One's self-concept is a collection of beliefs about oneself. Self-concept embodies the answer to "Who am I?". Self-concept is distinguishable from self-awareness, which refers to the extent to which self-knowledge is defined and applicable to one's attitudes and dispositions. Self-concept differs from self-esteem: self-concept is a cognitive or descriptive component of one's self, while self-esteem is evaluative and opinionated. Self-concept is made up of one's self-schemas, interacts with self-esteem, self-knowledge, the social self to form the self as whole, it includes the past and future selves, where future selves represent individuals' ideas of what they might become, what they would like to become, or what they are afraid of becoming. Possible selves may function as incentives for certain behavior; the perception people have about their past or future selves relates to their perception of their current selves. The temporal self-appraisal theory argues that people have a tendency to maintain a positive self-evaluation by distancing themselves from their negative self and paying more attention to their positive one.
In addition, people have a tendency to perceive the past self less favorably and the future self more positively. Psychologists Carl Rogers and Abraham Maslow had major influence in popularizing the idea of self-concept in the west. According to Rogers, everyone strives to reach an "ideal self". Rogers hypothesized that psychologically healthy people move away from roles created by others' expectations, instead look within themselves for validation. On the other hand, neurotic people have "self-concepts, they are afraid to accept their own experiences as valid, so they distort them, either to protect themselves or to win approval from others."The self-categorization theory developed by John Turner states that the self-concept consists of at least two "levels": a personal identity and a social one. In other words, one's self-evaluation how others perceive them. Self-concept can alternate between the personal and social identity. Children and adolescents begin integrating social identity into their own self-concept in elementary school by assessing their position among peers.
By age 5, acceptance from peers affects children's self-concept, affecting their behavior and academic success. The self-concept is an internal model that uses self-assessments in order to define one's self-schemas. Features such as personality and abilities, occupation and hobbies, physical characteristics, etc. are assessed and applied to self-schemas, which are ideas of oneself in a particular dimension. A collection of self-schemas make up one's overall self-concept. For example, the statement "I am lazy" is a self-assessment. Statements such as "I am tired", would not be part of someone's self-concept, since being tired is a temporary state and therefore cannot become a part of a self-schema. A person's self-concept may change with time as reassessment occurs, which in extreme cases can lead to identity crises. According to Carl Rogers, the self-concept has three different components: The view you have of yourself How much value you place on yourself What you wish you were like Researchers debate over when self-concept development begins.
Some assert that gender stereotypes and expectations set by parents for their children affect children's understanding of themselves by age 3. However, at this developmental stage, children have a broad sense of self they use words such as big or nice to describe themselves to others. While this represents the beginnings of self-concept, others suggest that self-concept develops around age 7 or 8. At this point, children are developmentally prepared to interpret their own feelings and abilities, as well as receive and consider feedback from peers and family. In adolescence, the self-concept undergoes a significant time of change. Self-concept changes more and instead, existing concepts are refined and solidified. However, the development of self-concept during adolescence shows a “U”-shaped curve, in which general self-concept decreases in early adolescence, followed by an increase in adolescence. Additionally, teens begin to evaluate their abilities on a continuum, as opposed to the "yes/no" evaluation of children.
For example, while children might evaluate themselves "smart", teens might evaluate themselves as "not the smartest, but smarter than average." Despite differing opinions about the onset of self-concept development, researchers agree on the importance of one’s self-concept, which influences people’s behaviors and cognitive and emotional outcomes including academic achievement, levels of happiness, social integration, self-esteem, life-satisfaction. Academic self-concept refers to the personal beliefs about their academic skills; some research suggests that it begins developing from ages 3 to 5 due to influence from parents and early educators. By age 10 or 11, children assess their academic abilities by comparing themselves to their peers; these social comparisons are referred to as self-estimates. Self-estimates of cognitive ability are most accurate when evaluating subjects that deal with numbers, such
The Mapuche are a group of indigenous inhabitants of south-central Chile and southwestern Argentina, including parts of present-day Patagonia. The collective term refers to a wide-ranging ethnicity composed of various groups who shared a common social and economic structure, as well as a common linguistic heritage as Mapudungun speakers, their influence once extended from the Aconcagua River to the Chiloé Archipelago and spread eastward to the Argentine pampa. Today the collective group makes up over 80% of the indigenous peoples in Chile, about 9% of the total Chilean population, they are concentrated in Araucanía. Many have migrated to the Buenos Aires area for economic opportunities; the Mapuche traditional economy is based on agriculture. In times of war, they would elect a toki to lead them, they are known for the textiles woven by women, which have been goods for trade for centuries, since before the arrival of European explorers. At the time of Spanish arrival the Araucanian Mapuche inhabited the valleys between the Itata and Toltén rivers.
