Arturo Frondizi Ercoli was an Argentine politician and lawyer, President of Argentina from 1 May 1958 until 29 March 1962, for the Intransigent Radical Civic Union, which he led until 1986. Under his program of "Developmentalism", he encouraged increased foreign investment in heavy industry, including motor vehicle production, he was a law professor who became active in left-wing politics as a young man, joining the Radical Civic Union. He was first elected to the Argentine Chamber of Deputies in 1946. In the 1950s he founded the Intransigent Radical Civic Union, he was elected following the military coup d'etat that overthrew Juan Perón, was deposed in turn by a coup in 1962. Frondizi was born in Corrientes Province. Arturo was one of 11 sons; the family relocated to Concepción del Uruguay in 1912, in 1923 to Buenos Aires. Frondizi enrolled in the UBA in 1926. Frondizi graduated from the UBA Law School with honors in 1930, he entered politics following the coup against President Hipólito Yrigoyen, the longtime leader of the centrist UCR, the first Argentine President elected via universal suffrage.
Arrested in 1931, after jail he became an editor of a number of UCR-leaning journals, formally joined the party the following year. He earned a juris doctor in 1932. In July of that year, he was among those, his first case as an attorney was representing 300 political prisoners detained in his native Paso de los Libres for their support of the banned UCR. Frondizi married the former Elena Luisa María Faggionato in 1933, they built a summer cottage in 1935 at the then-secluded seaside resort town of Pinamar. After the birth in 1937 of their daughter, the Frondizis named the cottage Elenita, he led the Argentine League for the Rights of Man, the nation's first recorded human rights organization, upon its founding in 1936. In December of that year, he narrowly escaped an assassination attempt while addressing a crowd. Frondizi drafted a progressive platform alternative for the UCR before the February 1946 elections, he was elected to the Argentine Chamber of Deputies in 1946. He founded the Intransigence and Renewal Movement faction of the UCR, stood for Vice President on Ricardo Balbín's UCR ticket for the 1951 elections.
They lost overwhelmingly to President Juan Perón. Parting ways with Balbin, Frondizi formed an "intransigent" wing of the UCR; the UCRI separated from the more conservative and anti-Perónist Ricardo Balbín at the UCR's 1956 convention. At the time, Perónists included a left-wing element. Perón's government was overturned by a military coup d'état in September 1955, he went into exile in Paraguay. Before the next election, Frondizi's closest collaborator, businessman Rogelio Frigerio, obtained the exiled Perón's endorsement. With support from proscribed Justicialist Party voters, the UCRI won the February 1958 elections; as president, Frondizi struggled with conservative and military interference over much domestic and international policy. Because of economic problems in the country and a steep rise in consumer prices, the military forced him to impose harsh austerity measures in 1959, which resulted in civil unrest. Better able to maneuver after the 1959 recession, Frondizi began to see results from his economic policies.
He tried to lift the electoral ban on Peronism. In addition, he met with Che Guevara and Fidel Castro to aid in mediating their dispute with the United States; this led the military to withdraw their support from his administration, as it opposed leftist populist movements and Communism. In this period, most Perónists feared being associated with left-wing figures, sided with the military in their opposition to the left. Military pressure on Frondizi did not relent, he signed the Conintes Plan in 1960, which banned Communism and suspended civil liberties, but he eschewed doing any implementation. Frondizi tried to negotiate an entente between the U. S. and Cuba with a secret meeting in August 1961 at the Quinta de Olivos residence with the Cuban envoy Che Guevara. The military scuttled any future talks, Frondizi adopted a neutral stance afterwards. In 1962 Frondizi lifted the ban on the Perónist Party, they gained significant victories in the elections in March 1962: notably Andrés Framini was elected as Governor of Buenos Aires Province.
