The Albanians are an ethnic group native to the Balkan Peninsula and are identified by a common Albanian ancestry, culture and language. They live in Albania, North Macedonia, Serbia as well as in Croatia and Italy, they constitute a diaspora with several communities established in the Americas and Oceania. The ethnogenesis of the Albanians and the Albanian language is a matter of controversy among the historians and ethnologists, they appear for the first time in historical records from the 11th century mentioning a tribe of people living in the area which today constitutes the mountainous region around the Mat and Drin. The Shkumbin splits the Albanians into two cultural and linguistical subgroups, the Ghegs and Tosks, though both groups identify with a common ethnic and national culture; the history of the Albanian diaspora is centuries old and has its roots in migration from the Middle Ages established in Southern Europe and subsequently on across other parts of the world. Between the 13th and 18th centuries, sizeable numbers of Albanians migrated to escape either various social, economic or political difficulties.
One population who became the Arvanites settled Southern Greece between the 13th and 16th centuries assimilating into and now self-identifying as Greeks. Another population who emerged as the Arbëreshës settled Sicily and Southern Italy constituting the oldest continuous Albanian diaspora. Smaller populations such as the Arbanasis whose migration dates back to the 18th century are located in Southern Croatia and scattered across Southern Ukraine. In the 13th century, the Ghegs converted to Roman Catholicism from Eastern Orthodoxy as a means to resist the Slavic Serbs. In the 15th century, Skanderbeg led the medieval Albanian resistance to the Ottoman conquest. During the 17th and 18th centuries, Albanians in large numbers converted to Islam, in part due to the privileged legal and social position of Muslims in the empire and coercion by Ottoman authorities in times of war. Albanians attained important political and military positions within the Ottoman Empire and culturally contributed to the wider Muslim world.
Following the Albanian National Awakening, during the Balkan Wars, in 1912, Albanians were partitioned between the newly-formed Independent Albania and Serbia and Montenegro. From 1945 to 1992, Albania was ruled by a communist government. Albanians in neighbouring Yugoslavia underwent periods of discrimination that concluded with the breakup of that state in the early 1990s and the independence of Kosovo in 2008; the Albanians and their country Albania have been identified by many ethnonyms. The most common native ethnonym is "Shqiptar", plural "Shqiptarë". From these ethnonyms, names for Albanians were derived in other languages, that were or still are in use. In English "Albanians"; the term "Albanoi" is first encountered twice in the works of Byzantine historian Michael Attaliates, the term "Arvanitai" is used once by the same author. He referred to the "Albanoi" as having taken part in a revolt against the Byzantine Empire in 1043, to the "Arbanitai" as subjects of the Duke of Dyrrachium; these references have been disputed as to.
Historian E. Vranoussi believes, she notes that the same term in medieval Latin meant "foreigners". The reference to "Arvanitai" from Attaliates regarding the participation of Albanians in a rebellion around 1078 is undisputed. In Byzantine usage, the terms "Arbanitai" and "Albanoi" with a range of variants were used interchangeably, while sometimes the same groups were called by the classicising name Illyrians; the first reference to the Albanian language dates to the latter 13th century. The ethnonym Albanian has been hypothesized to be connected to and stem from the Albanoi, an Illyrian tribe mentioned by Ptolemy with their centre at the city of Albanopolis. Linguists believe that the alb part in the root word originates from an Indo-European term for a type of mountainous topography, from which other words such as alps are derived. Through the root word alban and its rhotacized equivalents arban and arbar, the term in Albanian became rendered as Arbëneshë/Arbëreshë for the people and Arbënia/Arbëria for the country.
