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Lycia

Lycia was a geopolitical region in Anatolia in what are now the provinces of Antalya and Muğla on the southern coast of Turkey, bordering the Mediterranean Sea, Burdur Province inland. Known to history since the records of ancient Egypt and the Hittite Empire in the Late Bronze Age, it was populated by speakers of the Luwian language group. Written records began to be inscribed in stone in the Lycian language after Lycia's involuntary incorporation into the Achaemenid Empire in the Iron Age. At that time the Luwian speakers were decimated, Lycia received an influx of Persian speakers. Ancient sources seem to indicate. Lycia fought for the Persians in the Persian Wars, but on the defeat of the Achaemenid Empire by the Greeks, it became intermittently a free agent. After a brief membership in the Athenian Empire, it seceded and became independent, was under the Persians again, revolted again, was conquered by Mausolus of Caria, returned to the Persians, fell under Macedonian hegemony upon the defeat of the Persians by Alexander the Great.

Due to the influx of Greek speakers and the sparsity of the remaining Lycian speakers, Lycia was Hellenized under the Macedonians, the Lycian language disappeared from inscriptions and coinage. On defeating Antiochus III the Great in 188 BC, the Roman Republic gave Lycia to Rhodes for 20 years, taking it back in 168 BC. In these latter stages of the Roman Republic, Lycia came to enjoy freedom as a Roman protectorate; the Romans validated home rule under the Lycian League in 168 BC. This native government was an early federation with republican principles. Despite home rule, Lycia had not been since its defeat by the Carians. In 43 AD the Roman emperor Claudius dissolved the league, Lycia was incorporated into the Roman Empire with provincial status, it became an eparchy of the Eastern, or Byzantine Empire, continuing to speak Greek after being joined by communities of Turkish language speakers in the early 2nd millennium. After the fall of the Byzantine Empire in the 15th century, Lycia was under the Ottoman Empire, was inherited by the Turkish Republic on the Dissolution of the Ottoman Empire.

The Greek and Turkish population was exchanged when the Greece–Turkey border was negotiated in 1923. The borders of Lycia varied over time, but at its centre was the Teke peninsula of southwestern Turkey, which juts southward into the Mediterranean Sea, bounded on the west by the Gulf of Fethiye, on the east by the Gulf of Antalya. Lycia comprised what is now the westernmost portion of Antalya Province, the easternmost portion of Muğla Province, the southernmost portion of Burdur Province. In ancient times the surrounding districts were, from west to east, Caria and Pamphylia, all as ancient, each speaking its own Anatolian language; the name of the Teke Peninsula comes from the former name of Antalya Province, Teke Province, named from the Turkish tribe that settled in the region. Four ridges extend from northeast to southwest forming the western extremity of the Taurus Mountains. Furthest west of the four are Boncuk Dağlari, or "the Boncuk Mountains," extending from about Altinyayla, southwest to about Oren north of Fethiye.

This is a low range peaking at about 2,340 m. To the west of it the steep gorges of Dalaman Çayi, the ancient Indus, formed the traditional border between Caria and Lycia; the stream, 229 km long, enters the Mediterranean to the west of modern-day Dalaman. Upstream it is dammed in four places, after an origin in the vicinity of Sarikavak in Denizli Province; the next ridge to the east is Akdağlari, "the White Mountains," about 150 km long, with a high point at Uyluktepe, "Uyluk Peak," of 3,024 m. This massif may have been ancient Mount Cragus. Along its western side flows Eşen Çayi, "the Esen River," anciently the Xanthus, Lycian Arñna, originating in the Boncuk Mountains, flowing south, transecting the several-mile-long beach at Patara; the Xanthus Valley was the country called Tŗmmis in dynastic Lycia, from which the people were the Termilae or Tremilae, or Kragos in the coin inscriptions of Greek Lycia: Kr or Ksan Kr. The name of western Lycia was given by points of Lycia west of it; the next ridge to the east, Beydağlari, "the Bey Mountains," peaks at Kizlarsevrisi, 3,086 m, the highest point of the Teke Peninsula.