South of it, the Huilliche and the Cunco lived as far south as the Chiloé Archipelago. In the 17th, 18th and 19th centuries, Mapuche groups migrated eastward into the Andes and pampas and establishing relationships with the Poya and Pehuenche. At about the same time, ethnic groups of the pampa regions, the Puelche and northern Aonikenk, made contact with Mapuche groups; the Tehuelche adopted the Mapuche language and some of their culture, in what came to be called Araucanization. Some Mapuche mingled with Spanish during colonial times, their descendants make up the large group of mestizos in Chile, but Mapuche society in Araucanía and Patagonia remained independent until the Chilean Occupation of Araucanía and the Argentine Conquest of the Desert in the late 19th century. Since Mapuche have become subjects, nationals and citizens of the respective states. Today, many Mapuche and Mapuche communities are engaged in the so-called Mapuche conflict over land and indigenous rights in both Argentina and in Chile.
The Spanish colonizers of South America referred to the Mapuche people as Araucanians. However, this term is now considered pejorative by some people; the name was derived from the placename rag ko, meaning "clayey water". The Quechua word awqa, meaning "rebel, enemy", is not the root of araucano. It's thought that the various Mapuche groups called themselves "Reche" during the Spanish conquest due to their supposed pure native blood, "Re" meaning pure and "Che" meaning peopleThe name "Mapuche" is used both to refer collectively to the Picunche and Moluche or Nguluche from Araucanía, or at other times to the Moluche or Nguluche from Araucanía. However, Mapuche is a recent endonym meaning "People of the Land", is preferred to be used when referring to the "Mapuche" people after the Arauco War The Mapuche define themselves with territorial entities arranged along geographical line as: Pwelche or Puelche: "people of the east" occupied Pwel mapu or Puel mapu, the eastern lands. Pikunche or Picunche: "people of the north" occupied Pikun-mapu, the "northern lands".
Williche or Huilliche: "people of the south" occupied Willi mapu, the "southern lands". Pewenche or Pehuenche: "people of the pewen/pehuen" occupied Pewen mapu, "the land of the pewen tree". Lafkenche: "people of the sea" occupied Lafken mapu, "the land of the sea". Nagche: "people of the plains" occupied Nag mapu, "the land of the plains"; the ancient Mapuche Toqui like Lef-Traru, Kallfülikan or Pelontraru were Nagche. Wenteche: "people of the valleys" occupied Wente mapu, "the land of the valleys". Archaeological finds have shown the existence of a Mapuche culture in Chile and Argentina as early as 600 to 500 BC. Genetically Mapuches differ from the adjacent indigenous peoples of Patagonia; this suggests a "different origin or long lasting separation of Mapuche and Patagonian populations". Troops of the Inca Empire are reported to have reached the Maule River and had a battle with the Mapuches between the Maule River and the Itata River there; the southern border of the Inca Empire is believed by most modern scholars to have been situated between Santiago and the Maipo River or somewhere between Santiago and the Maule River.
