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Navajo language

Navajo or Navaho is a Southern Athabaskan language of the Na-Dené family, by which it is related to languages spoken across the western areas of North America. Navajo is spoken in the Southwestern United States on the Navajo Nation, it is one of the most spoken Native American languages and is the most spoken north of the Mexico–United States border, with 170,000 Americans speaking Navajo at home as of 2011. The language has struggled to keep a healthy speaker base, although this problem has been alleviated to some extent by extensive education programs on the Navajo Nation; the language has a large phoneme inventory. Its four basic vowels are distinguished for nasality and tone, it has both agglutinative and fusional elements: it relies on affixes to modify verbs, nouns are created from multiple morphemes, but in both cases these morphemes are fused irregularly and beyond easy recognition. Basic word order is subject–object–verb, though it is flexible to pragmatic factors. Verbs are conjugated for aspect and mood, given affixes for the person and number of both subjects and objects, as well as a host of other variables.

The language's orthography, developed in the late 1930s after a series of prior attempts, is based on the Latin script. Most Navajo vocabulary is Athabaskan in origin, as the language has been conservative with loanwords since its early stages; the word Navajo is an exonym: it comes from the Tewa word Navahu, which combines the roots nava and hu to mean "large field". It was borrowed into Spanish to refer to an area of present-day northwestern New Mexico, into English for the Navajo tribe and their language; the alternative spelling Navaho is considered antiquated. The Navajo refer to themselves as the Diné, with their language known as Diné bizaad or Naabeehó bizaad. Navajo is an Athabaskan language, along with Apache languages, make up the southernmost branch of the family. Most of the other Athabaskan languages are located in Alaska and along the North American Pacific coast. Most languages in the Athabaskan family have tone. However, this feature evolved independently in all subgroups. In each case, tone evolved from glottalic consonants at the ends of morphemes.

It has been posited that Navajo and Chipewyan, which have no common ancestor more recent than Proto-Athabaskan and possess many pairs of corresponding but opposite tones, evolved from different dialects of Proto-Athabaskan that pronounced these glottalic consonants differently. Proto-Athabaskan diverged into separate languages circa 500 BCE. Navajo is most related to Western Apache, with which it shares a similar tonal scheme and more than 92 percent of its vocabulary, it is estimated that the Apacheean linguistic groups separated and became established as distinct societies, of which the Navajo were one, somewhere between 1300 and 1525. As a member of the Western Apachean group, Navajo's next closest relatives is the Mescalero-Chiricahua language. Navajo is considered mutually intelligible with all other Apachean languages; the Apachean languages, of which Navajo is one, are thought to have arrived in the American Southwest from the north by 1500 CE passing through Alberta and Wyoming. Archaeological finds considered to be proto-Navajo have been located in the far northern New Mexico around the La Plata and Pine rivers, dating to around 1500.

In 1936, linguist Edward Sapir showed how the arrival of the Navajo people in the new arid climate among the corn agriculturalists of the Pueblo area was reflected in their language by tracing the changing meanings of words from Proto-Athabaskan to Navajo. For example, the word *dè:, which in Proto-Athabaskan meant "horn" and "dipper made from animal horn", in Navajo came to mean "gourd" or "dipper made from gourd"; the Proto-Athabaskan word *ɫ-yáxs "snow lies on the ground" in Navajo became sàs "corn lies on the ground". The Navajo word for "corn" is nà:-dą:, derived from two Proto-Athabaskan roots meaning "enemy" and "food", suggesting that the Navajo considered corn to be "food of the enemy" when they first arrived among the Pueblo people. Navajo lands were colonized by the Spanish in the early nineteenth century, shortly after this area was "annexed" as part of the Spanish colony of Mexico; when the United States annexed these territories in 1848 following the Mexican–American War, the English-speaking settlers allowed Navajo children to attend their schools.