It is most the ancient Masicytus range. Between Beydağlari and Akdağlari is an upland plateau, where ancient Milyas was located; the elevation of the town of Elmali, which means "Apple Town," from the density of fruit-bearing groves in the region, is 1,100 m, the highest part of the valley below it. Fellows considered the valley to be central Lycia; the Akçay, or "White River," the ancient Aedesa, brought water from the slopes to the plain, where it pooled in two lakes below the town, Karagöl and Avlangöl. The two lakes are dry, the waters being captured on an ongoing basis by irrigation systems for the trees; the Aedesa once drained the plain through a chasm to the east, but now flows through pipelines covering the same route, but emptying into the water supplies of Arycanda and Arif. An effort has been made to restore some of the cedar forests cleared in antiquity; the easternmost ridge extends along the east coast of the Teke Peninsula, is called Tahtali Da

India–Palestine relations

Indo-Palestinian relations have been influenced by the independence struggle against British colonialism. India recognized Palestine's statehood following declaration on 18 November 1988. After India achieved its independence in 1947, the country has moved to support Palestinian self-determination following the partition of British India. In the light of a religious partition between India and Pakistan, the impetus to boost ties with Muslim states around the world was a further tie to India's support for the Palestinian cause. Though it started to waver in the late 1980s and 1990s as the recognition of Israel led to diplomatic exchanges, the ultimate support for the Palestinian cause was still an underlying concern. Beyond the recognition for Palestinian self-determination ties have been dependent upon socio-cultural bonds, while economic relations were neither cold nor warm. India provided $10 million relief to Palestine's annual budget on one occasion. Since the establishment of diplomatic relations between India and Israel, there has been increased cooperation in military and intelligence ventures.

The fall of the Soviet Union and the rise of Islamist anti-state activities in both countries paved the way for a strategic alliance. Since Indian support for Palestine has been lukewarm although India still recognizes the legitimacy of aspirations of Palestine. Prime Minister Narendra Modi, became the first Prime Minister of India to visit Palestine in 2018. India was the first non-Arab country to contemporaneously recognize the Palestine Liberation Organisation's authority as "the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people." A PLO office was set up in the Indian capital in 1975, with full diplomatic relations established in March 1980. India recognized Palestine's statehood following declaration on 18 November 1988. India opened a Representative Office in Gaza on 25 June 1996. Indian support was said to extend to "consistent and unwavering support" on the Palestinian issue, where it shared the perception that the question of Palestine is at the core of the Arab–Israeli conflict.

India has thus supported the legitimate right of the Palestinian people to a State and the consequent imperative need for a just and lasting peace in the region based on United Nations Security Council resolution 242, 338 and 425, as well as the principle of "Land for Peace." India has supported the Madrid Conference of October, 1991. India participated in the consequent donors conference. India's government noted the direct relevance for India on the issue and favoured the creation of "sovereign, united states of Palestine" asserting that its support for the cause remains unwavered. External Affairs Minister, Pranab Mukherjee, briefed the Consultative Committee in his ministry saying, "India's support to the Palestinian cause has not wavered." A year as a gesture of solidarity with the Palestinian cause, India gifted a piece of prized real estate in the Indian capital's elite diplomatic enclave for the building of an embassy of the Palestinian National Authority's President Mahmoud Abbas. Abbas will lay the foundation stone of the chancery-cum-residence complex of the embassy of Palestine, where the PAP Abbas would formally dedicate the building to the people of Palestine from the people of India.

