, communis can be translated to "of or for the community" while isme is a suffix that indicates the abstraction into a state, action or doctrine, so communism may be interpreted as "the state of being of or for the community". This semantic constitution has led to various usages of the word in its evolution, but it came to be most associated with Marxism, most embodied in The Communist Manifesto which proposed a particular type of communism; the term was first created in its modern definition by the French philosopher Victor d'Hupay. In his 1777 book Projet de communauté philosophe, d'Hupay pushes the legacy of the Enlightenments to principles which he lived up to during most of his life in his bastide of Fuveau, Provence, his book can be seen as a backbone of communist philosophy as d'Hupay attempts a definition of this lifestyle which he calls a "commune" and advises to "share all economic and material products between inhabitants of the commune, so that all may benefit from each other's work".
His friend and contemporary author Restif de la Bretonne describes him as a "communist" in one of his books. Many historical groups have been considered as following forms of communism. Karl Marx and other early communist theorists believed that hunter-gatherer societies as were found in the Paleolithic were egalitarian and he therefore termed their ideology to be primitive communism. Early Christianity supported a form of common ownership based on the teachings in the New Testament which emphasised sharing amongst everyone. Other ancient Jewish sects, like the Essenes supported egalitarianism and communal living. During the early modern period in Europe, various groups supporting communist ideas appeared. Tommaso Campanella's 1601 work The City of the Sun propagated the concept of a society where the products of society should be shared equally. Within a few centuries, various groups on the side of the Roundheads during the English Civil War propagated the redistribution of wealth on an egalitarian basis, namely the Levellers and the Diggers.
In the 18th century, the French philosopher Jean Jacques Rousseau in his hugely influential The Social Contract outlined the basis for a political order base
A paramilitary is a semi-militarized force whose organizational structure, training and function are similar to those of a professional military, but, formally not part of a government's armed forces. Under the law of war, a state may incorporate a paramilitary organization or armed agency into its combatant armed forces; the other parties to a conflict have to be notified thereof. Though a paramilitary is not a military force, it is equivalent to a military's light infantry force in terms of intensity and organizational structure. A paramilitary may commonly fall under the command of a military despite not being part of the military or play an assisting role for the military in times of war. Depending on the definition adopted, "paramilitaries" may include: Irregular military forces: militias, insurgents, etc; the auxiliary forces of a state's military: national guard, presidential guard, republican guard, state defense force, home guard, royal guard, imperial guard Some police forces or auxiliary police: Indonesia's Mobile Brigade Corps, Detachment 88, India's Assam Rifles, Central Reserve Police Force, Border Security Force, etc.
Semi-militarized law enforcement personnel within normal police forces, such as SWAT teams in the United States and a number of other countries Gendarmeries, such as Egyptian Central Security Forces and Russia's National Guard Border guards, such as Russia's Border Guard Service, Australian Border Force, India's Border Security Force The United States' Federal Protective Forces Security forces of ambiguous military status: internal troops, railroad guards, or railway troops Volunteer Defence Corps, such as Volunteer Defence Corps in Thailand, Volunteer Defence Corps in Australia, Shanghai Volunteer Corps, Royal Hong Kong Regiment The fire departments of many countries and locales, although unarmed, are organized in a manner similar to military or police forces. List of paramilitary organizations List of defunct paramilitary organizations Category:Rebel militia groups Weimar paramilitary groups List of Serbian paramilitary formations Militarization of police Panamanian Public Forces Fourth-generation warfare Private army Private Military Companies Death squad Violent non-state actor List of countries by number of military and paramilitary personnel Golkar, Saeid.
