1.
Libertarianism
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Libertarianism is a collection of political philosophies that uphold liberty as a core principle. Libertarians seek to maximize freedom and autonomy, emphasizing freedom of choice, voluntary association, individual judgment. Libertarians share a skepticism of authority and state power, however, they diverge on the scope of their opposition to existing political and economic systems. Various schools of libertarian thought offer a range of views regarding the functions of state and private power. Some libertarians advocate laissez-faire capitalism and strong private property rights, such as in land, infrastructure, an additional line of division is between minarchists and anarchists. While minarchists think that a centralized government is necessary, anarchists and anarcho-capitalists propose to completely eliminate the state. The first recorded use of the term libertarian was in 1789, the word was again used in a political sense in 1802, in a short piece critiquing a poem by the author of Gebir, and has since been used with this meaning. Déjacque also used the term for his anarchist publication Le Libertaire, Journal du Mouvement Social, in the mid-1890s, Sébastien Faure began publishing a new Le Libertaire while Frances Third Republic enacted the lois scélérates, which banned anarchist publications in France. Libertarianism has frequently used as a synonym for anarchism since this time. Although the word continues to be widely used to refer to socialists internationally. Libertarianism in the United States has been described as conservative on issues and liberal on personal freedom. There is contention about whether right, left, and socialist libertarianism represent distinct ideologies as opposed to variations on a theme, all libertarians begin with a conception of personal autonomy from which they argue in favor of civil liberties and a reduction or elimination of the state. Right-libertarianism developed in the United States in the century and is the most popular conception of libertarianism in that region. It is commonly referred to as a continuation or radicalization of classical liberalism, right-libertarians value the social institutions that enforce conditions of capitalism, while rejecting institutions that function in opposition to these institutions. These may be the byproducts of conservatism, one or more of its historically specific, but they are not its animating purpose. Such a view might seem miles away from the defense of the free market, with its celebration of the atomistic. When the libertarian looks out upon society, he does not see isolated individuals, he sees private, often hierarchical, groups, where a father governs his family and an owner his employees. Left-libertarianism encompasses those libertarian beliefs that claim the Earths natural resources belong to everyone in a manner, either unowned or owned collectively
2.
Age of Enlightenment
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The Enlightenment was an intellectual movement which dominated the world of ideas in Europe during the 18th century, The Century of Philosophy. In France, the doctrines of les Lumières were individual liberty and religious tolerance in opposition to an absolute monarchy. French historians traditionally place the Enlightenment between 1715, the year that Louis XIV died, and 1789, the beginning of the French Revolution, some recent historians begin the period in the 1620s, with the start of the scientific revolution. Les philosophes of the widely circulated their ideas through meetings at scientific academies, Masonic lodges, literary salons, coffee houses. The ideas of the Enlightenment undermined the authority of the monarchy and the Church, a variety of 19th-century movements, including liberalism and neo-classicism, trace their intellectual heritage back to the Enlightenment. The Age of Enlightenment was preceded by and closely associated with the scientific revolution, earlier philosophers whose work influenced the Enlightenment included Francis Bacon, René Descartes, John Locke, and Baruch Spinoza. The major figures of the Enlightenment included Cesare Beccaria, Voltaire, Denis Diderot, Jean-Jacques Rousseau, David Hume, Adam Smith, Benjamin Franklin visited Europe repeatedly and contributed actively to the scientific and political debates there and brought the newest ideas back to Philadelphia. Thomas Jefferson closely followed European ideas and later incorporated some of the ideals of the Enlightenment into the Declaration of Independence, others like James Madison incorporated them into the Constitution in 1787. The most influential publication of the Enlightenment was the Encyclopédie, the ideas of the Enlightenment played a major role in inspiring the French Revolution, which began in 1789. After the Revolution, the Enlightenment was followed by an intellectual movement known as Romanticism. René Descartes rationalist philosophy laid the foundation for enlightenment thinking and his attempt to construct the sciences on a secure metaphysical foundation was not as successful as his method of doubt applied in philosophic areas leading to a dualistic doctrine of mind and matter. His skepticism was refined by John Lockes 1690 Essay Concerning Human Understanding and his dualism was challenged by Spinozas uncompromising assertion of the unity of matter in his Tractatus and Ethics. Both lines of thought were opposed by a conservative Counter-Enlightenment. In the mid-18th century, Paris became the center of an explosion of philosophic and scientific activity challenging traditional doctrines, the political philosopher Montesquieu introduced the idea of a separation of powers in a government, a concept which was enthusiastically adopted by the authors of the United States Constitution. Francis Hutcheson, a philosopher, described the utilitarian and consequentialist principle that virtue is that which provides, in his words. Much of what is incorporated in the method and some modern attitudes towards the relationship between science and religion were developed by his protégés David Hume and Adam Smith. Hume became a figure in the skeptical philosophical and empiricist traditions of philosophy. Immanuel Kant tried to reconcile rationalism and religious belief, individual freedom and political authority, as well as map out a view of the sphere through private
3.