The Albanian language was referred to as Arbërisht. While the exonym Albania for the general region inhabited by the Albanians does have connotations to Classical Antiquity, the Albanian language employs a different ethnonym, with modern Albanians referring to themselves as Shqiptarë and to their country as Shqipëria. Two etymologies have been proposed for this ethnonym: one, derived from the etymology from the Albanian word for eagle. In Albanian folk etymology, this word denotes a bird totem, dating from the times of Skanderbeg as displayed on the Albanian flag; the other is within scholarship that connects it to the verb'to speak' from the Latin "excipere". In this instance the Albanian endonym like Slav and others would have been a term connoting "those who speak [intelligibly, th
Young Turk Revolution
The Young Turk Revolution of the Ottoman Empire was when the Young Turks movement restored the Ottoman constitution of 1876 and ushered in multi-party politics in a two stage electoral system under the Ottoman parliament. More than three decades earlier, in 1876, constitutional monarchy had been established under Sultan Abdul Hamid II during a period of time known as the First Constitutional Era, which only lasted for two years before Abdul Hamid suspended it and restored autocratic powers to himself. On 24 July 1908, Abdul Hamid capitulated and announced the restoration of Constitution, which established the Second Constitutional Era. After an attempted monarchist counterrevolution in favor of Abdul Hamid the following year, he was deposed and his brother Mehmed V ascended the throne. Once underground, organizations established their parties. Among them "Committee of Union and Progress", "Freedom and Accord Party" known as the Liberal Union or Liberal Entente were major parties. There were smaller parties such as Ottoman Socialist Party.
On the other end of the spectrum were the ethnic parties which included. ARF outlawed, became the main representative of the Armenian community in the Ottoman Empire, replacing the pre-1908 Armenian elite, composed of merchants and clerics who had seen their future in obtaining more privileges within the boundaries of the state's version of Ottomanism. Countering the conservative politics of Abdul Hamid's reign was the amount of social reform that occurred during this time period; the development of a more liberal environment in Turkey strengthened the culture, provided the grounds for the rebellion. Abdul Hamid's political circle was ever-changing; when the sultan abandoned the previous politics from 1876, he suspended the Ottoman Parliament in 1878. This left a small group of individuals able to partake in politics in the Ottoman Empire. In order to preserve the legacy of the Ottoman Empire, many Turks felt a need for modernization of the country. However, Abdul Hamid's method of rule was not in line with the developing nation.
The origins of the revolution lie in the organization of two political factions. Neither agreed with Abdul Hamid's reign; the Liberals were the upper-class groups in the Ottoman Empire and desired a more relaxed form of government with little economic interference. They pushed for more autonomy of the different ethnic groups, which became popular among foreigners in the empire. In a lower class formed a different group- the Unionists. Members foremost wanted a secular government; these two groups formed out of the same intent- to return to the old constitution, but cultural differences divided them. Members of the military tradition, military officers, among the Young Turks revolted; the defense of their shrinking state had become a matter of intense professional pride which caused them to raise arms against their state. The event that triggered the Revolution was a meeting in the Baltic port of Reval between Edward VII of the United Kingdom and Nicholas II of Russia in June 1908. Though these imperial powers had experienced few major conflicts between them over the previous hundred years, an underlying rivalry, otherwise known as "the Great Game", had exacerbated the situation to such an extent that resolution was sought.
The Anglo-Russian Convention of 1907 brought shaky British-Russian relations to the forefront by solidifying boundaries that identified their respective control in Persia and Afghanistan. Military officers fearing the meeting was a prelude to the partition of Macedonia, Army units in the Balkans mutinied against Sultan Abdülhamid II. A desire to preserve the state, not destroy it, motivated the revolutionaries; the revolt began in July 1908. Major Ahmed Niyazi, fearing discovery of his political moves by an investigatory committee sent from the capital, decamped from Resen on 3 July with 200 followers demanding restoration of the constitution; the sultan's attempt to suppress this uprising failed due to the popularity of the movement among the troops themselves. Rebellion spread due to the ideology of Ottomanism. On 24 July, sultan Abdul Hamid II announced restoration of the 1876 constitution; the Ottoman general election, 1908 took place during November and December 1908. On 17 December the Committee of Union and Progress, a unionist organization, won a majority in the parliament.