Paramilitarization of the Economy: the Case of Iran's Basij Militia, Armed Forces & Society, Vol. 38, No. 4 Golkar, Saeid.. Organization of the Oppressed or Organization for Oppressing: Analysing the Role of the Basij Militia of Iran. Politics, Religion & Ideology, Dec. 37–41. Doi:10.1080/21567689.2012.725661 Mexico's Plan to Create a Paramilitary Force Global Security
Maoism, known in China as Mao Zedong Thought, is a communist political theory derived from the teachings of the Chinese political leader Mao Zedong, whose followers are known as Maoists. Developed from the 1950s until the Deng Xiaoping reforms in the 1970s, it was applied as the guiding political and military ideology of the Communist Party of China and as theory guiding revolutionary movements around the world. A key difference between Maoism and other forms of Marxism–Leninism is that peasants should be the bulwark of the revolutionary energy, led by the working class in China; the modern Chinese intellectual tradition of the turn of the 20th century is defined by two central concepts, namely iconoclasm and nationalism. By the turn of the 20th century, a proportionately small yet significant cross-section of China's traditional elite found themselves skeptical of the efficacy and the moral validity of Confucianism; these skeptical iconoclasts formed a new segment of Chinese society, a modern intelligentsia whose arrival—or as historian of China Maurice Meisner would label it, their defection—heralded the beginning of the destruction of the gentry as a social class in China.
The fall of the last imperial Chinese dynasty in 1911 marked the final failure of the Confucian moral order and it did much to make Confucianism synonymous with political and social conservatism in the minds of Chinese intellectuals. It was this association of conservatism and Confucianism which lent to the iconoclastic nature of Chinese intellectual thought during the first decades of the 20th century. Chinese iconoclasm was expressed most and vociferously by Chen Duxiu during the New Culture Movement which occurred between 1915 and 1919. Proposing the "total destruction of the traditions and values of the past", the New Culture Movement was spearheaded by the New Youth, a periodical, published by Chen Duxiu and was profoundly influential on the young Mao Zedong, whose first published work appeared on the magazine's pages. Along with iconoclasm, radical anti-imperialism dominated the Chinese intellectual tradition and evolved into a fierce nationalist fervor which influenced Mao's philosophy immensely and was crucial in adapting Marxism to the Chinese model.
Vital to understanding Chinese nationalist sentiments of the time is the Treaty of Versailles, signed in 1919. The Treaty aroused a wave of bitter nationalist resentment in Chinese intellectuals as lands ceded to Germany in Shandong were—without consultation with the Chinese—transferred to Japanese control rather than returned to Chinese sovereignty; the negative reaction culminated in the 4 May Incident in 1919 during which a protest began with 3,000 students in Beijing displaying their anger at the announcement of the Versailles Treaty's concessions to Japan. The protest took a violent turn as protesters began attacking the homes and offices of ministers who were seen as cooperating with, or being in the direct pay, of the Japanese; the 4 May Incident and Movement which followed "catalyzed the political awakening of a society which had long seemed inert and dormant". Yet another international event would have a large impact not only on Mao, but on the Chinese intelligentsia, i.e. the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917.
Although the revolution did elicit interest among Chinese intellectuals, socialist revolution in China was not considered a viable option until after the May 4 Incident. Afterwards, "o become a Marxist was one way for a Chinese intellectual to reject both the traditions of the Chinese past and Western domination of the Chinese present". During the period following the Long March and the Communist Party of China were headquartered in Yan'an, a prefecture-level city in Shaanxi province. During this period, Mao established himself as a Marxist theoretician and he produced the bulk of the works which would be canonized into the "thought of Mao Zedong"; the rudimentary philosophical base of Chinese Communist ideology is laid down in Mao's numerous dialectical treatises and it was conveyed to newly recruited party members. This period established ideological independence from Moscow for Mao and the CPC. Although the Yan'an period did answer some of the questions, both ideological and theoretical, which were raised by the Chinese Communist Revolution, it left many of the crucial questions unresolved.
Mao's Intellectual Marxist development can be divided into five major periods: the initial Marxist period from 1920–1926. The initial Marxist period from 1920–1926: Marxist thinking employs imminent socioeconomic explanations and Mao's reasons were declarations of his enthusiasm. Mao did not believe that education alone would bring about the transition from capitalism to communism because of three main reasons. Psychologically: the capitalists would not turn towards communism on their own; these reasons do not provide socioeconomic explanations, which form the core of Marxist ideology. The formative Maoist period from 1927–1935: in this period, Mao avoided all theoretical implications in his literature and employed a minimum of Marxist category thought, his writings in this period failed to elaborate what he meant by the "Marxist method of
In political science, a communist party is a political party that seeks to realize the social and economic goals of Communism through revolution and state policy. The term communist party was popularized by the title of the Manifesto of the Communist Party, by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels; as a vanguard party, the communist party guides the political education and development of the working class. Lenin developed the role of the communist party as the revolutionary vanguard, when social democracy in Imperial Russia was divided into ideologically opposed factions, the Bolshevik faction and the Menshevik faction. To be politically effective, Lenin proposed a small vanguard party managed with democratic centralism, which allowed centralized command of a disciplined cadre of professional revolutionaries. In contrast, the Menshevik faction included Trotsky, who said that the party should not neglect the importance of the mas populations in realizing a communist revolution. In the course of revolution, the Bolshevik party became the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, assumed government power in Russia after the October Revolution in 1917.
