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Lupang Hinirang

"Lupang Hinirang" is the national anthem of the Philippines. Its music was composed in 1898 by Julián Felipe, the lyrics were adapted from the Spanish poem Filipinas, written by José Palma in 1899. Written it did not have lyrics when it was adopted as the anthem of the revolutionary First Philippine Republic and subsequently played during the proclamation of Philippine independence on 12 June 1898. Under American rule, the Flag Act of 1907 prohibited the public display of flags, emblems, or devices used by revolutionaries in the Philippine–American War. Under this law, the colonial government banned the song from being played; the Flag Law was repealed in 1919. Under the Commonwealth, Commonwealth Act № 382, approved on September 5, 1938 adopted the musical arrangement and composition by Julián Felipe as the national anthem; the Spanish lyrics were translated into Tagalog beginning in the 1940s, with the current Filipino version from 1956 undergoing a slight revision in the 1960s. Over the years, several English versions came into use.

On 12 February 1998, Republic Act № 8491 codified the current Filipino lyrics into law. Some English language sources erroneously translate Lupang Hinirang as "Beloved Land" or "Beloved Country"; some sources assert that an English version of anthem lyrics titled "The Philippine Hymn" was legalised by Commonwealth Act № 382. That Act, only concerns itself with the instrumental composition by Julián Felipe. "Lupang Hinirang" began as incidental music which President Emilio Aguinaldo commissioned for use in the proclamation of Philippine independence from Spain. This task was given to Julián Felipe and was to replace a march which Aguinaldo had deemed unsatisfactory; the original title of this new march was "Marcha Filipina-Magdalo", was changed to "Marcha Nacional Filipina" upon its adoption as the national anthem of the First Philippine Republic on 11 June 1898, a day before independence was to be proclaimed. Felipe said that he had based his composition on three other musical pieces: the "Marcha Real", the current Spanish national anthem.

It was played by the Banda San Francisco de Malabon during the proclamation rites on 12 June. In August 1899, the soldier and writer José Palma penned the Spanish poem Filipinas during his stay in Casa Hacienda in Bautista, Pangasinan; the poem was published for the first time for the first anniversary of the newspaper La Independencia on 3 September 1899, was subsequently set to the tune of the "Marcha Nacional Filipina". Philippine law requires that the anthem always be rendered in accordance with Felipe's original musical arrangement and composition, but the original holograph cannot be located. In the 1920s, the time signature was changed from 2/4 to 4/4 to facilitate its singing and the key was changed from the original C major to G. After the repeal of the Flag Act of 1907 in 1919, the Insular Government decided to translate the hymn from its original Spanish to English; the first translation was written around that time by the renowned poet Paz Marquez Benitez of the University of the Philippines.

The most popular translation, called the "Philippine Hymn", was written by Senator Camilo Osías and an American, Mary A. Lane. Tagalog translations began appearing in the 1940s, with the first known one titled Diwa ng Bayan, sung during the Japanese occupation of the Philippines; the second most popular one was O Sintang Lupa by Julián Cruz Balmaceda, Ildefonso Santos, Francisco Caballo. Upon the adoption of Diwa ng Bayan, the song Awit sa Paglikha ng Bagong Pilipinas and the Japanese national anthem Kimigayo were replaced. During the term of President Ramon Magsaysay, Education Secretary Gregorio Hernández formed a commission to revise the lyrics. On 26 May 1956, the Pilipino translation "Lupang Hinirang" was sung for the first time. Minor revisions were made in the 1960s, it is this version by Felipe Padilla de León, presently used; the Martial Law years from 1972–1981 during the second term of Ferdinand Marcos up to the 1986 EDSA Revolution saw the use of the National Anthem as the opening protest song of some political and union groups, accompanied by the use of the "raised clenched fist" salute instead of the traditional hand-to-heart salute.