The Senate of the Ottoman Empire reconvened for the first time in over 30 years on 17 December 1908 with the living members from the First Constitutional Era. The Chamber of Deputies' first session was on 30 January 1909; these developments caused the gradual creation of a new governing elite. In some communities, such as the Jewish, reformist groups emulating the Young Turks ousted the conservative ruling elite and replaced them with a new reformist one. While the Young Turk Revolution had promised organizational improvement, once instituted, the government at first proved itself rather disorganized and ineffectual. Although these working-class citizens had little knowledge of how to control a government, they imposed their ideas on the Ottoman Empire. In a small Liberal victory, Kâmil Pasha, a Liberal supporter and ally to England, was appointed as the Grand Vizier on 5 August 1908, his policies helped to maintain
Isa Boletini was a Kosovo Albanian nationalist figure and guerrilla fighter in the Ottoman Kosovo Vilayet. As a young man, he joined the Albanian nationalist League of Prizren and participated in a battle against Ottoman forces. After this, he built a power base in the Mitrovica area, he served as the commander of Ottoman palace guards in Istanbul for four years, returning with a land grant, officer rank and the command of the local militia. In 1909 he and other Kosovo Albanian chieftains revolted against the Young Turk imposition of taxes on Muslims. Next, he took an important role in the 1910 revolt against Ottoman rule, while in the First Balkan War negotiated with both sides fought against the Montenegrin and Serbian armies in Kosovo, he participated in the Albanian Declaration of Independence in Vlorë, was assigned as a diplomatic agent to the British, bodyguard of Prince William of Albania. He was killed during a shoot-out in Podgorica under unclear circumstances in January 1916. Isa Boletini was born in the village of Boletin near Ottoman Empire.
Isa's family had migrated to Boletin from the village of Istinić near Deçan, due to a blood feud though it hailed from Shala, in northern Albania. They adopted the surname Boletini; the Shala were the poorest tribe of Albania with a small exception of around 400 families who lived in Istinić. They were in conflict with the Gashi tribe until they made peace in August 1879 on the sultan's orders. After the rise of the Albanian nationalist League of Prizren, he took part as a young man in the Battle of Slivova against Ottoman forces on 22 April 1881. Isa illegally seized property from fellow Muslims. By 1898–99, he received money for protecting the Serbian Orthodox community in the Mitrovica region, was rewarded with a medal and supply of weapons by the Kingdom of Serbia; the Sokolica Monastery, located between Albanian villages, was protected by brothers Ahmed and Isa, who lived 800m and 100m from the monastery. It was stated in 1899, by Serbian consul in Pristina Svetislav Simić, that "not one Serb fell from his rifle, where the power of his martini reached, the rayah was free from zulum".
The time after 1900 was marked by ethnic tensions. In the summer of 1901, organised atrocities on Serbs in Ibarski Kolašin were carried out under the command of Boletini, including massacres, blackmail and eviction of local ethnic Serbs. An earlier Ottoman investigation had uncovered arms smuggling from Serbia to Ibarski Kolašin, sent to protect the local Serb population from atrocities; the events led to Russia opening a consulate in Mitroviça on May 7, 1902. Schterbina was appointed consul. Boletini threatened that all Serb houses would be set upon fire if they worked with the consulate – the consul could not enter Mitrovica until the Porte sent for Boletini to Istanbul, it is reported on 29 September, according to an Ottoman source, that Boletini had given himself up to the authorities, was to be pardoned and used by the Ottomans against Mustafa Aga and his supporters. He is reported on 24 November 1902 as having arrived in Istanbul. Four days it was reported that the Porte promised to not return Boletini to Mitrovica, that Schterbina was soon to arrive to the consulate.