Aristotelianism
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Aristotelianism is a tradition of philosophy that takes its defining inspiration from the work of Aristotle. The works of Aristotle were initially defended by the members of the Peripatetic school, and, later on, by the Neoplatonists, who produced many commentaries on Aristotles writings. Moses Maimonides adopted Aristotelianism from the Islamic scholars and based his famous Guide for the Perplexed on it, scholars such as Albertus Magnus and Thomas Aquinas interpreted and systematized Aristotles works in accordance with Christian theology. Although this project was criticized by Trendelenburg and Brentano as non-Aristotelian, postmodernists, in contrast, reject Aristotelianisms claim to reveal important theoretical truths. In this, they follow Heideggers critique of Aristotle as the greatest source of the tradition of Western philosophy. Recent Aristotelian ethical and practical philosophy, such as that of Gadamer, the most famous contemporary Aristotelian philosopher is Alasdair MacIntyre. Politically and socially, it has been characterized as a newly revolutionary Aristotelianism and this may be contrasted with the more conventional, apolitical and effectively conservative uses of Aristotle by, for example, Gadamer and McDowell. Other important contemporary Aristotelian theorists include Fred D. Miller, Jr. in politics, the original followers of Aristotle were the members of the Peripatetic school. The most prominent members of the school after Aristotle were Theophrastus and Strato of Lampsacus, during the Roman era the school concentrated on preserving and defending his work. The most important figure in this regard was Alexander of Aphrodisias who commentated on Aristotles writings, in the Abbasid Empire, many foreign works were translated into Arabic, large libraries were constructed, and scholars were welcomed. Under the caliphs Harun al-Rashid and his son Al-Mamun, the House of Wisdom in Baghdad flourished, Christian scholar Hunayn ibn Ishaq was placed in charge of the translation work by the caliph. In his lifetime, Ishaq translated 116 writings, including works by Plato and Aristotle, into Syriac, al-Kindi was the first of the Muslim Peripatetic philosophers, and is known for his efforts to introduce Greek and Hellenistic philosophy to the Arab world. He incorporated Aristotelian and Neoplatonist thought into an Islamic philosophical framework and this was an important factor in the introduction and popularization of Greek philosophy in the Muslim intellectual world. The philosopher Al-Farabi had great influence on science and philosophy for several centuries and his work, aimed at synthesis of philosophy and Sufism, paved the way for the work of Avicenna. Avicenna was one of the interpreters of Aristotle. The school of thought he founded became known as Avicennism, which was built on ingredients and conceptual building blocks that are largely Aristotelian and Neoplatonist. At the western end of the Mediterranean Sea, during the reign of Al-Hakam II in Córdoba, a massive effort was undertaken. Averroes, who spent much of his life in Cordoba and Seville, was distinguished as a commentator of Aristotle
4.
Classical liberalism
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Classical liberalism was first called that in the early 19th century, but was built on ideas of the previous century. It was a response to urbanization, and to the Industrial Revolution in Europe, notable individuals whose ideas contributed to classical liberalism include John Locke, Thomas Jefferson, Jean-Baptiste Say, Thomas Malthus, and David Ricardo. It drew on the economics of Adam Smith and on a belief in natural law, utilitarianism, the term classical liberalism was applied in retrospect to distinguish earlier 19th-century liberalism from the newer social liberalism. These beliefs were complemented by a belief that labourers could be best motivated by financial incentive and they opposed any income or wealth redistribution, which they believed would be dissipated by the lowest orders. Drawing on ideas of Adam Smith, classical liberals believed that it is in the common interest that all individuals be able to secure their own economic self-interest and they were critical of what would come to be the ideas of the welfare state as interfering in a free market. A landlord, a farmer, a manufacturer, a merchant, though they did not employ a single workman. Many workmen could not subsist a week, few could subsist a month, in the long run the workman may be as necessary to his master as his master is to him, but the necessity is not so immediate. The workmen desire to get as much, the masters to give as little as possible, in a free market, both labour and capital would receive the greatest possible reward, while production would be organised efficiently to meet consumer demand. For society to guarantee positive rights requires taxation over and above the minimum needed to enforce negative rights. in the late 19th century, classical liberalism developed into neo-classical liberalism, which argued for government to be as small as possible to allow the exercise of individual freedom. In its most extreme form, neo-classical liberalism advocated Social Darwinism, right-libertarianism is a modern form of neo-classical liberalism. Friedrich Hayek identified two different traditions within classical liberalism, the British tradition and the French tradition, the French tradition included Rousseau, Condorcet, the Encyclopedists and the Physiocrats. This tradition believed in rationalism and sometimes showed hostility to tradition and religion, Hayek also rejected the label laissez faire as originating from the French tradition and alien to the beliefs of Hume and Smith. Classical liberalism in Britain developed from Whiggery and radicalism, and was heavily influenced by French physiocracy. Whiggery had become a dominant ideology following the Glorious Revolution of 1688, the origins of rights were seen as being in an ancient constitution, which had existed from time immemorial. These rights, which some Whigs considered to include freedom of the press and they believed that the power of the executive had to be constrained. While they supported limited suffrage, they saw voting as a privilege, British radicals, from the 1790s to the 1820s, concentrated on parliamentary and electoral reform, emphasising natural rights and popular sovereignty. Richard Price and Joseph Priestley adapted the language of Locke to the ideology of radicalism, the radicals saw parliamentary reform as a first step toward dealing with their many grievances, including the treatment of Protestant Dissenters, the slave trade, high prices and high taxes. There was greater unity to classical liberalism ideology than there had been with Whiggery, classical liberals were committed to individualism, liberty and equal rights
5.