The Filipino lyrics have been confirmed by Republic Act No. 8491 in 1998, abandoning use of both the Spanish and English versions. Historian Ambeth Ocampo observed that the Spanish lyrics, which were not intended to be sung when composed, do not flow with the music well compared to English and Filipino versions which are smoother; some of the original meanings in Filipinas have been lost in translation. "Lupang Hinirang" was not the first Filipino national anthem. The composer and revolutionist Julio Nakpil penned Marangal na Dalit ng Katagalugan (Ho

Toxic masculinity

The concept of toxic masculinity is used in academic and media discussions of masculinity to refer to certain cultural norms that are associated with harm to society and to men themselves. Traditional stereotypes of men as dominant, along with related traits such as misogyny and homophobia, can be considered "toxic" due in part to their promotion of violence, including sexual assault and domestic violence; the socialization of boys in patriarchal societies normalizes violence, such as in the saying "boys will be boys" with regard to bullying and harassment. Self-reliance and emotional repression are correlated with increased psychological problems in men such as depression, increased stress, substance abuse. Toxic masculine traits are characteristic of the unspoken codes of behavior such as among military forces negatively impacting veterans, among men in American prisons, where they exist in part as a response to the harsh conditions of prison life. Other traditionally masculine traits such as devotion to work, pride in excelling at sports, providing for one's family, are not considered to be "toxic".

The concept was used by authors associated with the mythopoetic men's movement such as Shepherd Bliss to contrast stereotypical notions of masculinity with a "real" or "deep" masculinity that they say men have lost touch with in modern society. The term toxic masculinity originated in the mythopoetic men's movement of the 1990s, it found wide use in both academic and popular writing. Popular and media discussions in the 2010s have used the term to refer to traditional and stereotypical norms of masculinity and manhood. According to the sociologist Michael Flood, these include "expectations that boys and men must be active, tough and dominant"; some authors associated with the mythopoetic men's movement have referred to the social pressures placed upon men to be violent, competitive and unfeeling as a "toxic" form of masculinity, in contrast to a "real" or "deep" masculinity that they say men have lost touch with in modern society. The academic Shepherd Bliss proposed a return to agrarianism as an alternative to the "potentially toxic masculinity" of the warrior ethic.

Sociologist Michael Kimmel writes that Bliss's notion of toxic masculinity can be seen as part of the mythopoetic movement's response to male feelings of powerlessness at a time when the feminist movement was challenging traditional male authority: Thus Shepherd Bliss, for example, rails against what he calls'toxic masculinity'—which he believes is responsible for most of the evil in the world—and proclaims the unheralded goodness of the men who fight the fires and till the soil and nurture their families. In the social sciences, toxic masculinity refers to traditional cultural masculine norms that can be harmful to men and society overall. Toxic masculinity is thus defined by adherence to traditional male gender roles that stigmatize and limit the emotions boys and men may comfortably express while statusing other emotions such as anger, it is marked by economic and social expectations that men seek and achieve dominance. In a gender studies context, Raewyn Connell refers to toxic practices that may arise out of what she terms hegemonic masculinity, rather than essential traits.

Connell argues that such practices, such as physical violence, may serve to reinforce men's dominance over women in Western societies. She stresses that such practices are a salient feature of hegemonic masculinity, although not always the defining features. In a psychoanalytic context, Terry Kupers describes toxic masculinity as "the need to aggressively compete and dominate others" and as "the constellation of regressive male traits that serve to foster domination, the devaluation of women and wanton violence". According to Kupers, toxic masculinity serves to outline aspects of hegemonic masculinity that are destructive, "such as misogyny, homophobia and violent domination", he contrasts these traits with more positive aspects of hegemonic masculinity such as "pride in ability to win at sports, to maintain solidarity with a friend, to succeed at work, or to provide for family". Feminist author John Stoltenberg has argued that all traditional notions of masculinity are toxic and reinforce the oppression of women.

According to Kupers, toxic masculine norms are a feature of life for men in American prisons, where they are reflected in the behavior of both staff and inmates. The qualities of extreme self-reliance, domination of other men through violence, avoiding the appearance of either femininity or weakness, comprise an unspoken code among prisoners. Suppressing vulnerable emotions is adopted in order to cope with the harsh conditions of prison life, defined by punishment, social isolation, aggression; these factors play a role in suicide among male prisoners. Toxic masculinity can take the form of bullying of boys by their peers and domestic violence directed toward boys at home; the violent socialization of boys produces psychological trauma through the promotion of aggression and lack of interpersonal connection. Such trauma is disregarded, such as in the saying "boys will be boys" with regard to bullying; the promotion of idealized masculine roles emphasizing toughness, self-reliance, the restriction of emotion can begin as early as infancy.