Sultan Abdul Hamid II, instead of crushing Boletini, brought him to Istanbul and appointed him head of the palace guard. To govern the sultan used patronage networks by awarding privileges and government positions to co opt local charismatic leaders such as Boletini into the Ottoman system. On 11 March 1903, the Porte denied. Schterbina did not survive his assassination attempt on 31 May, during an Albanian riot, died of his gunshot wounds in April 1903. After serving as the head of the Ottoman palace guard for four years, he returned to Kosovo with an imperial land grant and officer rank in the local Ottoman militia in March 1906, he was now the richest Albanian in Mitrovica. Boletini assembled a band of armed retainers and resumed his role as a local "protector". Weapons and financial assistance came from Serbia and Boletini had a direct telegraph line to the Yildiz Palace functioning as the sultan's policeman in the region. During the Young Turk revolution, a large gathering in Firzovik of local urban notables and Muslim clergy backed restoration of the constitution while Boletini on the side of the chieftains viewed that position as disloyalty to the sultan.
He withdrew his forces. During the revolution, rumors of the time had it that Abdul Hamid II asked Boletini for assistance to disperse the Firzovik gathering, he was loyal to the sultan though in 1908 Boletini had given his initial support to the Young Turks and fought against their government. Boletini was deputy of Kosovo in the Ottoman Assembly between 1908 and 1912; the Committee of Union and Progress, within c. A month of the restoration of the constitution, decided to address blood feuding matters in Kosovo, sentencing Albanians engaged in killings. Toward the end of 1908 aggressive measures was pushed by locals – Nexhip Draga and other notables in Kosovo viewed Isa Boletini as a nuisance and loyalist of sultan Abdulhamid II and lobbied the new Young Turk government for his arrest and destruction of his kulla. Class differences of Draga, a landowner wanting law and order and Boletini, a chieftain preferring maintenance of old privileges and a
Second Constitutional Era
The Second Constitutional Era of the Ottoman Empire established shortly after the 1908 Young Turk Revolution which forced Sultan Abdul Hamid II to restore the constitutional monarchy by the revival of the Ottoman Parliament, the General Assembly of the Ottoman Empire and the restoration of the constitution of 1876. The parliament and the constitution of the First Constitutional Era had been suspended by Abdul Hamid in 1878 after only two years of functioning. Whereas the First Constitutional Era had not allowed for political parties, the Young Turks amended the constitution to strengthen the popularly elected Chamber of Deputies at the expense of the unelected Senate and the Sultan's personal powers, formed and joined many political parties and groups for the first time in the Empire's history. A series of elections during this period resulted in the gradual ascendance of the Committee of Union and Progress's domination in politics; the second largest party, with which the CUP was involved in a 2-year power struggle, was the Freedom and Accord Party founded in 1911 by those that had split off from the CUP.
The period survived an attempt by reactionaries to re-institute absolutism. After World War I and the occupation of Constantinople on 13 November 1918 by the Allies, the parliament's decision to work with the Turkish revolutionaries in Ankara by signing the Amasya Protocol and agreeing in 1920 to the Misak-ı Millî angered the Allies, who forced the sultan to abolish the parliament; the last meeting on 18 March 1920 produced a letter of protest to the Allies, a black cloth covered the pulpit of the parliament as reminder of its absent members. The Young Turk Revolution, which began in the Balkan provinces, spread throughout the empire and resulted in the Sultan Abdulhamid II announcing the restoration of the 1876 constitution and reconvening the parliament on 3 July 1908; the reason behind the revolt, still localized at that stage, had been the Sultan’s oppressive policies, which were based on a vast array of spies, as well as constant interventions by the European powers to the point of endangering the Empire's sovereignty.
The legal framework was that of Kanûn-ı Esâsî of the First Constitutional Era that had prevailed in 1876. Since the sultan declared that he had never dissolved first Ottoman Parliament, the former parliamentarians who had gathered 33 years before found themselves representing the people again at the restoration of constitutionalism; as in 1876, the revived Ottoman Parliament consisted of two chambers: a Senate and a Chamber of Deputies. The Chamber of Deputies was elected by the people, in the ratio of one member for every 50,000 males of the population over the age of 25 who paid taxes. Senators, on the other hand, were nominated for life by the Sultan, had to be over 40 years of age, their number could not exceed a third of the membership of the Chamber of Deputies. General elections were to take place every four years; the general population did not, vote directly for the Deputy that he desired to represent him in the Parliament. In each of the 15 electoral districts, registered voters were entitled to choose delegates in the proportion of 1 delegate for 500 voters, these delegates had the actual power of choosing the representatives in the Chamber.