Antimilitarism
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Antimilitarism is a doctrine that opposes war, relying heavily on a critical theory of imperialism and was an explicit goal of the First and Second International. Cynthia Cockburn defines an anti-militarist movement as one opposed to military rule, pacifism is the belief that disputes between nations can and should be settled peacefully. It is the opposition to war and the use of violence as a means of settling disputes and it can include the refusal to participate in military action. Antimilitarism does not reject war in all circumstances, but rejects the belief or desire to maintain a large, similarities are seen between Sorel and the International Workingmens Association theorization of propaganda of the deed. The violence that conserves the law is equivalent to the states monopoly of legitimate violence. The violence that founds the law is the original violence necessary to the creation of a state, revolutionary violence is totally separated from the juridical sphere. Giorgio Agamben showed the theoretical link between the law and violence permitted Nazi-thinker Carl Schmitt to justify the state of exception as the characteristic of sovereignty, thus indefinite suspension of the law may only be blocked by breaking this link between violence and right. Henry David Thoreaus 1849 essay Civil Disobedience, originally titled Resistance to Civil Government and his refusal to pay taxes is justified as an act of protest against slavery and against the Mexican–American War, in accordance to the practice of civil disobedience. He writes in his essay that the individual is not with obligations to the majority of the State, instead the individual should break the law if the law is is of such a nature that it requires you to be the agent of injustice to another. Capitalism has often thought by antimilitarist literature to be a major cause of wars. The military-industrial complex has been accused of pushing for war in pursuit of economic or financial interests. The assassination of French socialist leader Jean Jaurès days before the proclamation of World War I resulted in massive participation in the coming war, after World War II, US President Eisenhowers 1961 issued a warning on the influence of the military-industrial complex. American right-wing antimilitarists draw heavily upon the statements of Thomas Jefferson and other Founding Fathers condemning standing armies, such an instrument is a standing army. To this end, there is overlap between the Militia movement and right-wing antimilitarists, although the two groups are not mutually inclusive. Such antimilitarist constitution was based on the belief that Japans military organizations were to blame for thrusting the country into World War II. These evidences include the Yoshida Doctrine, adopted after the World War II, however, the postwar constitution on which Japan’s antimilitarism is based has seen some proposed amendments, and article 9 has been renounced by the Liberal Democratic Party. Some new legislation allows Japan’s Self Defense Forces to act more like a conventional army and this legislation has been strongly opposed by Japanese opposition parties, especially the Japanese Communist Party, which is strongly pacifist. Until its dissolution, the Second International was antimilitarist, Jaurès assassination on July 31,1914, marks antimilitarisms failure in the socialist movement
6.
Anti-war movement
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An anti-war movement is a social movement, usually in opposition to a particular nations decision to start or carry on an armed conflict, unconditional of a maybe-existing just cause. The term can refer to pacifism, which is the opposition to all use of military force during conflicts. Many activists distinguish between anti-war movements and peace movements, anti-war activists work through protest and other grassroots means to attempt to pressure a government to put an end to a particular war or conflict. The movement reflected both strict pacifist and more moderate non-interventionist positions, many prominent intellectuals of the time, including Ralph Waldo Emerson, Henry David Thoreau and William Ellery Channing contributed literary works against war. Other names associated with the movement include William Ladd, Noah Worcester, Thomas Cogswell Upham, many peace societies were formed throughout the United States, the most prominent of which being the American Peace Society. Numerous periodicals and books were also produced, the Book of Peace, an anthology produced by the American Peace Society in 1845, must surely rank as one of the most remarkable works of anti-war literature ever produced. A recurring theme in this movement was the call for the establishment of a court which would adjudicate disputes between nations. Another distinct feature of antebellum anti-war literature was the emphasis on how war contributed to a moral decline, during the war, the New York Draft Riots were started as violent protests against Abraham Lincolns Enrollment Act of Conscription plan to draft men to fight in the war. The outrage over conscription was augmented by the ability to buy your way out, William Thomas Stead formed an organization against the Second Boer War, the Stop the War Committee. In Britain, in 1914, the Public Schools Officers Training Corps annual camp was held at Tidworth Pennings, head of the British Army Lord Kitchener was to review the cadets, but the immenence of the war prevented him. General Horace Smith-Dorrien was sent instead, having voiced these sentiments did not hinder Smith-Dorriens career, or prevent him from carrying out his duty in the First World War to the best of his abilities. With the increasing mechanization of war, opposition to its horrors grew, european avant-garde cultural movements such as Dada were explicitly anti-war. The Espionage Act of 1917 and the Sedition Act of 1918 gave the American authorities the right to close newspapers, on June 16,1918, Eugene V. Debs made an speech and was arrested under the Espionage Act of 1917. He was convicted, sentenced to ten years in prison. In 1924 Ernst Friedrich published Krieg dem Krieg. an album of photographs drawn from German military, in On the pain of others Sontag describes the book as photography as shock therapy that was designed to horrify and demoralize. It was in the 1930s that the Western anti-war movement took shape, in 1933, the Oxford Union resolved in its Oxford Pledge, That this House will in no circumstances fight for its King and Country. Many war veterans, including US General Smedley Butler, spoke out against wars and these trends were depicted in novels such as All Quiet on the Western Front, For Whom the Bell Tolls and Johnny Got His Gun
7.