The news triggered a constitutional crisis. Frondizi as president annulled the results of the election, but he was deposed by a coup d'état on March 29, 1962. Frondizi sought to strengthen the economy by solving the main economic problems that had haunted Argentina over the last twenty years; these included insufficiency in oil production, inadequate steel production, the lack of electricity, the insufficiency and obsolescence of transport. He had inherited economic problems from Perón's 1946-55 administration, characterized by budget
Juan Hipólito del Sagrado Corazón de Jesús Yrigoyen was a two-time President of Argentina who served his first term from 1916 to 1922 and his second term from 1928 to 1930. His activism became the prime impetus behind the obtainment of universal suffrage in Argentina in 1912. Known as "the father of the poor," Yrigoyen presided over a rise in the standard of living of Argentina's working class together with the passage of a number of progressive social reforms, including improvements in factory conditions, regulation of working hours, compulsory pensions, the introduction of a universally accessible public education system, he was worked as a school teacher before entering politics. In 1882 he became a Freemason. In 1891 he co-founded the Radical Civic Union together with Leandro Alem. Yrigoyen was popularly known as "el peludo" due to his introverted character and aversion to being seen in public. Following Alem's suicide in 1896, Yrigoyen assumed sole leadership of the Radical Civic Union, it adopted a policy of intransigence, a position of total opposition to the regime known as "The Agreement".
Established by electoral fraud, this was an agreed formula among the political parties of that time for alternating in power. The Radical Civic Union took up arms in 1893 and again in 1905. However, Yrigoyen adopted a policy of nonviolence, pursuing instead the strategy of "revolutionary abstention", a total boycott of all polls until 1912, when President Roque Sáenz Peña was forced to agree to the passage of the Sáenz Peña Law, which established secret and compulsory male suffrage. Yrigoyen was elected President of Argentina in 1916, he found himself hemmed in, however, as the Argentine Senate was appointed by the legislatures of the provinces, most of which were controlled by the opposition. Several times, Yrigoyen resorted to federal intervention in numerous provinces by declaring a state of emergency, removing willful governors, deepening the confrontation with the landed establishment. Yrigoyen was popular, among middle and working class voters, who felt integrated for the first time in political process, the Argentinian economy prospered under his leadership.
Yrigoyen preserved Argentine neutrality during World War I, which turned out to be a boon, owing to higher beef prices and the opening up of many new markets to Argentina's primary exports. Yrigoyen promoted energy independence for the growing country, obtaining Congressional support for the establishment of the YPF state oil concern, appointing as its first director General Enrique Mosconi, the most prominent advocate for industrialization in the Argentine military at the time. Generous credit and subsidies were extended to small farmers, while Yrigoyen settled wage disputes in favour of the unions. Following four years of recession caused by war-related shortages of credit and supplies, the Argentine economy experienced significant economic growth, expanding by over 40% from 1917 to 1922. Argentina was known as "the granary of the world", its gross domestic product per capita placing it among the wealthiest nations on earth. Yrigoyen expanded the bureaucracy and increased public spending to support his urban constituents following an economic crisis in 1919, although the rise in urban living standards was gained at the cost of higher inflation, which adversely affected the export economy.
Constitutionally barred from re-election, Yrigoyen was succeeded by Marcelo Torcuato de Alvear. On the expiration of Alvear's term in 1928, Yrigoyen was overwhelmingly elected President for the second time. In December of that year, U. S. President-elect Herbert Hoover visited Argentina on a goodwill tour, meeting with President Yrigoyen on policies regarding trade and tariffs. Radical anarchist elements attempted to assassinate Hoover by attempting to place a bomb near his rail car, but the bomber was arrested before he could complete his work. President Yrigoyen accompanied Hoover thereafter as a personal guarantee of safety until he left the country. In his late seventies, he found himself surrounded by aides who censored his access to news reports, hiding from him the reality of the effects of the Great Depression, which hit towards the end of 1929. On 24 December of this year he survived an assassination attempt. Fascist and conservative sectors of the army plotted for a regime change, as did Standard Oil of New Jersey, who opposed both the president's efforts to curb oil smuggling from Salta Province to Bolivia, as well as the existence of YPF itself.