Moreover, the administration of territories was entrusted to these delegates in the elected Administrative Councils. Thus, these Councils were elected and served not only as an electoral college, but as a local government in the provinces and districts; the parliament convened after the revolution only and rather symbolically. The only task they performed was to call a new election. In the first Parliament, the president of the Chamber of Deputies was a Deputy from Jerusalem, Yusif Dia Pasha Al Khalidi; the new parliament comprised 142 Turks, 60 Arabs, 25 Albanians, 23 Greeks, 12 Armenians, 5 Jews, 4 Bulgarians, 3 Serbs and 1 Vlach in the elections of 1908. The CUP could count on the support of about 60 deputies; the CUP, the main driving force behind the revolution, managed to gain the upper hand against the Liberal Union. LU was liberal in outlook, bearing a strong British imprint, closer to the Palace. CUP come as the biggest party among a fragmented parliament by only 60 of the 275 seats. On 30 January 1909, the minister of the interior, Hüseyin Hilmi Pasha, took the podium to answer an inquiry sponsored by both Muslims and non-Muslims, all but one of whom were from cities in the Balkans.
It was about how the government would deal with what these deputies called lacking of the law and order. Ethnic and sectarian violence between various communities in the empire was costing both lives and resources; this was an important event as the newly established system was passing the first test regarding the "proper" parliamentary conduct. There were members of various diplomatic missions among the audience; the new constitution secured the freedom of the press and other guests were observing the proceedings. The first section of the protocol achieved; however arguments began to break out between deputies and soon all decorum was cast aside, the verbal strug
The Vilayet of Kosovo was a first-level administrative division of the Ottoman Empire in the Balkan Peninsula which included the current territory of Kosovo and the western part of the Republic of North Macedonia. The areas today comprising Sandžak region of Serbia and Montenegro, although de jure under Ottoman control, were in fact under Austro- Hungarian occupation from 1878 until 1909, as provided under Article 25 of the Treaty of Berlin. Uskub functioned as the capital of the province and the mid way point between Istanbul and its European provinces. Uskub's population of 32,000 made it the largest city in the province, followed by Prizren numbering at 30,000; the Vilayet stood as a microcosm of Ottoman society. The province was renowned for its craftsmen and important cities such as İpek, where distinct Ottoman architecture and public baths were erected, some of which can still be seen today; the birthplace of the Albanian national identity was first articulated in Prizren, by the League of Prizren members in 1878.
As a result, firstly of the Treaty of San Stefano in 1878 of the modified Treaty of Berlin the same year which split the Ottoman Empire, Kosovo became the first line of defense for the Ottoman Empire, with large garrisons of Ottoman troops being stationed in the province. Before the First Balkan War in 1912, the province's shape and location denied Serbia and Montenegro a common land border. After the war, the major part of the vilayet was divided between Serbia; these borders were all ratified at the Treaty of London in 1913. The Ottoman Empire recognised the new borders following a peace deal with the Kingdom of Serbia on 14 March 1914. Sanjaks of the Vilayet: Sanjak of Üsküp Sanjak of Priştine Sanjak of İpek Sanjak of Prizren Sanjak of Novi Pazar, Sanjak of Pljevlja, created in 1880 Sanjak of Sjenica, created in 1902 Üsküp was the administrative capital of the vilayet and other important towns included Priştine, İpek, Mitroviçe and Prizren. Kosovo vilayet encompassed the Sandžak region cutting into present-day Central Serbia and Montenegro along with the Kukës municipality and surrounding region in present-day northern Albania.