The gift underscored India's "unwavering solidarity and commitment to an independent Palestine" and was seen by some to balance its growing relations with Israel. On his visit, the PAP said. After the ceremonial reception and a guard of honour at the forecourt of Rashtrapati Bhawan, Abbas said relations between India and Palestine had always been good and that the two countries were making efforts to improve such relations. "You know how good relations we have, between India and Palestine since great Indira Gandhi and great Yasir Arafat. And everyday, it's improving. We are glad with the help and the support of the Indian people to the Palestine." The next day the Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh said, "India believes that the solution should be based on the relevant UN Resolutions, the Arab Peace Plan and the Quartet road map resulting in a sovereign, independent and united State of Palestine living within secure and recognised borders, side by side at peace with Israel. In 2008, the prime minister of India gave a statement that "We hope to see the realisation of a sovereign, independent and viable Palestine, co-existing peacefully with Israel.

I have reaffirmed our position on this to President Abbas during our conversation today."" A joint statement added that "India called for an end to the expansion of Israeli settlements in occupied Palestine and for an early and significant easing of restrictions on the free movement of persons and goods within Palestine."Domestic Palestinian controversy arose, however, as Abbas received some flak for his intransigence. On the visit to India he stated that the country's "growing relationship with Israel is not a matter of concern for Palestinians" as New Delhi's support for Palestinian independence remained clear, he was condemned for making an "utterly irresponsible, gratuitous statement" as "shameful" as it was "politically futile" and stood no chance to win the PA anything in return. Without an apparatus of Palestinian democratic accountability by the representatives of the people the flood of official Palestinian concessions was "guaranteed to continue unabated" as it would cause further damage to the struggle for "inalienable rights."

While talking about India's growing engageme

Pax Khazarica

Pax Khazarica is a historiographical term, modeled after the original phrase Pax Romana, applied to the period during which the Khazar Khaganate dominated the Pontic steppe and the Caucasus Mountains. During this period, Khazar dominion over vital trans-Eurasian trade routes facilitated travel and trade between Europe and Asia by such groups as the Radhanites and the early Rus; the originator of the term is unknown but it was in use by scholars as early as the nineteenth century. Barthold, W.. "Khazar". Encyclopaedia of Islam. Eds.: P. Bearman, Th. Bianquis, C. E. Bosworth, E. van Donzel and W. P. Heinrichs. Brill. Blind, Karl. "A Forgotten Turkish Nation in Europe". The Gentleman's Quarterly. Vol. CCXLI, No. 19. London: Chatto & Windus, 1877. Pp. 439–460. Kevin Alan Brook; the Jews of Khazaria. 2nd ed. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc, 2006. Douglas M. Dunlop; the History of the Jewish Khazars, Princeton, N. J.: Princeton University Press, 1954. Douglas M. Dunlop. "The Khazars." The Dark Ages: Jews in Christian Europe, 711-1096.

1966. Peter B. Golden. Khazar Studies: An Historio-Philological Inquiry into the Origins of the Khazars. Budapest: Akademia Kiado, 1980. Peter B. Golden. "Khazar Turkic Ghulâms in Caliphal Service" Peter B. Golden. "Khazar Turkic Ghulâms in Caliphal Service: Onomastic Notes" Peter B. Golden. "Khazars" Norman Golb and Omeljan Pritsak, Khazarian Hebrew Documents of the Tenth Century. Ithaca: Cornell Univ. Press, 1982. Thomas S. Noonan. "Khazaria as an Intermediary between Islam and Eastern Europe in the Second Half of the Ninth Century: The Numismatic Perspective." Archivum Eurasiae Medii Aevi 5: 179-204. Thomas S. Noonan. "Byzantium and the Khazars: a special relationship?" Byzantine Diplomacy: Papers from the Twenty-fourth Spring Symposium of Byzantine Studies, March 1990, ed. Jonathan Shepard and Simon Franklin, pp. 109–132. Aldershot, England: Variorium, 1992. Omeljan Pritsak. "The Khazar Kingdom's Conversion to Judaism." Omeljan Pritsak. "The Pre-Ashkenazic Jews of Eastern Europe in Relation to the Khazars, the Rus', the Lithuanians".

Ukrainian-Jewish Relations in HIstorical Perspective, ed. Howard Aster and Peter J. Potichnyj. Edmonton, Alberta: Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies Press, 1990. P. 7