Thus the bulk of the Mapuche escaped Inca rule. Through their contact with Incan invaders Mapuches would have for the first time met people with state organization, their contact with the Incas gave them a collective awareness distinguishing between them and the invaders and uniting them into loose geo-political units despite their lack of state organization. At the time of the arrival of the first Spaniards to Chile the largest indigenous population concentration was in the area spanning from Itata River to Chiloé Archipelago—that is the Mapuche heartland; the Mapuche population between Itata River and Reloncaví Sound has been estimated at 705,000–900,000 in the mid-16th century by historian José Bengoa. The Spanish expansion into Mapuche territory was an offshoot of the conquest of Peru. In 1541 Pedro de Valdivia founded Santiago; the northern Mapuche tribes, known Promaucaes and Picunches, fought unsuccessfully against Spanis
Malón is the name given to the raids of Mapuche bands into Spanish and Argentine territory from the 17th to the 19th centuries, as well as to attacks to rival Mapuche factions. The malón among the Mapuche is described by Juan Ignacio Molina as a means of obtaining justice: The injured family assumes the right of pursuing the aggressor or his relations, of punishing them. From this abuse are derived the denominations and distinctions, so much used in their jurisprudence, of genguerin, gerila, &c. denoting the principal connections of the aggressor, of the injured, or the deceased, who are supposed to be authorized, by the laws of nature, to support by force the rights of their relatives. When those who are at enmity have a considerable number of adherents, they mutually make incursions upon each other's possessions, where they destroy or burn all that they cannot carry off; these private quarrels, called malones, resemble much the feuds of the ancient Germans, are dreadful when the Ulmenes are concerned, in which case they become real civil wars.
But it must be acknowledged that they are unaccompanied with the effusion of blood, are confined to pillage alone. This people, notwithstanding their propensity to violence employ arms in their private quarrels, but decide them with the fist or with the club; as a tactic against the Spanish, the malón, pioneered by leaders such as Lientur, consisted of a fast surprise attack by a number of mounted Mapuche warriors against the white populations, haciendas and fortifications in Chile and Argentina, with the aim of obtaining horses, cattle and captives young women. The effectiveness of the tactic was that a rapid attack without formal order did not give sufficient time to organize a defense, that it left behind a devastated population unable to retaliate or pursue. In Chile, the Spaniards responded with a system of fortifications, La Frontera, garrisoned by a standing army that patrolled the border along the Bio Bio River. In Argentina, where Mapuches in the 19th century ravaged the southern frontier, the government responded by building wooden outposts and fortresses, e.g. Fortaleza Protectora Argentina and the Zanja de Alsina, a trench that covered hundred of kilometers across the Pampas to make incursions more difficult.
The Argentine government invaded and succeeded in conquering Mapuche territory in the Conquest of the Desert of the late 1870s. Juan Ignatius Molina, "The Geographical and Civil History of Chili", Hurst and Orme, London, 1809 Commandante Manuel Prado: La guerra al Malón, 1907 New edition: La guerra al Malón, Editorial Claridad SA, Buenos Aires, ISBN 978-950-620-206-4
Raúl Ricardo Alfonsín Foulkes was an Argentine lawyer and statesman who served as the President of Argentina from 10 December 1983 to 8 July 1989. Alfonsín was the first democratically elected president after more than seven years of military dictatorship and is considered the "father of modern democracy in Argentina". Born in Chascomús, Buenos Aires Province, he began his studies of law at the National University of La Plata and was a graduate of the University of Buenos Aires, he was affiliated with the Radical Civic Union, joining the faction of Ricardo Balbín after the party split. He was elected a deputy in the legislature of the Buenos Aires province in 1958, during the presidency of Arturo Frondizi, a national deputy during the presidency of Arturo Umberto Illia, he opposed both sides of the Dirty War, several times filed a writ of Habeas corpus, requesting the freedom of victims of forced disappearances, during the National Reorganization Process. He denounced the crimes of the military dictatorship of other countries, opposed the actions of both sides in the Falklands War as well.
He became the leader of the UCR after Balbín's death, was the Radical candidate for the presidency in the 1983 elections, which he won. When he became president, he sent a bill to the Congress to revoke the self-amnesty law established by the military, he established the National Commission on the Disappearance of Persons to investigate the crimes committed by the military, which led to the Trial of the Juntas and resulted in the sentencing of the heads of the former regime. Discontent within the military led to the mutinies of the Carapintadas, leading Alfonsín to appease them with the full stop law and the law of Due Obedience, he had conflicts with the unions, which were controlled by the opposing Justicialist Party. He resolved the Beagle conflict, increased trade with Brazil, proposed the creation of the Contadora support group to mediate between the United States and the Nicaraguan Contras, he passed the first divorce law of Argentina. He initiated the Austral plan to improve the national economy, but that plan, as well as the Spring plan, failed.