Class conflict
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The view that the class struggle provides the lever for radical social change for the majority is central to the work of Karl Marx and the anarchist Mikhail Bakunin. In the past the term Class conflict was a term used mostly by socialists, from this point of view, the social control of production and labor is a contest between classes, and the division of these resources necessarily involves conflict and inflicts harm. It can involve ongoing low-level clashes, escalate into massive confrontations, however, in more contemporary times this term is striking chords and finding new definition amongst capitalistic societies in the United States and other Westernized countries. This was only a potential, and class struggle was, he argued, not always the only or decisive factor in society, by contrast, Marxists argue that class conflict always plays the decisive and pivotal role in the history of class-based hierarchical systems such as capitalism and feudalism. Marxists refer to its overt manifestations as class war, a struggle whose resolution in favor of the class is viewed by them as inevitable under plutocratic capitalism. Where societies are socially divided based on status, wealth, or control of production and distribution. It is well documented since at least European Classical Antiquity and the popular uprisings in late medieval Europe. One of the earliest analysis of these conflicts is Friedrich Engels The Peasant War in Germany, one of the earliest analyses of the development of class as the development of conflicts between emergent classes is available in Peter Kropotkins Mutual Aid. In this work, Kropotkin analyzes the disposal of goods after death in pre-class or hunter-gatherer societies, chris Hedges wrote a column for Truthdig called Lets Get This Class War Started, which was a play on Pinks song Lets Get This Party Started. And I think that can go on for so long without there being more and more outbreaks of what used to be called class struggle. The particular implementation of government programs which may seem purely humanitarian, such as disaster relief, in the USA class conflict is often noted in labor/management disputes. Although Thomas Jefferson led the United States as president from 1801–1809 and is considered one of the founding fathers, among the former, public opinion is in the place of law, & restrains morals as powerfully as laws ever did anywhere. Among the latter, under pretence of governing they have divided their nations into two classes, wolves & sheep and this is a true picture of Europe. Cherish therefore the spirit of our people, and keep alive their attention, do not be too severe upon their errors, but reclaim them by enlightening them. If once they become inattentive to the affairs, you & I, & Congress & Assemblies, judges & governors shall all become wolves. In 2005 Buffet said to CNN, Its class warfare, my class is winning, but they shouldnt be. In a November 2006 interview in The New York Times, Buffett stated that here’s class warfare all right, but it’s my class, the class, that’s making war. Later Warren gave away more than half of his fortune to charitable causes through a developed by himself
8.
Commune
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In addition to the communal economy, consensus decision-making, non-hierarchical structures and ecological living have become important core principles for many communes. There are many contemporary intentional communities all over the world, a list of which can be found at the Fellowship for Intentional Community, for the usually larger-scale, political entities in communist political theory, see socialist communes, which are similar but distinct social organizations. Some communes, such as the ashrams of the Vedanta Society or the Theosophical commune Lomaland, formed around spiritual leaders, for others, the glue is simply the desire for a more shared, sociable lifestyle. Moreover, some find it is more economical to live communally. The central characteristics of communes, or core principles that define communes, have expressed in various forms over the years. At the start of the 1970s, The New Communes author Ron E. Roberts classified communes as a subclass of a category of Utopias. Roberts three listed items were, first, egalitarianism – that communes specifically rejected hierarchy or graduations of social status as being necessary to social order. Second, human scale – that members of some communes saw the scale of society as it was organised as being too industrialized. And third, that communes were consciously anti-bureaucratic, twenty five years later, Dr. Sharing everyday life and facilities, a commune is an idealized form of family, being a new sort of primary group. Commune members have emotional bonds to the group rather than to any sub-group. With the simple definition of a commune as a community with 100% income sharing. Some of these are institutions such as abbeys and monasteries. Many communes are part of the New Age movement, in Germany, a large number of the intentional communities define themselves as communes and there is a network of political communes called Kommuja with about 30 member groups. Germany has a tradition of intentional communities going back to the groups inspired by the principles of Lebensreform in the 19th century. Later, about 100 intentional communities were started in the Weimar Republic after World War I, in the 1960s, there was a resurgence of communities calling themselves communes, starting with the Kommune 1 in Berlin, followed by Kommune 2 and Kommune 3 in Wolfsburg. Today, there are dozens of urban communes growing in the cities of Israel, the urban kibbutzim are smaller and more anarchist. Most of the communes in Israel emphasize social change, education. Some of the communes have members who are graduates of zionist-socialist youth movements, like HaNoar HaOved VeHaLomed, HaMahanot HaOlim
9.
Decentralization
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Decentralization is the process of redistributing or dispersing functions, powers, people or things away from a central location or authority. While centralization, especially in the sphere, is widely studied and practiced. The meaning of decentralization may vary in part because of the different ways it is applied, the word centralization came into use in France in 1794 as the post-French Revolution French Directory leadership created a new government structure. The word decentralization came into usage in the 1820s, centralization entered written English in the first third of the 1800s, mentions of decentralization also first appear during those years. In the mid-1800s Alexis de Tocqueville wrote that the French Revolution began with a push towards decentralization. in the end, pierre-Joseph Proudhon, influential anarchist theorist wrote, All my economic ideas as developed over twenty-five years can be summed up in the words, agricultural-industrial federation. All my political ideas boil down to a formula, political federation or decentralization. In early twentieth century America a response to the centralization of economic wealth and it blamed large-scale industrial production for destroying middle class shop keepers and small manufacturers and promoted increased property ownership and a return to small scale living. The decentralist movement attracted Southern Agrarians like Robert Penn Warren, as well as journalist Herbert Agar, hatfield, Mildred J. Loomis and Bill Kauffman. In the next few years a number of best-selling books promoted decentralization. ”Alvin Toffler published Future Shock, naisbitt’s book outlines 10 “megatrends”, the fifth of which is from centralization to decentralization. In 1996 David Osborne and Ted Gaebler had a best selling book Reinventing Government proposing decentralist public administration theories which became labeled the New Public Management, stephen Cummings wrote that decentralization became a revolutionary megatrend in the 1980s. In 1983 Diana Conyers asked if decentralization was the latest fashion in development administration, Cornell Universitys project on Restructuring Local Government states that decentralization refers to the global trend of devolving responsibilities to regional or local governments. In 1983, Decentralization was identified as one of the Ten Key Values of the Green Movement in the United States, according to a 1999 United Nations Development Programme report, A large number of developing and transitional countries have embarked on some form of decentralization programmes. The movement toward local accountability and greater control over ones destiny is, however, not solely the result of the negative attitude towards central government. Rather, these developments, as we have noted, are principally being driven by a strong desire for greater participation of citizens and private sector organizations in governance. ”Those studying the goals and processes of implementing decentralization often use a systems theory approach. ”However. Norman Johnson of Los Alamos National Laboratory wrote in a 1999 paper, an important property of agent systems is the degree of connectivity or connectedness between the agents, a measure global flow of information or influence. If each agent is connected to all agents, then the system is highly connected. Instead each party, also called a peer, makes local autonomous decisions towards its goals which may possibly conflict with those of other peers. Peers directly interact with other and share information or provide service to other peers
10.