With the creation of the Communist International in 1919, the concept of "communist party leadership" was adopted by many revolutionary parties, worldwide. In effort to ideologically standardize the international Communist movement and maintain central control of the member parties, the Comintern required that parties identify as a Communist party. In the CPSU, the interpretations of Orthodox Marxism to Russia produced Leninist and Marxist-Leninist political parties. After the death of Lenin, the official interpretation of Leninism in the USSR was the book Foundations of Leninism, by Joseph Stalin. Communist parties are illegal in Estonia and Iran, Latvia and Myanmar, Poland and South Korea, Ukraine and Hungary. In the U. S. the Communist Party USA is banned under authority of the Communist Control Act of 1954, never enforced. As the membership of a Communist party was to be limited to active cadres in Lenin's theory, there was a need for networks of separate organizations to mobilize mass support for the party.
Communist parties have built up various front organizations whose membership is open to non-Communists. In many countries the single most important front organization of the Communist parties has been its youth wing. During the time of the Communist International, the youth leagues were explicit Communist organizations, using the name'Young Communist League'; the youth league concept was broadened in many countries, names like'Democratic Youth League' were adopted. Some trade unions and students', women's, grifters', peasants', cultural organizations have been connected to communist parties. Traditionally, these mass organizations were politically subordinated to the political leadership of the party. However, in many contemporary cases mass organizations founded by communists have acquired a certain degree of independence. In some cases mass organizations have outlived the Communist parties in question. At the international level, the Communist International organized various international front organizations, such as the Young Communist International, Krestintern, International Red Aid, etc.
These organizations were dissolved in the process of deconstruction of the Communist International. After the Second World War new international coordination bodies were created, such as the World Federation of Democratic Youth, International Union of Students, World Federation of Trade Unions, Women's International Democratic Federation and the World Peace Council. In countries where Communist Parties were struggling to attain state power, the formation of wartime alliances with non-Communist parties and wartime groups was enacted. Upon attaining state power these Fronts were transformed into nominal "National" or "Fatherland" Fronts in which non-communist parties and organizations were given token representation, the most popular examples of these being the National Front of East Germany and the United Front of the People's Republic of China. Other times the formation of such Fronts were undertaken without the participation of other parties, such as the Socialist Alliance of Working People of Yugoslavia and the National Front of Afghanistan, though the purpose was the same: to promote the Communist Party line to non-communist audiences and to mobilize them to carry out tasks within the country under the aegis of the Front.
Recent scholarship has developed the comparative political study of global communist parties by examining similarities and differences across historical geographies. In particular, the rise of revolutionary parties, their spread internationally, the appearance of charismatic revolutionary leaders and their ultimate demise during the decline and fall of communist parties worldwide have all been the subject of investigation. A uniform naming scheme for Communist parties was adopted by the Communist International. All parties were required to use the name'Communist Party of', resulting in separate communist parties in some countries operating using homonymous party names. Today, there are a few cases where the original section
Fidel Alejandro Castro Ruz was a Cuban communist revolutionary and politician who governed the Republic of Cuba as Prime Minister from 1959 to 1976 and as President from 1976 to 2008. A Marxist–Leninist and Cuban nationalist, Castro served as the First Secretary of the Communist Party of Cuba from 1961 until 2011. Under his administration, Cuba became a one-party communist state, while industry and business were nationalized and state socialist reforms were implemented throughout society. Born in Birán, Oriente as the son of a wealthy Spanish farmer, Castro adopted leftist anti-imperialist politics while studying law at the University of Havana. After participating in rebellions against right-wing governments in the Dominican Republic and Colombia, he planned the overthrow of Cuban President Fulgencio Batista, launching a failed attack on the Moncada Barracks in 1953. After a year's imprisonment, Castro traveled to Mexico where he formed a revolutionary group, the 26th of July Movement, with his brother Raúl Castro and Che Guevara.