Such norms are transmitted by parents, other male relatives, members of the commu

Usual, customary and reasonable

Usual and reasonable is an American method of generating health care prices, described as "more or less whatever doctors decided to charge". According to Steven Schroeder, Wilbur Cohen inserted UCR into the Social Security Act of 1965 "in an unsuccessful attempt to placate the American Medical Association". Health insurers determine what they deem to be "usual and reasonable" and pay only a percentage of that. Under an early version of this system based on Resource-Based Relative Value Units, physician services were considered to be misvalued, with evaluation and management services being undervalued and procedures overvalued. Third-party payers advocated for an improved model instead of the UCR fees that led to "some egregious distortions". In the mid-1980s, U. S. health care "payments for doing procedures had far outstripped payments for diagnosis". For example, "doctors who spent an hour making a complex and lifesaving diagnosis were paid forty dollars. Costs for cataract surgery, which could be as high as $6,000 in 1985, "grew to consume 4% of Medicare's budget".

And despite technology that reduced the time required for the surgery by a factor of 4 to 6, costs did not decrease. The US government healthcare website defines usual and reasonable as being "The amount paid for a medical service in a geographic area based on what providers in the area charge for the same or similar medical service; the UCR amount sometimes is used to determine the allowed amount." It is used by insurance companies and plan administrators when participants go out of network for services where the maximum the plan will pay for a claim is based on the prevailing rates in the area or UCR. These statistics are available from commercial sources. In the context of prescription costs, the Government Accountability Office has stated that "The U&C price is the price an individual without prescription drug coverage would pay at a retail pharmacy."For dentists, the American Dental Association defines a usual and customary fee as "the fee an individual dentist most charges for a specific dental procedure independent of any contractual agreement.

It is always appropriate to modify the fee based on the nature and severity of the condition being treated and by any medical or dental complications or unusual circumstances." Resource-based relative value scale

2014–15 ISU Speed Skating World Cup – World Cup 4 – Men's 5000 metres

The men's 5000 metres race of the 2014–15 ISU Speed Skating World Cup 4, arranged in the Thialf arena in Heerenveen, was held on 13 December 2014. Sven Kramer of the Netherlands won, followed by Jorrit Bergsma of the Netherlands in second place, Wouter olde Heuvel of the Netherlands in third place. Viktor Hald Torup of Denmark set a new national record, Nils van der Poel of Sweden won Division B on a new national record for juniors; the race took place on Saturday, 13 December, with Division B scheduled in the morning session, at 11:29, Division A scheduled in the afternoon session, at 14:46. Notes: NR = national record, NRJ = national record for juniors

Beaverton, Michigan

Beaverton is a city in Gladwin County in the U. S. state of Michigan. The population was 1,071 at the 2010 census; the city is adjacent to Beaverton Township and incorporates some land in the township. Beaverton was first settled by lumbermen circa 1863 and was first known as Grand Forks, after the confluence of the Tobacco and Cedar rivers, it has been continuously settled since 1875. The town was founded in 1890 from Beaverton, Ontario. Donald Ross became the first postmaster on February 17, 1891. Romig cites the city clerk of Beaverton that it incorporated as a village in 1901. However, Powers gives the date as 1896, it incorporated with William Ross as the first mayor. Powers gives the first settler's name as Marvil Secord from Brantford and, recognized as the first permanent settler in Gladwin County. Beaverton is known as the Plastic Thermoforming capital of the world, it was a station on the Toledo-Ludington line of the Pere Marquette Railroad. According to the United States Census Bureau, the city has a total area of 1.31 square miles, of which 1.03 square miles is land and 0.28 square miles is water.

This climatic region is typified by large seasonal temperature differences, with warm to hot summers and cold winters. According to the Köppen Climate Classification system, Beaverton has a humid continental climate, abbreviated "Dfb" on climate maps; as of the census of 2010, there were 1,071 people, 462 households, 258 families residing in the city. The population density was 1,039.8 inhabitants per square mile. There were 537 housing units at an average density of 521.4 per square mile. The racial makeup of the city was 97.7% White, 0.4% African American, 0.7% Native American, 1.2% from two or more races. Hispanic or Latino of any race were 0.7% of the population. There were 462 households of which 28.4% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 34.2% were married couples living together, 16.2% had a female householder with no husband present, 5.4% had a male householder with no wife present, 44.2% were non-families. 40.5% of all households were made up of individuals and 18.8% had someone living alone, 65 years of age or older.

