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Joan Kirner

Joan Elizabeth Kirner AC was an Australian politician, the 42nd Premier of Victoria, serving from 1990 to 1992. A Labor Party member of the Parliament of Victoria from 1982 to 1994, she was a member of the Legislative Council before winning a seat in the Legislative Assembly. Kirner was a minister and deputy premier in the government of John Cain Jr. and succeeded him as premier following his resignation. She was Australia's third female head of government and second female premier, Victoria's first, held the position until her party was defeated in a landslide at the 1992 state election. Born Joan Elizabeth Hood in Essendon, the only child of John Keith and Beryl Edith Hood, a fitter and turner and music teacher Kirner was educated at state and private schools, she graduated in arts from the University of Melbourne, completed a teaching qualification. She became active in school and parents' organisations. In 1960 she married Ron Kirner, she was President of the Victorian Federation of States School Parents' Clubs, an influential education lobby from 1971 to 1977 and its executive officer from 1978-82.

She was appointed to several government advisory bodies on education. Kirner became a member of its Socialist Left faction. In 1982, she was elected as a Labor member of the Victorian Legislative Council, the upper house of the Victorian Parliament. In 1985, she was elected to the Cabinet of John Cain Jr's Labor government and became Minister for Conservation and Lands, she proposed the Flora and Fauna Guarantee Act 1988, the first Australian legislation which gave legal protection of rare species. While Minister, in association with Heather Mitchell from the Victorian Farmers' Federation, Kirner was instrumental in the formation of the first Landcare groups. At the 1988 election, Kirner shifted to the Legislative Assembly, becoming MP for Williamstown, was promoted to the Education portfolio. In this portfolio Kirner carried out a series of controversial reforms aimed at reducing what Kirner saw as the class-based inequity of the education system, culminating in a new system of assessment, the Victorian Certificate of Education.

In 1988 Kirner was elected deputy leader of the party and became Deputy Premier of Victoria. When Cain resigned after a collapse in his political support in August 1990, Kirner was elected Labor leader and thus became Victoria's first female Premier. By this time the Labor government was in deep crisis, with some of the state's financial institutions on the brink of insolvency, the budget deficit unsustainably high and growing and the Labor Party divided on how to respond to the situation; the party hoped that the elevation of a popular woman as its new leader would improve its position, but Kirner never succeeded in gaining control of the crisis into which the state had plunged. The conservative-leaning Melbourne newspaper, the Herald Sun, reacted unfavorably to a Premier from the Socialist Left, dubbing her "Mother Russia", she was lampooned alternatively as a sinister commissar and as a frumpy housewife in a polka dot dress. She seemed unfazed by the Herald Sun and won some respect, though she was unable to improve the government's standing significantly.

During 1991 and 1992 Kirner took several decisions to cut government spending and raise revenue to some extent, however her government failed to cut spending in many areas including education. Most of the Kirner Government attempts to cut spending were opposed by trade unions and some members of the government; the interest bill alone was $3.5 billion per year, the government sold off trains and trams and leased them back. Another decision was the sale of the state-owned State Bank of Victoria to the Commonwealth Bank in 1991. Kirner went into 1992 knowing she faced a statutory general election, one which opinion polls gave her no chance of winning, she waited as long as she could calling an election for October. It was obvious as soon. Although she remained more popular than the Liberal Opposition Leader, Jeff Kennett, it was not nearly enough to overcome Victorians' growing anger at Labor; the Coalition's "Guilty Party" campaign did much to stoke this anger, targeting many Ministers in the Kirner Government and providing examples of concerns in their portfolios.

The campaign attracted controversy with ALP ads stating that if the Liberals won the election it would institute the same policies that were implemented in New Zealand by the Fourth National Government. New Zealand Prime Minister Jim Bolger responded in reference to the campaign, "You know, they say that the show’s never over until the fat lady sings. Well, I think it was her we heard warming up in the wings this week"; the "fat lady" was in reference to Kirner being overweight. Bolger refused to apologized for this remark citing that he himself was overweight and did not want to make "an international incident" out of it, it did, anger women from Bolger's own National Party. The Coalition won the election in a landslide, scoring a 19-seat swing—the second-worst defeat that a sitting government has suffered in Victoria; the Liberals won enough seats that they could have governed in their own right. Kirner remained Opposition Leader for a short period before resigning, she retired from Parliament in 1994 and was succeeded by one of her former aides for the electorate of Williamstown, future premier Steve Bracks.

A portrait of Kirner by artist Annette Bezor hangs in Queens Hall at Parliament House Victoria. After leaving Parliament, Kirner remained active in community affairs and poli

Othellos Athienou FC

Othellos Athienou is a football club based in Athienou, Larnaca and competes in the Cypriot Second Division. The football department is the only activity of the club at the moment, which participated for the first time in the Cypriot First Division, the top football level division in Cyprus; the club colours are white. Othellos was founded in 1933; the club colours are green and white and they play in Othellos Athienou Stadium. In 1967, the club joined the Cyprus Football Association and since has participated in the all championships of the Association. Othellos from its foundation has demonstrated "rich" social activity. From 1987, Othellos is accommodated in its owned residence. In 2003 the club acquired the ownership of its football ground; as of 4 December 2019Note: Flags indicate national team. Players may hold more than one non-FIFA nationality. For recent transfers, see List of Cypriot football transfers summer 2019. Note: Flags indicate national team as defined under FIFA eligibility rules.