Direct action
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Direct action occurs when a group takes an action which is intended to reveal an existing problem, highlight an alternative, or demonstrate a possible solution to a social issue. This can include nonviolent and less often violent activities which target persons, groups, examples of non-violent direct action can include sit-ins, strikes, workplace occupations, blockades, or hacktivism, while violent direct action may include political violence or assaults. Tactics such as sabotage and property destruction may be considered violent if people are hurt in the action, by contrast, electoral politics, diplomacy, negotiation, and arbitration are not usually described as direct action, as they are politically mediated. Direct action tactics have been around for as long as conflicts have existed, the radical union the Industrial Workers of the World first mentioned the term direct action in a publication in reference to a Chicago strike conducted in 1910. American anarchist Voltairine de Cleyre wrote an essay called Direct Action in 1912 which is widely cited today. In his 1920 book, Direct Action, William Mellor placed direct action firmly in the struggle between worker and employer for control over the life of society. Mellor defined direct action as the use of form of economic power for securing of ends desired by those who possess that power. Mellor considered direct action a tool of both owners and workers and for this reason he included within his definition lockouts and cartels, as well as strikes, over and over they were arrested, fined, and imprisoned. Till they finally compelled their persecutors to let them alone, —de Cleyre, undated Martin Luther King felt that non-violent direct actions goal was to create such a crisis and foster such a tension as to demand a response. The rhetoric of Martin Luther King, James Bevel, and Mohandas Gandhi promoted non-violent revolutionary direct action as a means to social change. Noteworthy, Gandhi and Bevel had been influenced by Leo Tolstoys The Kingdom of God Is Within You. By the middle of the 20th century, the sphere of action had undoubtedly expanded. Some sections of the movement used direct action, particularly during the 1980s. In the US, mass protests opposed nuclear energy, weapons, many groups also set up semi-permanent peace camps outside air bases such as Molesworth and Greenham Common, and at the Nevada Test Site. Environmental movement organizations such as Greenpeace have used direct action to pressure governments, on April 28,2009, Greenpeace activists, including Phil Radford, scaled a crane across the street from the Department of State, calling on world leaders to address climate change. Soon thereafter, Greenpeace activists dropped a banner off of Mt. Rushmore, placing President Obamas face next to other historic presidents, overall, more than 2,600 people were arrested while protesting energy policy and associated health issues under the Barack Obama Administration. In 2009, hundreds blocked the gates of the coal fired power plant that powers the US Congress building, following the Power Shift conference in Washington, D. C. Anti-globalization activists made headlines around the world in 1999, when they forced the Seattle WTO Ministerial Conference of 1999 to end early with direct action tactics
11.
Stefan Molyneux
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Stefan Basil Molyneux is an Irish-born Canadian blogger/vlogger. Molyneux usually speaks on topics including anarcho-capitalism, race and intelligence, atheism, politics, secular ethics, right-libertarianism, cryptocurrencies and he is a self-published author and podcaster, and has spoken at libertarian conferences. Molyneux formerly worked in the software industry, the Freedomain Radio internet community which he leads has frequently been described as a cult. Molyneux was born in Ireland and raised mainly in London before moving to Canada at age 11, Molyneux attended the Glendon College of York University, where he was an actor at Theatre Glendon and a member of the Debating Society. He then attended the National Theatre School of Canada in Montreal, Molyneux received a B. A. in History from McGill University in 1991 and an M. A. in History from University of Toronto in 1993. In early 1995, he and his brother Hugh founded Caribou Systems Corporation, the company was sold in 2000. In 2005, Molyneux began a podcast called Freedomain Radio and he uses the same name for the website on which he distributes his own writings, hosts podcast archives, and provides an Internet forum for FDR listeners. Molyneux also produces videos and commentary on current events, and he presents a weekly show on which listeners can ask questions or discuss personal issues. Molyneux funds his efforts by soliciting direct payment from listeners and viewers, Molyneux theorizes that the pursuit of virtue in our personal lives could bring about a stateless society that abhors the initiation of force. His arguments are often preposterously bad, gordon would reply again to Molyneuxs own response to the criticisms. Molyneux refers to the family that people are born into as their family of origin or FOO, in this way, he views all adult relationships as being voluntary and discretionary rather than obligatory. According to a 2008 article in The Guardian, both Molyneux and his wife have deFOOed, Molyneux was a panelist at a 2014 Detroit conference held by the mens rights movement and manosphere organization, A Voice for Men. Almost all would be eliminated, because they all arise from dysfunctional early childhood experiences. Videos can have them up all night for several nights in a row, Molyneux knows how to talk like he knows what hes talking about—despite very, very little academic research. He cites this and cites that, and presents it as the whole truth and it dismantles peoples sense of self and replaces it with his sense of confidence about how to fix the world. In 2009, Tu Thanh Ha wrote that Molyneux was called the leader of a cult following Freedomain Radio community member Tom Bell breaking off all contact with his family. In April 2008, Bell had called in to the show asking about his veganism, Molyneux suggested that this disgust could have come from witnessing an authority figure who was cruel to animals. The following month, Bell left a note stating he no longer wanted contact, a representative of the British Cult Information Centre said they were following FDR, and noted that one sign of cults was that they cut people off from their families
12.