Between 1881 and 1912, it was internally expanded to include other regions of present-day Republic of North acedonia, including larger urban settlements such as Štip and Kratovo. The Vilayet of Kosovo was created in 1877, consisted of a much larger area than modern Kosovo, as it included the Sanjak of Novi Pazar, the Sanjak of Niş, the region around Plav and Gusinje as well as the Dibra region; these regions had belonged to the former Eyalet of Niş, the Eyalet of Üsküb and, after 1865, the Danube Vilayet. In 1868 the Vilayet of Prizren was created with the sanjaks of Prizren, Dibra and Nis, but it ceased to exist in 1877. During and after the Serbian–Ottoman War of 1876–78, between 30,000 and 70,000 Muslims Albanians, were expelled by the Serb army from the Sanjak of Niș and fled to the Kosovo Vilayet. In 1878, the League of Prizren was created by Albanians from four vilayets including the Vilayet of Kosovo; the League's purpose was to resist Ottoman rule and incursions by the newly emerging Balkan nations.
The Kumanovo Uprising took place in early 1878 organized by an assembly of chiefs of the districts of Kumanovo, Kriva Palanka and Kratovo in the Vilayet of Kosovo seeking to liberate the region from the hands of the Ottoman Empire and unify it with the Principality of Serbia, at war with the Ottomans at that time. With the Serbian Army's liberation of Niš and Vranje, the rebellion had been activated during the latter event with guerrilla fighting; the rebels received secret aid from the Serbian government, though the uprising only lasted four months, until its suppression by the Ottomans. The province's boundaries shifted as the Ottoman Empire lost territory to neighboring states in the Treaty of Berlin following the Russo-Turkish War of 1877–1878 and parts were internally transferred to Monastir Vilayet and from Salonica Vilayet. In 1879, western parts of the Sanjak of Novi Pazar, fell under Austro-Hungarian occupation in accord with the Berlin treaty which allowed the Austro-Hungarian occupation of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
Two major administrative changes happened in 1880 and 1902. In order to counter Austro-Hungarian military presence in western parts of the Sanjak of Novi Pazar, a new province was created in 1880: the Sanjak of Pljevlja with kazas: Pljevlja and Priboj. In 1902, kazas of Mitrovica and Novi Pazar were transferred to Sanjak of Pristina, kazas of Berane and Rožaje to
Përmet is a town and a municipality in Gjirokastër County, southern Albania. It was formed at the 2015 local government reform by the merger of the former municipalities Çarçovë, Frashër, Përmet and Qendër Piskovë, that became municipal units; the seat of the municipality is the town Përmet. The total population is 10,614, in a total area of 601.95 km2. The population of the former municipality at the 2011 census was 5,945, it is flanked by the Vjosë river, which runs along the Trebeshinë-Dhëmbel-Nemërçkë mountain chain, between Trebeshinë and Dhëmbel mountains, through the Këlcyrë Gorge. The town itself is known in Albanian as Përmet, definite Albanian form: Përmeti when in definite form; the town is known in Aromanian in Greek as Πρεμετή/Premeti and in Turkish as Permedi. In 15th century Përmet came under Ottoman rule and became first a kaza of the sanjak of Gjirokastër and of the Sanjak of Ioannina. During the era of conversions to Islam in the 18th century, Christian Albanian speaking areas such as the region of Rrëzë resisted those efforts, in particular the village of Hormovë and the town of Përmet.
In 1778, a Greek school was established and financed by the local Orthodox Church and the diaspora of the town. Përmet was one of the main centers of the Albanian National Awakening. After a successful revolt in 1833 the Ottoman Empire replaced Ottoman officials in the town with local Albanian ones and proclaimed a general amnesty for all those, involved in the uprising; the artisans of the kaza of Përmet held the monopoly in the trade of opinga in the vilayets of Shkodër and Janina until 1841, when that privilege was revoked under the Tanzimat reforms. In 1882 Greek education was expanded with the foundation of a Greek girls' school subsidized by members of the local diaspora that lived in Constantinople, as well as the Greek national benefactor, Konstantinos Zappas; the first Albanian-language school of the town was founded in the beginning of 1890 by Llukë Papavrami, a teacher from Hotovë, who had the endorsement of Naim Frasheri. A great contribution for the Albanian school was given by philanthropists Mihal Kerbici,Pano Duro and Stathaq Duka.