The resulting hyperinflation and riots led to his party's defeat in the 1989 presidential elections, won by Peronist Carlos Menem. He continued as the leader of the UCR, opposed the presidency of Carlos Menem, he initiated the Pact of Olivos with Menem in order to negotiate the terms for the 1994 amendment of the Argentine Constitution. Fernando de la Rúa led a faction of the UCR that opposed the pact, became president in 1999. De la Rúa resigned during the December 2001 riots, Alfonsín's faction provided the support needed for the Peronist Eduardo Duhalde to be appointed president by the Congress. Alfonsín died of lung cancer on 31 March 2009, at the age of 82, was given a large state funeral. Raúl Alfonsín was born on 12 March 1927, in the city of Chascomús, 123 km south of Buenos Aires, his parents were Ana María Foulkes. His father was of Spanish and German descent, his mother was the daughter of Welsh immigrant Ricardo Foulkes and Falkland Islander María Elena Ford. Following his elementary schooling, Raúl Alfonsín enrolled at the General San Martín Military Lyceum, graduating after five years as a second lieutenant.
He did not pursue a military career, began studying law instead. He began his studies at the National University of La Plata, completed them at the University of Buenos Aires, graduating at the age of 23, he married María Lorenza Barreneche, whom he met in the 1940s at a masquerade ball, in 1949. They moved to Mendoza, La Plata, returned to Chascomús, they had six sons, of whom only Ricardo Alfonsín would follow a political career. Alfonsín bought a local newspaper, he joined the Radical Civic Union in 1946, as a member of the Intransigent Renewal Movement, a faction of the party that opposed the incorporation of the UCR into the Democratic Union coalition. He was appointed president of the party committee in Chascomús in 1951, was elected to the city council in 1954, he was detained for a brief time, during the reaction of the government of Juan Perón to the bombing of Plaza de Mayo. The Revolución Libertadora ousted Perón from the national government; the UCR broke up into two parties: the Intransigent Radical Civic Union, led by Arturo Frondizi, the People's Radical Civic Union, led by Ricardo Balbín and Crisólogo Larralde.
Alfonsín did not like the split, but opted to follow the UCRP. Alfonsín was elected deputy for the legislature of the Buenos Aires province in 1958, on the UCRP ticket, was reelected in 1962, he moved to capital of the province, during his tenure. President Frondizi was ousted by a military coup on 29 March 1962, which closed the provincial legislature. Alfonsín returned to Chascomús; the UCRP prevailed over the UCRI the following year, leading to the presidency of Arturo Umberto Illia. Alfonsín was elected a national deputy, vice president of the UCRP bloc in the congress. In 1963 he was appointed president of the party committee for the province of Buenos Aires. Illia was deposed by a new military coup in the Argentine Revolution. Alfonsín was detained while trying to hold a political rally in La Plata, a second time when he tried to re-open the UCRP committee, he was forced to resign as deputy in November 1966. He was detained a third time in 1968 after a political rally in La Plata, he wrote opinion articles in newspapers, under the pseudonyms Alfonso Carrido Lura and Serafín Feijó.
The Dirty War began during this time, as many guerrilla groups rejected both the right-wing mi
Juan Domingo Perón was an Argentine Army general and politician. After serving in several government positions, including Minister of Labor and Vice President, he was elected President of Argentina three times, serving from June 1946 to September 1955, when he was overthrown in a coup d'état, from October 1973 until his death in July 1974. During his first presidential term, Perón was supported by his second wife, Eva Duarte, they were immensely popular among many Argentines. Eva died in 1952, Perón was elected to a second term, serving from 1952 until 1955. During the following period of two military dictatorships, interrupted by two civilian governments, the Peronist party was outlawed and Perón was exiled; when the left-wing Peronist Héctor José Cámpora was elected President in 1973, Perón returned to Argentina and was soon after elected President for a third time. His third wife, María Estela Martínez, known as Isabel Perón, was elected as Vice President on his ticket and succeeded him as President upon his death in 1974.