On 6 September 1930, Yrigoyen was deposed in a military coup led by General José Félix Uriburu. This was the first military coup since the adoption of the Argentine constitution. After the coup d'état Enrique Pérez Colman, Minister of Finance in the Yrigoyen cabinet; the new government of Uriburu adopted the most severe measures to prevent reprisals and counter-revolutionary tactics by friends of the ousted administration of ex–President Yrigoyen. The aforementioned Yrigoyenist personalities were released. After his overthrow, Yrigoyen was placed under house arrest and confined several times to Martín García Island, he was buried in La Recoleta Cemetery. Media related to Hipólito Yrigoyen at Wikimedia Commons Newspaper clippings about Hipólito Yrigoyen in the 20th Century Press Archives of the German National Library of Economics
Rise of the Argentine Republic
The rise of the Argentine Republic was a process that took place in the first half of the 19th century in South America. The Republic has its origins in the Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata, a colony of the Spanish Empire; the King of Spain appointed a viceroy to oversee the governance of the colony. The 1810 May Revolution deposed the viceregal representative and, along with the Argentine war of independence, started a process to replace the foreign monarchy with an indigenous republican state. All proposals to organize a local monarchy failed, no local monarch was crowned; the national organization saw disputed about the type of relation that Buenos Aires should maintain with the other provinces, either as a centralised government or as a federation. The supporters of each project would wage the Argentine Civil Wars as the Federals; some provinces of the former viceroyalty tried to secede, some of them remained as independent countries up to modern day and others would rejoin Argentina. Two unitarian constitutions were promulgated and rejected.
The first political event that shaped the future country of Argentina was the creation of the Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata. So far, the territories in it were neglected provinces of the Viceroyalty of Peru: as the La Plata Basin did not have any precious metals or organized indigenous populations to exploit, all ships commerced with Peru and Mexico instead; the Viceroyalty sought to complement the existing trade routes with new ones, entering South America though the Río de la Plata. The new system would not work as expected, as Spain soon diverted most of its resources to the Napoleonic wars. Trade with the Americas was lowered, when Britain got a clear naval supremacy with the battle of Trafalgar, it ended; the American and French Revolutions gave room to the Age of Enlightenment, a new era of ideas that rejected the absolute monarchies and favored liberalism instead. Spain sought to prevent the expansion of the new ideas across its territories, but many criollos came into contact with them during their university studies, either at the University of Chuquisaca or at Spain itself.
Both in Spain and the Americas, people longed for a new type of government, such as a Constitutional monarchy. The ill-fated British invasions of the Río de la Plata set a precedent in weakening the monarchic authority; the viceroy Rafael de Sobremonte fled to Córdoba during the conflict, but could not return to Buenos Aires after the liberation: an open cabildo gave Santiago de Liniers the military authority over the city, while it prepared for a British counter-attack, ordered Sobremonte to stay out. Liniers would be appointed viceroy and this appointment would be confirmed by the Spanish king afterwards; this was the first time that the viceroy was deposed by local institutions, not by the Spanish king himself. The 1808 Peninsular War was trigered by an event of huge political weight: the king of Spain, Ferdinand VII, was captured and imprisoned by the French armies of Napoleon; the Supreme Central and Governing Junta of the Kingdom claimed sovereignty, waged the war against the French. The viceroyalty was divided in political factions with different political opinions about the legitimacy of the Junta.
Conservatives thought that, in political terms, the Junta should be acknowledged as the king would be, the remainder of the political organization of the Spanish Empire should stay unchanged. A group influenced by the French ideas thought instead that the Junta lacked the king's authority, each province should be free to appoint their own government Junta; the first one to take this ideas into action was Francisco Javier de Elío, governor of the Banda Oriental, with an enmity with viceroy Liniers. Elío appointed himself as the head of a Junta in Montevideo. However, he did not declare the independence of the Banda Oriental, nor rejected Liniers' authority, he was allied with Martín de Álzaga in Buenos Aires. His project was to replace Liniers with a Junta, ruling nominally in the name of Ferdinand VII, declare independence once Spain was invaded by the French forces; the mutiny, was defeated by military bodies supporting Liniers, who stayed in power. The failed mutiny increased the power of criollos in the society: the peninsular military bodies, who supported the mutiny, were disbanded, the only remaining ones were those of criollos.