The average household size was 2.32 and the average family size was 3.13. The median age in the city was 36.2 years. 27.1% of residents were under the age of 18. The gender makeup of the city was 52.6 % female. As of the census of 2000, there were 1,106 people, 496 households, 291 families residing in the city; the population density was 1,017.6 per square mile. There were 546 housing units at an average density of 502.3 per square mile. The racial makeup of the city was 97.02% White, 0.99% African American, 0.63% Native American, 0.09% Asian, 0.09% from other races, 1.18% from two or more races. Hispanic or Latino of any race were 0.54% of the population. There were 496 households out of which 29.2% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 41.5% were married couples living together, 13.9% had a female householder with no husband present, 41.3% were non-families. 39.5% of all households were made up of individuals and 19.2% had someone living alone, 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 2.23 and the average family size was 2.96.

In the city, the population was spread out with 27.1% under the age of 18, 9.0% from 18 to 24, 25.1% from 25 to 44, 20.3% from 45 to 64, 18.4% who were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 37 years. For every 100 females, there were 87.1 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 77.5 males. The median income for a household in the city was $20,625, the median income for a family was $27,813. Males had a median income of $29,722 versus $18,558 for females; the per capita income for the city was $12,125. About 18.1% of families and 21.9% of the population were below the poverty line, including 26.9% of those under age 18 and 15.2% of those age 65 or over. M-18 Romig, Walter, L. H. D. Michigan Place Names. Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1986. Powers, Perry Francis. A history of northern Michigan and its people. Chicago: Lewis Publishing Co. 1912. Frei, Robert W. and the Beaverton Centennial Committee. Beaverton: A Century in the Making. Beaverton: Beaverton Centennial Committee, 2003 City of Beaverton County of Gladwin Beaverton Historical Society Gladwin County Historical Society Gladwin County Economic Development Corp.

Gladwin County Record & Beaverton Clarion Gladwin County Chamber of Commerce

Calcutta Group

The Calcutta Group was a group of modern artists in India, formed in 1943 in Kolkata. It has the distinction of being the first artistic movement of its kind in both Bengal and all of India. Though short-lived – the group disbanded in 1953 – the Calcutta Group was instrumental in the transformation of contemporary Indian art and brought this genre onto the world stage. Subho Tagore Nirode Mazumdar Rathin Moitra Prankrishna Pal Gopal Ghosh Paritosh Sen Pradosh Das Gupta Kamala Das Gupta Abani Sen Gobardhan Ash Sunil Madhav Sen Hemant Misra Subho Tagore, nephew of Abanindranath and Grand-nephew of Rabindranath Tagore, was a budding artist who studied art at the Governmental School of Art in Calcutta. After traveling to London for a few years in order to hone his artistic skills, he moved back to India with the idea of creating a group for plastic artists. Along with fellow painters Nirode Mazumdar, Rathin Maitra, Prankrishna Pal and Gopal Ghosh, he formally created the Calcutta Group in 1943.

That year, another painter, Paritosh Sen, along with sculptors Pradosh Das Gupta, Kamala Das Gupta joined the society. These eight members were known as the organization's core, as well as the driving force behind it. Over the years, other artists joined the group as well including Abani Sen in 1947, Gobardhan Ash in 1950, Sunil Madhav Sen in 1952, Hemanta Mistra in 1953. During this period of time, Bengal - a state in India, home to many of the group's members - had been facing many tragedies including wars, famines and the partition of the country. Stemming from these events, the members of the Calcutta Group focused not on aesthetic, but on the social and political realities of the state and nation at the time. Many of the group's members were sympathetic towards the Communist Party, making its way through India and some were militants themselves; the group's manifesto was a synthesis of all of these ideas that stressed two main points: renouncement of religion in art and creation of opportunities for Indian art to modernize.

The first idea was meant to remove the evils of demagoguery and elitism and produce works that focused on the population as a whole. However, the dismissal of works based n Hindu mythology came across as anti-religious and atheist and therefore shocked many, leading to the moniker "Artistic Scandal". Partha Mitter, Indian Art, Oxford University Press, ISBN 0-19-284221-8 - page 193 Krishna Dutta, Calcutta: A Cultural and Literary History, Interlink, ISBN 1-56656-488-3 - page 233 Nercam Nicolas, "Le clan des Tagore, de l'École du Bengale au Groupe de Calcutta" Arts asiatiques - page 16 Rebecca M. Brown, Art For a Modern India, 1947-1980, Duke University Press, ISBN 978-0-8223-4375-2 - page 14 Article on Calcutta Group by Saffronart Hilarious treatment of protagonists, The Telegraph, 5 May 2006