Returning to Cuba, Castro took a key role in the Cuban Revolution by leading the Movement in a guerrilla war against Batista's forces from the Sierra Maestra. After Batista's overthrow in 1959, Castro assumed military and political power as Cuba's Prime Minister; the United States came to oppose Castro's government and unsuccessfully attempted to remove him by assassination, economic blockade and counter-revolution, including the Bay of Pigs Invasion of 1961. Countering these threats, Castro aligned with the Soviet Union and allowed the Soviets to place nuclear weapons in Cuba, sparking the Cuban Missile Crisis – a defining incident of the Cold War – in 1962. Adopting a Marxist–Leninist model of development, Castro converted Cuba into a one-party, socialist state under Communist Party rule, the first in the Western Hemisphere. Policies introducing central economic planning and expanding healthcare and education were accompanied by state control of the press and the suppression of internal dissent.
Abroad, Castro supported anti-imperialist revolutionary groups, backing the establishment of Marxist governments in Chile and Grenada, as well as sending troops to aid allies in the Yom Kippur and Angolan Civil War. These actions, coupled with Castro's leadership of the Non-Aligned Movement from 1979 to 1983 and Cuba's medical internationalism, increased Cuba's profile on the world stage. Following the Soviet Union's dissolution in 1991, Castro led Cuba through the economic downturn of the "Special Period", embracing environmentalist and anti-globalization ideas. In the 2000s, Castro forged alliances in the Latin American "pink tide" – namely with Hugo Chávez's Venezuela – and signed Cuba up to the Bolivarian Alliance for the Americas. In 2006, Castro transferred his responsibilities to Vice President Raúl Castro, elected to the presidency by the National Assembly in 2008; the longest-serving non-royal head of state in the 20th and 21st centuries, Castro polarized world opinion. His supporters view him as a champion of socialism and anti-imperialism whose revolutionary regime advanced economic and social justice while securing Cuba's independence from American imperialism.
Critics view him as a dictator whose administration oversaw human-rights abuses, the exodus of a large number of Cubans and the impoverishment of the country's economy. Castro was decorated with various international awards and influenced different individuals and groups across the world. Castro was born out of wedlock at his father's farm on 13 August 1926, his father, Ángel Castro y Argiz, a veteran of the Spanish–American War, was a migrant to Cuba from Galicia, Northwest Spain. He had become financially successful by growing sugar cane at Las Manacas farm in Birán, Oriente Province. After the collapse of his first marriage he took his household servant, Lina Ruz González – of Canarian origin – as his mistress and second wife. At age six, Castro was sent to live with his teacher in Santiago de Cuba, before being baptized into the Roman Catholic Church at the age of eight. Being baptized enabled Castro to attend the La Salle boarding school in Santiago, where he misbehaved. In 1945, Castro transferred to the more prestigious Jesuit-run El Colegio de Belén in Havana.
Although Castro took an interest in history and debating at Belén, he did not excel academically, instead devoting much of his time to playing sports. In 1945, Castro began studying law at the University of Havana. Admitting he was "politically illiterate", Castro became embroiled in student activism and the violent gangsterismo culture within the university. Passionate about anti-imperialism and opposing U. S. intervention in the Caribbean, he unsuccessfully campaigned for the presidency of the Federation of University Students on a platform of "honesty and justice". Castro became critical of the corruption and violence of President Ramón Grau's government, delivering a public speech on the subject in November 1946 that received coverage on the front page of several newspapers. In 1947, Castro joined the Party of the Cuban People, founded by veteran politician Eduardo Chibás. A charismatic figure, Chibás advocated social justice, honest government and political freedom, while his party exposed corruption and demanded reform.