Players may hold more than one non-FIFA nationality. Cypriot Third Division Winners: 21990–91, 1993–94Cypriot Fourth Division Winners: 12004 Othellos Official Website CFA Official Website

New Port Richey East, Florida

New Port Richey East is an unincorporated census-designated place in Pasco County, United States adjacent to New Port Richey. The population was 9,916 at the 2000 census. New Port Richey East is located at 28°15′36″N 82°41′26″W. According to the United States Census Bureau, the community has a total area of 3.7 square miles, of which 3.6 square miles is land and 0.1 square miles is water. As of the census of 2000, there were 9,916 people, 4,471 households, 2,794 families residing in the community; the population density was 2,748.0 people per square mile. There were 5,001 housing units at an average density of 1,385.9/sq mi. The racial makeup of the community was 95.40% White, 1.04% African American, 0.22% Native American, 1.11% Asian, 0.03% Pacific Islander, 0.67% from other races, 1.53% from two or more races. Hispanic or Latino of any race were 4.88% of the population. There were 4,471 households out of which 22.9% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 48.0% were married couples living together, 10.5% had a female householder with no husband present, 37.5% were non-families.

31.4% of all households were made up of individuals and 16.7% had someone living alone, 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 2.20 and the average family size was 2.73. In the community the population was spread out with 19.8% under the age of 18, 6.9% from 18 to 24, 23.6% from 25 to 44, 22.7% from 45 to 64, 27.1% who were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 45 years. For every 100 females, there were 89.6 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 87.1 males. The median income for a household in the community was $30,178, the median income for a family was $36,296. Males had a median income of $27,753 versus $23,191 for females; the per capita income for the community was $17,191. About 8.0% of families and 10.8% of the population were below the poverty line, including 14.1% of those under age 18 and 8.3% of those age 65 or over. New Port Richey Local Weather Conditions & Webcam

Communal apartment

Kommunalki or communal apartments appeared in the Soviet Union following the Russian revolution of 1917. The term communal apartments is a product of the Soviet epoch; the concept of communal apartments' grew in Russia and the Soviet Union as a response to a housing crisis in urban areas – authorities presented them as the product of the “new collective vision of the future.” Between two and seven families shared a communal apartment. Each family had its own room, which served as a living room, dining room, bedroom for the entire family. All the residents of the entire apartment shared the use of the hallways, kitchen and telephone; the communal apartment became the predominant form of housing in the USSR for generations, examples still exist in "the most fashionable central districts of large Russian cities". The first communal apartments appeared in the early 18th century, when rental lodging was partitioned by the landlords into "corners" walk-through tiny dwellings. From the mid-19th century the number of such apartments had drastically increased.

They consisted of 3 to 6 rooms. In the 20th century, the Soviet Union undertook “intensive industrialization and urbanization,” shifting from eighty percent of the population living in rural villages and towns at the time of the Revolution, to nearly the same percentage living in cities by the 1990s. People were driven from the countryside by poverty and collectivization, pulled to the city by the industrialization of the economy; this exodus put enormous pressure on existing urban housing accommodations. Communal apartments were one answer to the housing crisis, many considered them a step up from the alternatives of housing communes and barracks. Lenin conceived of the communal apartment, drafted a plan to “expropriate and resettle private apartments” shortly after the Russian revolution, his plan inspired many architects to begin communal housing projects, to create a “revolutionary topography.” The communal apartment was revolutionary by “uniting different social groups in one physical space.”

Furthermore, housing belonged to the government and families were allotted an small number of square meters each. After Stalin's death in 1953, Khrushchev's regime “embarked upon a mass housing campaign,” to eliminate the persistent housing shortages, create private apartments for urban residents; this campaign was a response to popular demand for “better living conditions, single-family housing, greater privacy. However, the new apartments were built with an emphasis on quantity over quality, in underdeveloped neighborhoods, with poor systems of public transportation, making daily life harder for workers; these apartment blocks became called ‘khrushchyoba,’ a cross between Khrushchev's name and the Russian term for slums. Space in communal apartments was divided into common spaces and private rooms “mathematically or bureaucratically,” with little to no attention paid to the physical space of the existing structures. Most apartments were partitioned in a dysfunctional manner, creating “strange spaces, long corridors, so-called black entrances through labyrinthine inner courtyards.”