Although they are still controversial figures and Evita Perón are nonetheless considered icons by the Peronists. The Peróns' followers praised their efforts to eliminate poverty and to dignify labour, while their detractors considered them demagogues and dictators; the Peróns gave their name to the political movement known as Peronism, which in present-day Argentina is represented by the Justicialist Party. Peronism is a political phenomenon that draws support from both the political left and political right. Peronism is not considered a traditional party, but a political movement, because of the wide variety of people who call themselves Peronists, there is great controversy surrounding his personality. A number of following Argentinian presidents are considered Peronists, including administrations covering a majority of the democratic era: Héctor Cámpora, Isabel Perón, Adolfo Rodríguez Saá, Eduardo Duhalde, Néstor Kirchner and Cristina Kirchner. Juan Domingo Perón was born in Lobos, Buenos Aires Province, on 8 October 1895.
He was the son of Mario Tomás Perón. The Perón branch of his family was Spanish, but settled in Spanish Sardinia, from which his great-grandfather emigrated in the 1830s, he had Spanish and French Basque ancestry. Perón's great-grandfather became a successful shoe merchant in Buenos Aires, his grandfather was a prosperous physician; the couple had their two sons out of wedlock and married in 1901. His father moved to the Patagonia region that year, where he purchased a sheep ranch. Juan himself was sent away in 1904 to a boarding school in Buenos Aires directed by his paternal grandmother, where he received a strict Catholic upbringing, his father's undertaking failed, he died in Buenos Aires in 1928. The youth entered the National Military College in 1911 at age 16 and graduated in 1913, he excelled less in his studies than in athletics boxing and fencing. Perón began his military career in an Infantry post in Entre Ríos, he went on to command the post, in this capacity mediated a prolonged labor conflict in 1920 at La Forestal a leading firm in forestry in Argentina.
He earned instructor's credentials at the Superior War School, in 1929 was appointed to the Army General Staff Headquarters. Perón married his first wife, Aurelia Tizón, on 5 January 1929. Perón was recruited by supporters of the director of the War Academy, General José Félix Uriburu, to collaborate in the latter's plans for a military coup against President Hipólito Yrigoyen. Perón, who instead supported General Agustín Justo, was banished to a remote post in northwestern Argentina after Uriburu's successful coup in September 1930, he was promoted to the rank of Major the following year and named to the faculty at the Superior War School, where he taught military history and published a number of treatises on the subject. He served as military attaché in the Argentine Embassy in Chile from 1936 to 1938, returned to his teaching post, his wife was diagnosed with uterine cancer that year, died on 10 September at age 30. Perón was assigned by the War Ministry to study mountain warfare in the Italian Alps in 1939.
He attended the University of Turin for a semester and served as a military observer in countries across Europe. He studied Benito Mussolini's Italian Fascism, Nazi Germany, other European governments of the time, concluding in his summary, Apuntes de historia militar, that social democracy could be a viable alternative to liberal democracy or totalitarian regimes, he returned to Argentina in 1941, served as an Army skiing instructor in Mendoza Province. In 1943 a coup d'état was led by General Arturo Rawson against conservative President Ramón Castillo, fraudulently elected to office; the military was opposed to Governor Robustiano Patrón Costas, Castillo's hand-picked successor, the principal landowner in Salta Province, as well as a main stockholder in its sugar industry. As a colonel and his power of premier minister, Perón took a significant part in the military coup by the GOU against the conservative civilian government of Castillo. At first an assistant to Secretary of War General Edelmiro Farrell, under the administration of General Pe
Neuquén is a province of Argentina, located in the west of the country, at the northern end of Patagonia. It borders Mendoza Province to the north, Rio Negro Province to the southeast, Chile to the west, it meets La Pampa Province at its northeast corner. The Neuquén Province receives its name from the Neuquén River; the term "Neuquén" derives from the Mapudungun word "Nehuenken" meaning drafty, which the aborigines used for the river. The word is a palindrome. Lácar Department in Neuquén Province has the southernmost known remains of maize before the diffusion of associated with the Inca Empire; the site where maize remains were found Melinquina lies at 40°19' S the maize being found in Melinquina, the maize being found inside pottery datet to 730 ±80 BP and 920 ±60 BP. This maize was brought across the Andes from Chile. In that location maize remains were found inside pottery date to 730 ±80 BP and 920 ±60 BP; this maize was brought across the Andes from Chile. Inhabited by Tehuelches and Pehuenche, the territory was explored by conquistadores coming from Chile.