Duro and Kerbici financed until 1896 the salaries of five teachers, whereas Stathaq Duka bequeathed in 1886 scholarships for studies in the schools of Jurisprudence and Medicine. In 1909 during the Second Constitutional Era the authorities allowed Albanian language to be taught in the local madrasah. In 1919, Përmet had 40 Greek schools, 45 Greek teachers, 1,189 Greek scholars, it was a kaza centre as "Premedi" in Ergiri sanjak of Yanya Vilayet till 1912. In 1912, during the First Balkan War the population founded a committee that had as its goal the organization of the local resistance with help from government of Vlora and chetas operating across Southern Albania. In a 28 December rally through the town centre people of Permet agreed they must fight where the nation most needed. In February 1913, units of the advancing 3rd Division of the Greek Army entered the town without facing Ottoman resistance, while the resistance of the local population was not sufficient due to small amount of arms.
In 1914, Përmet became part of the Autonomous Republic of Northern Epirus, which struggled against annexation of the region to the Albanian state. During the Greco-Italian War, on December 4, 1940, the town came under the control of the advancing forces of the Greek II Army Corps. Përmet returned to Axis control in April 1941. In May 1944 the National Liberation Movement held in the town the congress, which elected the provisional government of Albania. During the Communist era Përmet held the title of the Hero City. In August 2013, demonstrations took place by the local Orthodox community as a result of the confiscation of the Cathedral of the Assumption of the Virgin and the forcible removal of the clergy and of religious artifacts from the temple, by the state authorities; the Cathedral was not returned to the Orthodox Autocephalous Church of Albania after the restoration of Democracy in the country. The incident provoked reactions by the Orthodox Church of Albania and trigerred diplomatic intervention from Greece.
The total population is 10,614, in a total area of 601.95 km2. The population of the former municipality at the 2011 census was 5,945. 1930: Përmet had 1,000 houses of which 300 were shops and it was the main centre of trade in the region. Its population was Muslim. Përmet is known for its cuisine the many different types of jam and kompot, the production of local wine and raki. Guri i Qytetit Katiu Bridge Përmet is home to the football club SK Përmeti and basketball club KB Përmeti. Laver Bariu, clarinetist Stefanaq Pollo, historian Adam Doukas, Greek revolutionary and Minister of War. Vasileios Ioannidis, Greek theologian and professor Antoneta Papapavli, actress Odhise Paskali, sculptor People's Artist of Albania Turhan Përmeti and former Prime Minister of Albania Simon Stefani, politician Mentor Xhemali, singer Blocal, Giulia. "Përmet and the Balkan side of Albania". Blocal Travel blog. History of the Albanian people II 1830–1912. Academy of Sciences of Albania. 2002. Përmet travel guide from Wikivoyage Media related to Përmet at Wikimedia Commons Visit Permet Official Tourism Portal Vjosa/Aoos River Ecomuseum Official Website
Idriz Seferi was an Albanian leader and guerrilla fighter. A member of the League of Prizren and League of Peja, he was the right-hand man of Isa Boletini, with whom he organized the 1910 Uprising against the Ottoman Empire in the Kosovo Vilayet. After the suppression of the uprising, Seferi continued warfare, in the 1912 Uprising. In the First Balkan War and Seferi rose up against Serbia, with whom they had been allies to during the 1910 and 1912 Uprisings, continued to attack Serbian posts in the subsequent occupation and initial phase of World War I. In the second phase of the war, he led troops against Bulgarian forces. Idriz Seferi was born in an muslim family in the village of Sefer, to the north of the mountain range known as Black Mountain of Skopje, at the time part of the Ottoman Kosovo Vilayet, he joined the Albanian national movements at an early age, being a member of the League of Prizren and the League of Peja. Before the general Albanian uprisings in the Ottoman Empire, Seferi had wanted to establish relations with the Serbian government.