Entire families lived with little hope of changing their situation. Residents were meant to share the kitchen and corridors amongst themselves, but these spaces could be divided. For example, each family might have their own kitchen table, gas burner and light switch, preferring to walk down the hall to use their light switch to turn on the bathroom lights rather than using a closer switch belonging to another resident. Furthermore, the hallways were poorly lit, because each family had control of one of the lights hanging in the corridor, would only turn it on for their own benefit. Though communal apartments were small, residents had to wait at times to use the bathroom or kitchen sink; the kitchen was the primary place the residents interacted with one another, “sharing their joys and sorrows,” and scheduling shared responsibilities. Wary of theft, residents left groceries in the kitchen unless they put locks on the kitchen cabinets. However, they stored their toiletries in the kitchen as opposed to the bathroom, because other residents could more use things left unattended in the bathroom.

Laundry was left to dry in the bathroom. The communal apartment was the only living accommodation in the Soviet Union where the residents had “no particular reason to be living together.” Other forms of communal living were based around type of work or other commonalities, but the communal apartment residents were placed together at random, as a result of the distribution of scarce living space by a governing body. These residents had little commitment to each other. In spite of the haphazard nature of their cohabitation, residents had to navigate communal living, which required shared responsibilities and reliance on one another. Duty schedules were posted in the kitchen or corridors assigning one family to be “on duty” at any given moment; the family on duty would be responsible for cleaning the common spaces by sweeping and mopping the kitchen every few days, cleaning the bathroom and taking out the trash. The length of time a family was scheduled to work depended on the size of the family, the rotation followed th

Aubrey Perry

Aubrey Perry is an American soccer player who plays for Gräsö Norrskedika IF. Perry played on the collegiate level at the University of South Florida. Perry is a 2011 All-Big East Conference Third Team and is the USF’s all-time leader in games played and games started. Perry was drafted by the Columbus Crew in the second round of the 2012 MLS SuperDraft. Perry made his first professional appearance in a US Open Cup game against Dayton Dutch Lions on May 29, 2012. Perry was waived by Columbus on June 27, 2012, he played for BKV Norrtälje in Sweden, went on to play for MD FF Köping. In addition to playing professionally, Perry coaches soccer through one-on-one training session for players in Ocoee, FL area. Aubrey Perry at Major League Soccer

List of English football transfers winter 2004–05

This is a list of English football transfers for the 2004-05 season. Only moves featuring at least one Premier League or First Division club are listed; the winter transfer window opened on 1 January 2005, although a few transfers took place prior to that date. Players without a club may join one during or in between transfer windows. Clubs below Premier League level may sign players on loan at any time. If need be, clubs may sign a goalkeeper on an emergency loan. Clubs are able to purchase players again in May. 1 January 2005Jean-Alain Boumsong from Rangers to Newcastle United, £8m3 January 2005Celestine Babayaro from Chelsea to Newcastle United, Undisclosed4 January 2005James Beattie from Southampton to Everton, £6m Jamie Redknapp from Spurs to Southampton, free6 January 2005Ryan Nelsen from Major League Soccer to Blackburn Rovers, free Jiri Jarosik from CSKA Moscow to Chelsea, Undisclosed7 January 2005Emmanuel Eboué from Beveren to Arsenal, £1.5m10 January 2005Dean Ashton from Crewe Alexandra to Norwich City, £3m Kevin Campbell from Everton to West Brom, free12 January 2005Fernando Morientes from Real Madrid to Liverpool, £6.3m14 January 2005Thomas Gravesen from Everton to Real Madrid, £2.5m15 January 2005Kasey Keller from Spurs to Mönchengladbach, free17 January 2005Nigel Quashie from Portsmouth to Southampton, £2.1m19 January 2005Robbie Savage from Birmingham City to Blackburn Rovers, £3m21 January 2005Scott Carson from Leeds United to Liverpool, £1m22 January 2005Bernt Haas from West Brom to Bastia, free25 January 2005Amady Faye from Portsmouth to Newcastle United, £2m27 January 2005Mounir El Hamdaoui from Excelsior Rotterdam to Spurs, Undisclosed28 January 2005Mido from AS Roma to Spurs, two-season long loan Stéphane Henchoz from Liverpool to Celtic, free31 January 2005Nicolas Anelka from Manchester City to Fenerbahçe, £7m Eric Djemba-Djemba from Manchester United to Aston Villa, £1.35m Mikel Arteta from Real Sociedad to Everton, six-month loan Craig Bellamy from Newcastle United to Celtic, six-month loan Barry Ferguson from Blackburn Rovers to Rangers, £4.5m Olivier Bernard from Newcastle United to Southampton, Undisclosed Vincent Candela from AS Roma to Bolton Wanderers, free Jermaine Pennant from Arsenal to Birmingham City, six-month loan Andy Reid from Nottingham Forest to Tottenham Hotspur, £4m Michael Dawson from Nottingham Forest to Tottenham Hotspur, £4m 17 April 2005Dwight Yorke from Birmingham City to Sydney FC, free25 April 2005Jermaine Pennant from Arsenal to Birmingham City, £3m