Carlota Joaquina, sister of Ferdinand VII, was the wife of the Portuguese prince regent. As she avoided the capture of the Spanish royal family, she attempted to take charge of the Spanish viceroyalties as regent; this political project, known as Carlotism, was begun in hopes of preventing a French invasion of the Americas. A small secret society of criollos, composed of politicians such as Manuel Belgrano and Juan José Castelli, military as Antonio Beruti and Hipólito Vieytes, supported this project, they considered it an opportunity to get a local government instead of a European one, or a step towards a potential declaration of independence. The project was resisted by Viceroy Liniers, most peninsulars, some criollos, including Mariano Moreno, Juan José Paso, Cornelio Saavedra, they suspected. The supporters of Carlota Joaquina intended her to head a constitutional monarchy, whereas she wa
The Falklands War known as the Falklands Conflict, Falklands Crisis, Malvinas War, South Atlantic Conflict, the Guerra del Atlántico Sur, was a ten-week war between Argentina and the United Kingdom over two British dependent territories in the South Atlantic: the Falkland Islands, its territorial dependency, the South Georgia and the South Sandwich Islands. It began on Friday, 2 April 1982, when Argentina invaded and occupied the Falkland Islands in an attempt to establish the sovereignty it had claimed over them. On 5 April, the British government dispatched a naval task force to engage the Argentine Navy and Air Force before making an amphibious assault on the islands; the conflict lasted 74 days and ended with the Argentine surrender on 14 June 1982, returning the islands to British control. In total, 649 Argentine military personnel, 255 British military personnel, three Falkland Islanders died during the hostilities; the conflict was a major episode in the protracted confrontation over the territories' sovereignty.
Argentina asserted that the islands are Argentine territory, the Argentine government thus characterised its military action as the reclamation of its own territory. The British government regarded the action as an invasion of a territory, a Crown colony since 1841. Falkland Islanders, who have inhabited the islands since the early 19th century, are predominantly descendants of British settlers, favour British sovereignty. Neither state declared war, although both governments declared the Islands a war zone. Hostilities were exclusively limited to the territories under dispute and the area of the South Atlantic where they lie; the conflict has had a strong effect in both countries and has been the subject of various books, articles and songs. Patriotic sentiment ran high in Argentina, but the outcome prompted large protests against the ruling military government, hastening its downfall. In the United Kingdom, the Conservative government, bolstered by the successful outcome, was re-elected with an increased majority the following year.
The cultural and political effect of the conflict has been less in the UK than in Argentina, where it remains a common topic for discussion. Diplomatic relations between the United Kingdom and Argentina were restored in 1989 following a meeting in Madrid, at which the two governments issued a joint statement. No change in either country's position regarding the sovereignty of the Falkland Islands was made explicit. In 1994, Argentina's claim to the territories was added to its constitution. In the period leading up to the war—and, in particular, following the transfer of power between the military dictators General Jorge Rafael Videla and General Roberto Eduardo Viola late in March 1981—Argentina had been in the midst of a devastating economic stagnation and large-scale civil unrest against the military junta, governing the country since 1976. In December 1981 there was a further change in the Argentine military regime, bringing to office a new junta headed by General Leopoldo Galtieri, Air Brigadier Basilio Lami Dozo and Admiral Jorge Anaya.
Anaya was the main architect and supporter of a military solution for the long-standing claim over the islands, calculating that the United Kingdom would never respond militarily. By opting for military action, the Galtieri government hoped to mobilise the long-standing patriotic feelings of Argentines towards the islands, thus divert public attention from the country's chronic economic problems and the regime's ongoing human rights violations of the Dirty War; such action would bolster its dwindling legitimacy. The newspaper La Prensa speculated in a step-by-step plan beginning with cutting off supplies to the islands, ending in direct actions late in 1982, if the UN talks were fruitless; the ongoing tension between the two countries over the islands increased on 19 March when a group of Argentine scrap metal merchants raised the Argentine flag at South Georgia Island, an act that would be seen as the first offensive action in the war. The Royal Navy ice patrol vessel HMS Endurance was dispatched from Stanley to South Georgia on the 25th in response.
The Argentine military junta, suspecting that the UK would reinforce its South Atlantic Forces, ordered the invasion of the Falkland Islands to be brought forward to 2 April. The UK was taken by surprise by the Argentine attack on the South Atlantic islands, despite repeated warnings by Royal Navy captain Nicholas Barker and others. Barker believed that Defence Secretary John Nott's 1981 review had sent a signal to the Argentines that the UK was unwilling, would soon be unable, to defend its territories and subjects in the Falklands. On 2 April 1982, Argentine forces mounted amphibious landings, known as Operation Rosario, on the Falkland Islands; the invasion was met with a nominal defence organised by the Falkland Islands' Governor Sir Rex Hunt, giving command to Major Mike Norman of the Royal Marines. The events of the invasion included the landing of Lieutenant Commander Guillermo Sanchez-Sabarots' Amphibious Commandos Group, the attack on Moody Brook barracks, the engagement between the troops of Hugo Santillan and Bill Trollope at Stanley, the final engagement and surrender at Government House.