In 1909, the Serbian government aided the Albanian rebels with money and weapons. In early April 1910, twelve Albanian tribes of the Kosovo Vilayet led by Isa Boletini and Idriz Seferi rose up against the Ottomans. 5,000 rebels under Seferi cut off the Pristina-Üsküp railway at Kaçanik, managing to resist the Ottoman forces at the gorge of the Kaçanik Pass. Seferi's men stopped a train carrying soldiers and supplies bound for Pristina, carried off the supplies and disarmed the soldiers. Boletini at the same time had led 2,000 rebels onto Prizren. Seferi inflicted heavy losses on the Turkish army despite the fact that they were without artillery and held the pass for more than a fortnight; the rebels were only driven out after a desperate battle lasting thirteen hours, for they were outnumbered. The uprising was quelled by the 16,000 Ottoman troops under Shefket Turgut Pasha, however not without difficulty. Under Seferi's command, some 2,000 Ottoman soldiers around Gnjilane were killed. By August, the Ottomans had reinstated order, now the government took harsh measures to maintain suzerainty in the Kosovo Vilayet: all men aged 15–60 were registered.
Boletini had given up arms after he and a Vıçıtırın state ambassador went to the Kosovo vali, who promised to meet his requests. Idriz Seferi followed suit. On April 23, Hasan Prishtina's rebels revolted in the Yakova mountains, the revolt spread within the Kosovo Vilayet. On May 20, Albanian chiefs Bajram Curri, Isa Boletini, Riza Gjakova, Hasan Prishtina, Nexhib Draga, others, decided on a general armed insurrection throughout the Kosovo Vilayet. Seferi organized the rebels in the Ferizovik area. On 12 August, unable to wait any longer for the Turkish acceptance of all the demands of the League, 30,000 Albanian irregulars, the forces of chieftains Bajram Curri, Hasan Prishtina, Mehmet Pashë Dërralla, Riza bej Gjakova and Idriz Seferi, united among themselves under the command of Isa Boletini and advanced towards Üsküp, the capital of the Vilayet of Kosovo, which they entered without encountering any resistance and took possession; as the national uprising spread throughout Kosovo and most of the north, troops were sent against the rebels, who retired to the mountains but continued to protest against the government, in the whole region between Ipek and Mitrovica they plundered military depots, opened prisons and collected taxes from the inhabitants for the Albanian chiefs.
On August 18, the moderate faction led by Prishtina managed to convince Seferi, other leaders Boletini and Riza Bey Gjakova of the conservative group to accept the agreement with the Ottomans for Albanian sociopolitical and cultural rights. Isa Boletini and Idriz Seferi had established friendly relations with Serbia during the latest Albanian uprisings, though they were about to switch sides, unbeknownst to the Serbians. One day ahead of the Balkan War, at noon, Seferi had 1,000 men attacking the Serbian frontier posts, they were armed with Martinis and Serbian rapid-fire guns, supplied by Serbia during the 1909 Albanian Uprising. The Albanians did this after realising that Albanian-inhabited regions would be divided between Serbia and Greece. Serbian companies hurried to the frontier and charged back the Albanians the Serbian guerrilla fighters destroyed their foremost post with hand-thrown bombs, after which the Albanians left, he was posthumously awarded the Hero of Kosovo-award by the Republic of Kosovo.
There is a bust of him in Kaçanik. Elsie, Robert. A Biographical Dictionary of Albanian History. London: I. B. Tauris & Co. Ltd. p. 403. ISBN 978-1-78076-431-3. Retrieved 8 July 2013. Sylvia Kedourie. Seventy-five Years of the Turkish Republic. Routledge. Pp. 26–. ISBN 978-1-135-26698-1. Trotsky, Leon; the Balkan wars: 1912-13: the war correspondence of Leon Trotsky. Resistance Books. Pp. 117–. ISBN 978-0-909196-08-0. Pearson, Owen. Albania in the Twentieth Century: A History, Volume 1. London: I. B. Tauris & Co. Ltd. pp. 11, 24. ISBN 1-84511-013-7. Retrieved 8 July 2013