Economic freedom
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Economic freedom or economic liberty is the ability of members of a society to undertake economic actions. This is a used in economic and policy debates as well as in the philosophy of economics. One approach to economic freedom comes from liberal and libertarian traditions emphasizing free markets, free trade. Another approach to economic freedom extends the welfare economics study of individual choice, other conceptions of economic freedom include freedom from want and the freedom to engage in collective bargaining. The free market viewpoint defines economic liberty as the freedom to produce, trade and consume any goods and services acquired without the use of force, there are several indices of economic freedom that attempt to measure free market economic freedom. According to the free view, a secure system of private property rights is an essential part of economic freedom. Such systems include two main rights, the right to control and benefit from property and the right to property by voluntary means. These rights offer people the possibility of autonomy and self-determination according to their personal values, economist Milton Friedman sees property rights as the most basic of human rights and an essential foundation for other human rights. In such conditions most people can achieve much greater personal freedom, a secure system of property rights also reduces uncertainty and encourages investments, creating favorable conditions for an economy to be successful. According to Hernando de Soto, much of the poverty in the Third World countries is caused by the lack of Western systems of laws and well-defined, de Soto argues that because of the legal barriers poor people in those countries can not utilize their assets to produce more wealth. One thinker to question private property was Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, a socialist and anarchist, Freedom of contract is the right to choose ones contracting parties and to trade with them on any terms and conditions one sees fit. Contracts permit individuals to create their own enforceable legal rules, adapted to their unique situations, however, not all contracts need to be enforced by the state. For example, in the United States there is a number of third-party arbitration tribunals which resolve disputes under private commercial law. Negatively understood, freedom of contract is freedom from government interference, therefore, you have this paramount public policy to consider – that you are not lightly to interfere with this freedom of contract. The doctrine of freedom of contract received one of its strongest expressions in the US Supreme Court case of Lochner v New York which struck down legal restrictions on the hours of bakers. As in the case of restrictions on working hours, workers as a group may benefit from legal protections that prevent individuals agreeing to contracts that require long working hours and he commented that centralized control of economic activities was always accompanied with political repression. Through elimination of centralized control of activities, economic power is separated from political power. Political freedom is the corollary of economic freedom and it is no accident that the age of capitalism became also the age of government by the people
13.
Egalitarianism
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Egalitarianism – or equalitarianism – is a trend of thought that favors equality for all people. Egalitarian doctrines maintain that all humans are equal in fundamental worth or social status, some sources define egalitarianism as the point of view that equality reflects the natural state of humanity. Common forms of egalitarianism include political and philosophical, the 14th Amendment to the United States Constitution, as the rest of the Constitution, in its operative language uses the term person, stating, for example, that. Nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law, an example of this form is the Tunisian Constitution of 2014 which provides that men and women shall be equal in their rights and duties. The motto Liberté, égalité, fraternité was used during the French Revolution and is used as an official motto of the French government. The 1789 Rights of Man and of the Citizen French Constitution is framed also with this basis in rights of men. This was satirized by Olympe de Gouges during this time with her Declaration of the Rights of Woman and the Female Citizen. The Declaration of Independence of the United States is an example of an assertion of equality of men, John Locke is sometimes considered the founder of this form. Many state constitutions in the US also use rights of man rather than rights of person. See, e. g. the Kentucky State Constitution, at a cultural level, egalitarian theories have developed in sophistication and acceptance during the past two hundred years. Several egalitarian ideas enjoy wide support among intellectuals and in the populations of many countries. Whether any of these ideas have been implemented in practice, however. A position of opposition to egalitarianism is antiegalitarianism, although the economist Karl Marx is sometimes mistaken to be an egalitarian, Marx eschewed normative theorizing on moral principles altogether. Marx did, however, have a theory of the evolution of moral principles in relation to economic systems. The American economist John Roemer has put forth a new perspective of equality, Roemer concludes that egalitarians must reject socialism as it is classically defined in order for equality to be realized. Sikhism The Sikh faith was founded upon egalitarian principles, going beyond most faiths to provide equality not only based upon race, within the wide range of Christianity, there are dissenting views to this from opposing groups, some of which are Complementarians and Patriarchalists. There are also those who may say that, whilst the Bible encourages equality, it also encourages law and order and these ideas are considered by some to be contrary to the ideals of egalitarianism. Various Christian groups have attempted to hold to this view and develop Christian oriented communities, in Acts, chapter 4, members of the early Christian community sell their possessions, give the proceeds to a common fund overseen by the disciples, then take according to their need
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Expropriative anarchism