Word of the invasion first reached the UK from Argentine sources. A Ministry of Defence operative in London had a short telex conversation with Governor Hunt's telex operator, who confirmed th
Juan Manuel de Rosas
Juan Manuel de Rosas, nicknamed "Restorer of the Laws", was a politician and army officer who ruled Buenos Aires Province and the Argentine Confederation. Although born into a wealthy family, Rosas independently amassed a personal fortune, acquiring large tracts of land in the process. Rosas enlisted his workers in a private militia, as was common for rural proprietors, took part in the disputes that led to numerous civil wars in his country. Victorious in warfare influential, with vast landholdings and a loyal private army, Rosas became a caudillo, as provincial warlords in the region were known, he reached the rank of brigadier general, the highest in the Argentine Army, became the undisputed leader of the Federalist Party. In December 1829, Rosas became governor of the province of Buenos Aires and established a dictatorship backed by state terrorism. In 1831, he signed the Federal Pact, recognising provincial autonomy and creating the Argentine Confederation; when his term of office ended in 1832, Rosas departed to the frontier to wage war on the indigenous peoples.
After his supporters launched a coup in Buenos Aires, Rosas was asked to return and once again took office as governor. Rosas reestablished his dictatorship and formed the repressive Mazorca, an armed parapolice that killed thousands of citizens. Elections became a farce, the legislature and judiciary became docile instruments of his will. Rosas created a cult of personality and his regime became totalitarian in nature, with all aspects of society rigidly controlled. Rosas faced many threats to his power during early 1840s, he fought a war against the Peru–Bolivian Confederation, endured a blockade by France, faced a revolt in his own province and battled a major rebellion that lasted for years and spread to several Argentine provinces. Rosas persevered and extended his influence in the provinces, exercising effective control over them through direct and indirect means. By 1848, he had extended his power beyond the borders of Buenos Aires and was ruler of all of Argentina. Rosas attempted to annex the neighbouring nations of Uruguay and Paraguay.
France and Great Britain jointly retaliated against Argentine expansionism, blockading Buenos Aires for most of the late 1840s, but were unable to halt Rosas, whose prestige was enhanced by his string of successes. When the Empire of Brazil began aiding Uruguay in its struggle against Argentina, Rosas declared war in August 1851, starting the Platine War; this short conflict ended with Rosas absconding to Britain. His last years were spent in exile living as a tenant farmer until his death in 1877. Rosas garnered an enduring public perception among Argentines as a brutal tyrant. Since the 1930s, an authoritarian, anti-Semitic, racist political movement in Argentina called Revisionism has tried to improve Rosas's reputation and establish a new dictatorship in the model of his regime. In 1989, his remains were repatriated by the government in an attempt to promote national unity, seeking forgiveness for him and for the 1970s military dictatorship. Rosas remains a controversial figure in Argentina in the 21st century.
Juan Manuel José Domingo Ortiz de Rosas was born on 30 March 1793 at his family's town house in Buenos Aires, the capital of the Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata. He was the first child of Agustina López de Osornio. León Ortiz was the son of an immigrant from the Spanish Province of Burgos. A military officer with an undistinguished career, León Ortiz had married into a wealthy Criollo family; the young Juan Manuel de Rosas's character was influenced by his mother Agustina, a strong-willed and domineering woman who derived these character traits from her father Clemente López de Osornio, a landowner who died defending his estate from an Indian attack in 1783. As was common practice at the time, Rosas was schooled at home until the age of 8, enrolled in what was regarded the best private school in Buenos Aires. Though befitting the son of a wealthy landowner, his education was unremarkable. According to historian John Lynch, Rosas' education "was supplemented by his own efforts in the years that followed.
Rosas was not unread, though the time, the place, his own bias limited the choice of authors. He appears to have had a sympathetic, if superficial, acquaintance with minor political thinkers of French absolutism."In 1806, a British expeditionary force invaded Buenos Aires. A 13-year-old Rosas served distributing ammunition to troops in a force organised by Viceroy Santiago Liniers to counter the invasion; the British returned a year later. Rosas was assigned to the Caballería de los Migueletes, although he was barred from active duty during this time due to illness. After the British invasions had been repelled and his family moved from Buenos Aires to their estancia, his work there further shaped his character and outlook as part of the Platine region's social establishment. In the Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata, owners of large landholdings provided food and protection for families living in areas under their control, their private defense forces consisted of laborers who were drafted as soldiers.