Though Chibás came third in the 1948 general election, Castro remained committed to working on his behalf. Student violence escalated after Grau employed gang leaders as police officers, Castro soon received a death threat urging him to leave the university. However, he refused to do so an
Rebellion, uprising, or insurrection is a refusal of obedience or order. It refers to the open resistance against the orders of an established authority; the term comes from the Latin verb rebellō, "I renew war" (from re- + bellō. The rebel is the individual that partakes in rebellion or rebellious activities when armed. Thus, the term rebellion refers to the ensemble of rebels in a state of revolt. A rebellion originates from a sentiment of indignation and disapproval of a situation and manifests itself by the refusal to submit or to obey the authority responsible for this situation. Rebellion can be individual or collective, peaceful or violent In political terms and revolt are distinguished by their different aims. If rebellion seeks to evade and/or gain concessions from an oppressive power, a revolt seeks to overthrow and destroy that power, as well as its accompanying laws; the goal of rebellion is resistance. As power shifts relative to the external adversary, or power shifts within a mixed coalition, or positions harden or soften on either side, an insurrection may seesaw between the two forms.
The following theories broadly build on the Marxist interpretation of rebellion. They explore the causes of rebellion from a wide lens perspective. Rebellion is studied, in Theda Skocpol's words, by analyzing "objective relationships and conflicts among variously situated groups and nations, rather than the interests, outlooks, or ideologies of particular actors in revolutions". Karl Marx's analysis of revolutions sees such expression of political violence not as anomic, episodic outbursts of discontents but rather the symptomatic expression of a particular set of objective but fundamentally contradicting class-based relations of power. Indeed, the central tenet of Marxist philosophy, as expressed in Capital, is the analysis of society's mode of production concomitant with the ownership of productive institutions and the division of profit. Marx writes about "the hidden structure of society" that must be elucidated through an examination of "the direct relationship of the owners of the conditions of production to the direct producers".
The mismatch, between one mode of production, between the social forces and the social ownership of the production, is at the origin of the revolution. The inner imbalance within these modes of production is derived from the conflicting modes of organization, such as capitalism within feudalism, or more appropriately socialism within capitalism; the dynamics engineered by these class frictions help class consciousness root itself in the collective imaginary. For example, the development of the bourgeoisie class went from oppressed merchant class to urban independence gaining enough power to represent the state as a whole. Social movements, are determined by an exogenous set of circumstances; the proletariat must according to Marx, go through the same process of self-determination which can only be achieved by friction against the bourgeoisie. In Marx's theory revolutions are the "locomotives of history", it is because rebellion has for ultimate goal to overthrow the ruling class and its antiquated mode of production.
Rebellion attempts to replace it with a new system of political economy, one, better suited to the new ruling class, thus enabling societal progress. The cycle of rebellion, replaces one mode of production by another through the constant class friction. In his book Why Men Rebel, Ted Gurr looks at the roots of political violence itself applied to a rebellion framework, he defines political violence as: "all collective attacks within a political community against the political regime, its actors or its policies. The concept represents a set of events, a common property of, the actual or threatened use of violence". Gurr sees in violence a voice of anger. More individuals become angry when they feel what Gurr labels as relative deprivation, meaning the feeling of getting less than one is entitled to, he labels it formally as the "perceived discrepancy between value expectations and value capabilities". Gurr differentiates between three types of relative deprivation: Decremental deprivation: one's capacities' decrease when expectations remain high.
One example of this is the proliferation and thus depreciation of the value of higher education. Aspirational Deprivation: one's capacities stay the same when expectations rise. An example would be a first generation college student lacking the contacts and network to obtain a higher paying job while watching her better-prepared colleagues bypass her. Progressive deprivation: expectation and capabilities increase but the former cannot keep up. A good example would be an automotive worker being marginalized by the automatisation of the assembly line. Anger is thus comparative. One of his key insight is that "The potential for collective violence varies with the intensity and scope of relative deprivation among members of a collectivity"; this means that different individuals within society will have different propensities to rebel based on their particular internalization of their situation. As such, Gurr differentiates between three types of political violence: Turmoil when only the mass population encounters relative deprivation.
In this case, the degree of organization is much higher than turmoil, the revolution is intrinsically spread to all sections of society, unlike the conspi