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Expropriative anarchism is the name given to a practice carried out by certain anarchist affinity groups in Argentina and Spain which involved theft, robbery, scams and counterfeiting currency. The robberies done were called expropriations on the bourgeoisie and it had its major peak between 1920 and 1935 and some of its most famous practitioners were Buenaventura Durruti, Francisco Ascaso, Severino Di Giovanni, Miguel Arcángel Roscigna, and Lucio Urtubia. It was created as a successor to a group called Los Justicieros. The group was instigated by anarcho-syndicalists, and it set up a network in order to buy and store guns, with which to attack members of the Sindicato Libre, an employer-obeying organization. Los Solidarios are considered responsible for bank robberies, such as the Bank of Spain Robbery, and for the murder of the Zaragoza cardinal Juan Soldevilla y Romero. They returned to Europe, settled down in France, and were charged with making an attempt on the life of Alfonso XIII on a visit to Paris and they were expelled from France and settled down in Belgium, where they were allowed to stay. When the Spanish Civil War broke out, the group dissolved as such, the first robbery in Argentina for anarchist political ends was executed by the Russian Germán Boris Wladimirovich in 1919. The purpose was to obtain financing for pamphlets which could explain the situation of the Russian Revolution, the robbery failed and Wladimirovich was arrested along with his collaborator Andrés Babby. In this campaign, the notorious Italian expropiator Severino Di Giovanni joined in, Roscigna y Vázquez Paredes alongside Antonio Moretti and Vicente Moretti carried out a robbery on the Rawson Hospital of Buenos Aires in October,1927, where they obtained the amount of 141.000 pesos. According to historian Oswaldo Bayer, Roscigna, with money they financed the counterfeiting of argentinian currency. The Moretti brothers and three Catalans recommended by Durruti decided to rob the Cambio Messina in Montevideo, with an outcome of 3 deaths and they ended up being arrested but shortly put in practice a spectacular jailbreak. Di Giovanni started publishing a magazine called Culmine and anarchist propaganda, the anarcho-syndicalist publication La Protesta started criticizing Di Giovanni and his group in strong terms even going as far as accusing him of being a spy and a police agent. Rosigna continued the expropriations but with the purpose of aiding anarchist prisoners and this money was used for liberating the anarchists in the Punta Carretas prison. The expropriative anarchists also carried out reprisals against police and state agents who attacked the anarchist movement, before being arrested Di Giovanni published Anarchia also with expropriations. He ended up being executed alongside Paulino Scarfó, groups such as Rewolucyjni Mściciele and Chernoe Znamia, active at the beginning of the 20th century, used expropriation as a mean to fund their activities. Lucio Urtubia Jiménez is a living Spanish anarchist famous for his practice of expropriative anarchism, at times compared to Robin Hood, Urtubia carried out bank robberies and forgeries throughout the 1960s and 1970s. In the words of Albert Boadella, Lucio is a Quijote that did not fight against wind mills, Severino Di Giovanni, el idealista de la violencia. Booket, Buenos Aires, mayo de 2006, ISBN 987-580-092-9 Bayer Osvaldo, Los anarquistas expropiadores y otros ensayos
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Free market
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Another view considers systems with significant market power, inequality of bargaining power, or information asymmetry to be less than free. It is a result of a need being, then the need being met, prices for goods and services are set freely by the forces of supply and demand and are allowed to reach their point of equilibrium without intervention by government policy. Others believe regulation might be part of a market, if the regulation is necessary to control significant market power, inequality of bargaining power. The latter view implies a free market is not necessarily deregulated, although some of those with the former belief speak of free markets, friedrich Hayek argued in The Pure Theory of Capital that the goal is the preservation of the unique information contained in the price itself. The definition of free market has been disputed and made complex by collectivist political philosophers, during the marginal revolution, subjective value theory was rediscovered. Various forms of socialism based on free markets have existed since the 19th century, early notable socialist proponents of free markets include Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, Benjamin Tucker, and the Ricardian socialists. These economists believed that free markets and voluntary exchange could not exist within the exploitative conditions of capitalism. Advocates of free-market socialism such as Jaroslav Vanek argue that free markets are not possible under conditions of private ownership of productive property. Socialists also point out that free market capitalism leads to excessive disparities in the distribution of income, corporate monopolies run rampant in free markets, with endless agency over the consumer. Thus, free market capitalism desires government regulation of markets to prevent social instability and this implies that economic rents, i. e. profits generated from lack of perfect competition, must be reduced or eliminated as much as possible through free competition. Economic theory suggests the returns to land and other resources are economic rents that cannot be reduced in such a way because of their perfect inelastic supply. Some economic thinkers emphasize the need to share those rents as a requirement for a well functioning market. It is suggested this would eliminate the need for regular taxes that have a negative effect on trade as well as release land. Two features that improve the competition and free market mechanisms, winston Churchill supported this view by his statement Land is the mother of all monopoly. The American economist and social philosopher Henry George, the most famous proponent of this thesis, followers of his ideas are often called Georgists or Geoists and Geolibertarians. Léon Walras, one of the founders of the neoclassical economics who helped formulate the general theory, had a very similar view. He argued that competition could only be realized under conditions of state ownership of natural resources. Additionally, income taxes could be eliminated because the state would receive income to public services through owning such resources and enterprises
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Free society
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The term free society is used frequently by libertarian and Objectivist theorists to denote a society in which their ideal political, legal, and economic aims are in effect. In a theoretical free society, all individuals act voluntarily, having the freedom to obtain the power, adlai Stevenson defined free societies as a society in which individuals find it safe to be unpopular. Others, such as Chandran Kukathas, described a society as dependent upon the “principle of freedom of association. ”Cindy Cohn has argued that the freedom to have a “private conversation” is “central to a free society. ”These interpretations can also be elaborated in terms of freedom of speech - if people have a right to express their views without fear of arrest, imprisonment. In a free society, individuals would organize in associations, including free market. In a free society, individuals would gain more prosperity due to the lack of restrictions on trade, as a citizen among a free society, one would have the ability to organize in voluntary associations such as the free market. This freedom of choice is key to establishing a free society, the role of government regarding these freedoms is also vital to a free society. Early proponents of the market, such as James Madison understood that getting the rules right and allowing markets to expand would increase personal. While It has been argued that society should consist of low government involvement and regulation. It has been suggested that in a society that involves free market, large governments, as such, the current free market view holds that government regulations shall be kept at a minimum, existing solely to protect its citizens