Most of these peons, as such workers were called, were gauchos. The landed aristocracy of Spanish descent considered the illiterate, mixed-race gauchos, who comprised the majority of the population, to be ungovernable and untrustworthy; the gauchos were tolerated because there was no other labor force available, but were treated with contempt by the landowners. Rosas got along well with the gauchos in his service, despite his harsh and authorit
Argentine Constitution of 1853
The Argentine Constitution of 1853 is the current constitution of Argentina approved by provincial governments except Buenos Aires Province, who remained separate from the Argentine Confederation until 1859. After several modifications to the original constitution and the return of power to Buenos Aires' Unitarian Party, it was sanctioned in May 1853 by the Constitutional Convention gathered in Santa Fe, was promulgated by the provisional Director of the national executive government Justo José de Urquiza, a member of the Federals Party. Following the short-lived constitutions of 1819 and 1826, it was the third constitution in the history of the country. In spite of a number of reforms of varying importance, the 1853 constitution is still the base of the current Argentine juridical system, it was inspired by the juridical and political doctrines of the United States Federal Constitution, establishing for instance a Republican division of powers, a high level of independence for the provinces, a federal power controlled by a strong executive government yet limited by a bicameral national congress to equilibrate the population's representation with equity among the provinces.
The model, elaborated by the constitutional deputies from the precedent constitutional attempts and the pioneer work of Juan Bautista Alberdi, has been the target of repeated critics. The historical importance of the constitutional project has been unquestionable, all disputes regarding the political theory and practice in modern Argentina include an either positive or negative reference on the political consequences of the 1853 constitution. For the Generation of'80, the settlers of the first liberal conventions on Argentine historiography, the constitution represented a true foundational act that broke the long government of Juan Manuel de Rosas; the members of the Generation of'80 praised the fact that the Constitution had established a European-style liberal political regime. However, at the time when it was sanctioned, it had been opposed by some of them. For the UCR, of social-democrat tendencies, the constitution represented an unfulfilled political ideal against the oligarchic government Generation of the 1880s, perpetuated in power through electoral fraud.
At the same time, for the nationalist movements of the 20th century, who criticised the liberal conventions and praised Rosas' figure, the constitution had represented the renouncement of the national identity towards the ruin of liberalism. In different fronts, the discussion remains open, has inspired several of the most important works of the Argentine thinking; the legal system that would be accepted by the United Provinces of the Río de la Plata formed after the May Revolution from the Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata, was one of the main concerns after the resignation of the last viceroy. The formation of the First Junta and its continuation in the Junta Grande, which included provincial delegates, gave testimony of the division of interests between the city of Buenos Aires and the other landlocked provinces. In part, such division existed during colonial times, when the port of Buenos Aires gave the city commercial interest far different from the artisanal and agricultural countryside.
Buenos Aires was benefited from the traffic of goods brought by ships from the United Kingdom, to which it paid with the taxes collected from the exportation of the country's agricultural production —mainly raw leather and minerals— the discrepancies between the merchants that brought industrialised goods from the United Kingdom and the producers of the provinces that couldn't compete with the European industrial power, raised diverse conflicts during the Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata. With the Declaration of Independence in 1816, the first juridical bases had a marked Unitarian characteristic; the first project to converge the successive attempts that defined the different organs of the national executive power in the first years of organization was the convocation in 1812 of the General Constituent Assembly with the purpose of dictating the fundamental law for the national organization. The Assembly of the 1813 gathered on January 31 of that year, worked for over 2 years until 1815.
It dictated the regulations for the administration, the statute for the executive power, promulgated several norms regulation for the legislature that would be in use the following years. But the assembly was unable to dictate the national constitution. This, added to the absence of some provincial deputies, prevented an agreement on the subject; the lack of definitions from the Assembly after two years of deliberations was one of the arguments for which Carlos María de Alvear proposed the creation of a temporal one-man regime, known as Directorio. The Assembly voted favourably, but since it had no support from the e
Agustín Pedro Justo
Agustín Pedro Justo Rolón was President of Argentina from February 20, 1932, to February 20, 1938. He was a military officer and politician, was president during the Infamous Decade. Appointed War Minister by President Marcelo Torcuato de Alvear, his experience under a civilian administration and pragmatic outlook earned him the conservative Concordance's nomination for the 1931 campaign, he was elected president on November 8, 1931, supported by the political sectors that would form shortly after la Concordancia, an alliance created between the National Democratic Party, the Radical Civic Union, the Socialist Independent Party. Around the elections there were accusations of electoral fraud the name patriotic fraud was used for a system of control established from 1931 to 1943. Conservative groups wanted to use this to prevent any radicals from coming to power. During this period there was persistent opposition from the supporters of Yrigoyen, an earlier president, from the Radical Civic Union.