In 1670 a Jesuit priest established in Chiloé Archipelago, Nicolás Mascardi, founded the Jesuit mission Nuestra Senora de Nahuel Huapi. The Jesuit missions lasted few years and the last mission in Neuquén was destroyed in 1717; the suppression of the Society of Jesus in 1767 halted further missionary activity. The Neuquén area came under Argentine influence after explorer Perito Francisco Moreno made several trips to Patagonia and made accurate descriptions of the area in his book "Viaje al Pais de las Manzanas", reaching Nahuel Huapi lake in 1875. In 1879 Julio Argentino Roca started the Conquest of the Desert that broke the aboriginal resistance. In 1884 Patagonia's political divisions were restructured and the Territory of Neuquén acquired its current boundaries; the capital of the province moved several times to Norquín, Campana Mahuida, Chos Malal, Confluencia known as Neuquén. At the beginning of the 20th century the railway reached the city of Neuquén, a new irrigation system was finished, facilitating the production and transportation of crops.
Petroleum was found in Plaza Huincul in 1918. Local politics have long been dominated by a single political party, the MPN or Movimiento Popular Neuquino founded by Elias Sapag, a prosperous businessman born in Lebanon. Migrating to Argentina, the Sapag family arrived in Neuquén Territory around 1910 with the railroad making their home in Zapala, whose dry, fertile mountain valleys and orchards were reminiscent of their native Lebanon. Neuquén is rich in natural resources such as natural gas, virgin forests and water resources suitable for electric power and tourism alike; these resources were managed by the central National Government, which resulted in little local benefit at the time. Because of social unrest, Elias Sapag and two younger brothers and Amado, started the MPN, an active political movement rooted in federalism and greater local rights over the territory and its resources; the territory was made a province on June 15, 1955, its constitution promulgated on November 28, 1957. Felipe Sapag soon became politically prominent.
Although he was elected governor in 1962 representing the Movimiento Popular Neuquino, a coup against progressive President Arturo Frondizi that March prevented Sapag from taking office. Becoming governor in 1963-66 and 1973–76, he presided over one of Argentina's fastest-growing provinces; the national government established the University of Neuquén in 1964 incorporated into the new National University of Comahue in 1971. Removed as governor following the violent March 1976 coup against Isabel Perón, Felipe Sapag was returned to office in 1983-87 and 1995-99, his emphasis on public works and political independence from Buenos Aires have helped him and his successors with the MPN win every province-wide election since. His brother Elias Sapag became senator in 1963-66, 1973–76 and from 1983 until his death in 1993, becoming the longest-serving senator in national history; the MPN elected Governors Pedro Salvatori, Jorge Sobisch and current Governor Jorge Sapag. Neuquén has, since 1955, become a prosperous province with a high impact on the national energy supply and, as a growing tourist destination, outperforming most other provinces in the Patagonia region and in Argentina.
The province's limits are the Colorado River to the northeast, separating it from the Mendoza Province, the Limay River to the southeast toward the Río Negro Province, the Andes mountains to the west, separating it from Chile. There are two main distinctive landscapes; the lacustrine system includes other less-important rivers such as the Aluminé River, the Malleo, the Picún Leufú River, a series of lakes including Nahuel Huapi Lake, shared with Río Negro Province, Aluminé Lake, Lácar Lake, Huechulaufquen Lake, Lolog Lake, Hermoso, Quillén, Ñorquinco and Falkner. The province is home to the magnificent Arrayanes forest at the Los Arrayanes National Park. Other National parks include Lanín National Park and the Lanín extinct volcano, the Nahuel Huapí National Park shared with Río Negro Province, the Laguna Blanca National Park. Neuquén Province, being far away from both the Atlantic coast and the Pacific ocean by the Andes mountai
Guaraní are a group of culturally related indigenous peoples of South America. They are distinguished from the related Tupí by their use of the Guaraní language; the traditional range of the Guaraní people is in present-day Paraguay between the Uruguay River and lower Paraguay River, the Misiones Province of Argentina, southern Brazil once as far north as Rio de Janeiro, parts of Uruguay and Bolivia. Although their demographic dominance of the region has been reduced by European colonisation and the commensurate rise of mestizos, there are contemporary Guaraní populations in these areas. Most notably, the Guaraní language, still spoken across traditional Guaraní homelands, is one of the two official languages in Paraguay, the other one being Spanish; the language was once looked down upon by the upper and middle classes, but it is now regarded with pride and serves as a symbol of national distinctiveness. The Paraguayan population learns Guaraní both informally from social interaction and formally in public schools.