In some cases, the United States established separate schools for Navajo and other Native American children. In the late 19th century, it founded boarding schools operated by religious missionary groups. In efforts to acculturate the children, school authorities insisted that they learn to speak English and practice Christianity. Students had their mouths washed out with lye soap as a punishment if they did speak Navajo; when these students grew up and had children of their own, they did not teach them Navajo, in order to prevent them from being punished. Robert W. Young and William Morgan, who both worked for the Navajo Agency of the Bureau of Indian Affairs and published a practical orthography in 1937, it helped spread

Alfred Leo Smith

Alfred Leo Smith known as Al Smith, was a Klamath Nation drug and alcohol counselor and Native American activist from Oregon. Smith was born on November 1919 in Modoc Point, Oregon, he spent his early childhood on the Williamson River. At age seven, Smith was sent to a nearby Catholic boarding school at the insistence of local Indian agents, he was sent to a mix of catholic schools and Bureau of Indian Affairs schools, as far away as Beaverton and Stewart Indian School in Nevada. After leaving Chemawa Indian School, he began to live in Portland, Oregon as an alcoholic panhandler, he was sent to federal prison for drinking on duty. He survived a bout of tuberculosis, experienced the 1942 death of his sister and 1950 death of his mother; the United States Congress voted to terminate the Klamath Nation in 1954, striking another blow against Smith. In 1957, Smith became sober with the help of an Alcoholics Anonymous program celebrating 56 years of sobriety, he became interested in Native recovery through culturally relevant practices and indigenous spirituality.

Smith began working for the Portland Alcoholism Counseling and Recovery Program, helping alcoholics in a community he knew well. In 1972, the Bureau of Indian Affairs hired Smith to set up a number of tribal treatment programs across the United States, he worked in the Klamath Basin on drug and alcohol recovery issues, where he was able to reconnect with his heritage and culture. In 1972, Al Smith began to work at Sweathouse Lodge, part of the Chicano-Indian Study Center of Oregon founded on the site of Camp Adair, his position as treatment coordinator allowed him to combine AA principles with traditional Native spiritual practices the daily sweat lodge ceremony. In 1982, Smith began working at a nonprofit Alcohol counseling program in Roseburg, Oregon. After his colleague Galen Black was fired for ingesting peyote, Smith indignantly attended a ceremony of the Native American Church, declaring "You can't tell me that I can't go to church!". Smith was fired for using peyote as part of the ceremony.

At the time, intentional possession of peyote was a crime under Oregon law without an affirmative defense for religious use. The counselors filed a claim for unemployment compensation with the state, but the claim was denied because the reason for their dismissal was deemed work-related "misconduct." The Oregon Court of Appeals reversed that ruling, holding that denying them unemployment benefits for their religious use of peyote violated their right to exercise their religion. The Oregon Supreme Court agreed, although it relied not on the fact that peyote use was a crime but on the fact that the state's justification for withholding the benefits—preserving the "financial integrity" of the workers' compensation fund—was outweighed by the burden imposed on the employees' exercise of their religion; the state appealed to the U. S. Supreme Court, again arguing that denying the unemployment benefits was proper because possession of peyote was a crime; the U. S. Supreme Court let stand the Oregon Supreme Court's judgment against the two employees and returned the case to the Oregon courts to determine whether or not sacramental use of illegal drugs violated Oregon's state drug laws.

Writing for the majority, Antonin Scalia declared that the free exercise of religion did not protect minority religions from "neutral applicable laws." Scalia believed that "...eaving accommodation to the political process will place at a relative disadvantage those religious practices that are not engaged in, but that unavoidable consequence of democratic government must be preferred to a system in which each conscience is a law unto itself or in which judges weigh the social importance of all laws against the centrality of all religious beliefs."

Denys Popov

Denys Popov is a professional Ukrainian football defender who plays for FC Dynamo Kyiv. Born in Pervomaisk Raion, Popov is a product of the RVUFK Kyiv and Dynamo Kyiv youth sportive schools, he played for FC Dynamo in the Ukrainian Premier League Reserves and in July 2017 he was promoted to the senior squad team. Popov made his debut in the Ukrainian Premier League for Dynamo Kyiv only on 13 April 2019, playing in a winning match against FC Mariupol. In 2019, Popov played a key role in Ukraine U20's first FIFA U-20 World Cup title, he appeared in 6 of his team's 7 matches at scoring 3 goals. He missed the final against South Korea after being sent off in the semifinal match against Italy; as of the end of 2018-19 season FIFA U-20 World Cup: 2019 Denys Popov at Soccerway