The outstanding diplomatic work of his Foreign Minister, Carlos Saavedra Lamas, was one of the greatest accomplishments of his administration, stained by constant accusations of corruption and of delivering the national economy into the hands of foreign interests, the British in particular, with whom his vice-president Julio A. Roca, Jr. had signed the Roca-Runciman Treaty. His name was mentioned as a candidate a new period during the unsteady government of Ramón Castillo, but his early death at 66 thwarted his plans, he worked on a preliminary study for the complete works of Bartolomé Mitre, whom he admired profoundly. Justo took part in the coup of 1930, becoming president two years thanks to widespread electoral fraud, his presidency was part of the period known as the Infamous Decade, which lasted from 1930 until 1943. He introduced a nationwide income tax. Justo was born in Entre Ríos Province, his father named Agustín, had been governor of Corrientes Province and was soon a national deputy.
He was active in politics, soon after his son was born he moved with his family to Buenos Aires. His mother Otilia Rolón, came from a traditional Corrientes family; when he was 11 Justo went to the Colegio Militar de la Nación. As a cadet, joined with various other students and participated in the Revolución del Parque, taking the weapons off the guards to add to the column of the revolutionaries. Arrested and given amnesty, he graduated with the rank of ensign. Without abandoning his military career, he studied engineering at the University of Buenos Aires. In 1895 he was promoted to second lieutenant. In 1897 he became first lieutenant. In 1902 he became a captain. Having attained a civil engineering degree at the University of Buenos Aires, a governmental decree validated his title as a military engineer in 1904, he was appointed as teacher at the Escuela de Aplicación para Oficiales. With his promotion to the rank of major two years he was proposed for the school of mathematics at the Military Academy and for the studies of telemetry and semaphores at the Escuela Nacional de Tiro, which would be granted in 1907.
The following year, he received the nomination as executive officer in the Batallón de Ferrocarrileros, at the same time in which they were promoting him to be subdirector at the gunnery school. With the rank of Lieutenant Colonel he completed diplomatic actions, becoming military attaché to the Argentina's envoy at the centennial festivities in Chile in 1910, his return to Argentina was as commander of the Fourth Artillery Brigade. In 1915, during the term of office of Victorino de la Plaza, he was appointed director of the Military College, a post where he would remain for the following seven years; the great influence of this position helped him to weave contacts in political circles, just as in the military. Pursuant to the radical anti-personalist political branch, he established good relations with Marcelo T. de Alvear. During his tenure he enlarged the curriculum of the college and promoted the formation of the faculty. During Alvear's administration in 1922 he left the Military College to become the Minister of War.
Promoted to the rank of brigadier general on August 25, 1923, Justo requested an increase of the defense budget to get equipment and improve the Army infrastructure. He fomented the reorganization of the armed forces structure. At the end of 1924 he was sent as plenipotentiary to Peru, where they were celebrating the centennial of the Battle of Ayacucho. During the next few years he temporarily was the Minister of Agriculture and Public Works, besides holding the post at as Minister of War, which he would not abandon until the end of the term of office of Alvear. In 1927 he had received the promotion to General de División. With his constant anti-personalist temperament, Justo supported the candidates Leopoldo Melo and Vicente Gallo, of the Alvear Line of the UCR. Before the triumph of the formula of Yrigoyen and Beiró, who began in 1928 their second term of office with massive support of the voters and the majority in the House of Representatives. Justo received invitations of the more organized right to join the shock program against the radical caudillo.
Although close to the concepts of the publications La Nueva República — managed by Ernesto Palacio and the brothers Rodolfo and Julio Irazusta — and La Fronda, under the direction of Francisco Uriburu, they stayed close to the need of "order and authority". He did not adhere clos