In modern Spanish, Guaraní is applied to refer to any Paraguayan national in the same way that the French are sometimes called Gauls. Their language is similar to Spanish, but there still are many small differences; the history and meaning of the name Guaraní are subject to dispute. Before they encountered Europeans, the Guaraní referred to themselves as Abá, meaning "men" or "people"; the term Guaraní was applied by early Jesuit missionaries to refer to natives who had accepted conversion to the Christian religion. Cayua is translated as "the ones from the jungle". While the term Cayua is sometimes still used to refer to settlements of indigenous peoples who have not well integrated into the dominant society, the modern usage of the name Guaraní is extended to include all people of native origin regardless of societal status. Barbara Ganson writes that the name Guaraní was given by the Spanish as it means "warrior" in the Tupi-Guaraní dialect spoken there. Guarinĩ is attested in 12th-century Old Tupi, by Jesuit sources, as "war, warrior, to wage war, warlord".
Early Guaraní villages consisted of communal houses for 10 to 15 families. Communities were united by common interest and language, tended to form tribal groups by dialect, it is estimated that the Guaraní numbered some 400,000 people when they were first encountered by Europeans. At that time, they were sedentary and agricultural, subsisting on manioc, wild game, honey. Little is known about early Guaraní society and beliefs, they practiced a form of animistic pantheism, much of which has survived in the form of folklore and numerous myths. According to the Jesuit missionary Martin Dobrizhoffer, they practiced cannibalism at one point as a funerary ritual, but disposed of the dead in large jars placed inverted on the ground. Guaraní mythology is still widespread in rural Paraguay. Much Guaraní myth and legend was compiled by the Universidad Nacional de Misiones in northern Argentina and published as Myths and Legends: A journey around the Guarani lands, Anthology in 1870. Guaraní myth and legend can be divided into the following broad categories: Cosmogonic and eschatological myths.
After him comes a pantheon of gods, chief among them Yporú, more known as Tupã. Jasy is another "good" deity who rules the night while Aña is a malign deity who dwells at the bottom of the Iguazu River. Animistic mythology, animals and minerals being animated and capable of becoming anthropomorphic beings or in reverse the transmuted souls of people, either born or unborn, who have become animals and minerals; the course of such anthropomorphism appears dictated by the pantheon of god-like deities because of their virtues or vices. Such animistic legends include that of the Lobizón, a werewolf type being, the Mainumby or hummingbird who transports good spirits that are resident in flowers back to Tupá "so he can cherish them". Isondú or glowworms are the reincarnated spirits of certain people. Ka'a Jarýi was a woman. Pombero are elf like spirits who dwell in the forest and must be appeased, they have never been human. Principal among these is Jasy Jatere who has never been human and like all Pombero is from a different realm.
His characteristics are vague and uncertain, his powers badly defined as is the place where he resides. He is described in one legend as a "handsome, thickly bearded, blond dwarf", naked and lives in tree trunks. Other versions say he loves honey, his feet are backwards, he is an "ugly, old man". Most legends agree that he snatches children and "licks them", wrapping them in climbing plants or drowning them in rivers. To appease him gifts, such as honey, are left in places in the forest associated with him. Another Pombero is Kuarahy Jára, their protector, he is known for abducting young boys who are alone and trying to catch birds. If necessary he can take the form of a tree or a hyacinth. Kurupi is a phallic mythological figure who will copulate with young women, he has scaly skin like a lizard, hypnotic eyes, an enormous penis. The sacred Iguazu Falls hold special significance for the Guaraní and are the inspiration for numerous myths and legends, they reveal the sound of ancient battles at certain times, they are the place where I-Yara—a malign Pomboro spirit—abducted