and their property rights from harm. While recent debate has recurred regarding this issue remains the consensus when referring to free market. Freedom of speech is the freedom to speak freely without censorship or limitation, although it varies from one country to another, freedom of speech established a formal acknowledgement by the laws of most nations The European Enlightenment was the cause of freedom of speech. In 1689, England’s Bill of Rights granted “freedom of speech in Parliament”, in 1789, the French Revolution declared the Rights of Man and of the Citizen. Freedom of speech was explicitly declared as an undeniable right, years later, freedom of speech was followed by challenges and limitations. These challenges and limitations include offensiveness, agitation, speech that involves looming lawless action, commercial speech, along with the freedom of speech rises the “hate speech” which is any kind of speech or act that may display violence or prejudicial actions against a single person or group. This type of speech has been forbidden and categorized as an act or crime. Freedom of religion is defined as the right to religion in public or private. This also includes having full freedom to religion or to not follow a religion at all. This is also known as freedom from religion, there are two parts to the language that assures the freedom of religion
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Free trade
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Free trade is one of the most debated topics in economics of the 19th, 20th, and 21st century. Arguments over free trade can be divided into economic, moral, the World Trade Organization was created to open up markets and promote international trade based on the Free Trade paradigm. The WTO creates and monitors agreements to reduce trade barriers, and arbitrates in disputes over foreign market access and its definition of Free Trade is trade on a level playing field, so that the unlimited exchange of goods between countries is not necessarily Free. Therefore, any import restriction makes the domestic society as a whole worse off than it would be with unlimited imports, the artificial handicap of a foreign subsidy seems much less just to local production than advantages deriving from geography, natural resources, or native skill. Electorates often prefer fairplay to Utilitarian considerations, if trade barriers are already low, the threat of a trade war of tit-for-tat tariff increases may reduce the temptation for either partner in bilateral trade to raise import barriers. It would tend to decrease the power and revenue flowing to government bureaucrats. In the history of trade, two types of arguments have been advanced in favor of allowing purchases from abroad, and free trade in the broader sense. One set of arguments for free trade could be classified as moral arguments listed below, another set of arguments is essentially economic, that free trade will make society more prosperous. These are mostly technical arguments from the discipline of economics, starting especially with Smiths The Wealth of Nations, the 18th and 19th century intellectuals who backed free trade rarely did so under the rubric of increasing material wealth. In many cases this was given as the least important reason for free trade, rather, they argued that international society would be improved by increased commerce. Some of these, and later, sociopolitical arguments are listed here, adam Smith thought that protectionism against free trade was a scam on the public on behalf of producers, carried out in the name of nationalism. Even if overall economic interests had not been harmed by tariffs, classical economic analysis shows that free trade increases the global level of output because free trade permits specialization among countries. Specialization allows nations to devote their resources to the production of the particular goods. The benefits of specialization, coupled with economies of scale, increase the production possibility frontier. An increase in the production possibility frontier indicates that the absolute quantity of goods. Not only are the quantity of goods and services higher. Free trade policies are often associated with general laissez-faire economic politics and parties, voluntary exchange, by virtue of its voluntary nature, is assumed to be beneficial to the parties involved—why else would they engage in the exchange. Thus, the restriction of voluntary exchange restricts commerce and ultimately the accumulation of wealth in the absence of real-world externalities such as infant industry protection, here is the production possibilities frontier for a fictional country, Country A
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Free will
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Free will is the ability to choose between different possible courses of action. It is closely linked to the concepts of responsibility, praise, guilt, sin and it is also connected with the concepts of advice, persuasion, deliberation, and prohibition. Traditionally, only actions that are freely willed are seen as deserving credit or blame, There are numerous different concerns about threats to the possibility of free will, varying by how exactly it is conceived, which is a matter of some debate. Some conceive free will to be the capacity to make choices in which the outcome has not been determined by past events, determinism suggests that only one course of events is possible, which is inconsistent with the existence of such free will. This problem has been identified in ancient Greek philosophy, and remains a focus of philosophical debate. In contrast, compatibilists hold that free will is compatible with determinism, compatibilists thus consider the debate between libertarians and hard determinists over free will vs determinism a false dilemma. Different compatibilists offer very different definitions of free will even means. Contemporary compatibilists instead identify free will as a capacity, such as to direct ones behavior in a way responsive to reason. The underlying questions are whether we have control over our actions, and if so, what sort of control and these questions predate the early Greek stoics, and some modern philosophers lament the lack of progress over all these millennia. On one hand, humans have a sense of freedom. On the other hand, a feeling of free will could be mistaken. The conflict between intuitively felt freedom and natural law arises when either causal closure or physical determinism is asserted, with causal closure, no physical event has a cause outside the physical domain, and with physical determinism, the future is determined entirely by preceding events. The puzzle of reconciling free will with a universe is known as the problem of free will or sometimes referred to as the dilemma of determinism. This dilemma leads to a dilemma as well, How are we to assign responsibility for our actions if they are caused entirely by past events. Compatibilists maintain that mental reality is not of itself causally effective, classical compatibilists have addressed the dilemma of free will by arguing that free will holds as long as we are not externally constrained or coerced. Modern compatibilists make a distinction between freedom of will and freedom of action, that is, separating freedom of choice from the freedom to enact it, given that humans all experience a sense of free will, some modern compatibilists think it is necessary to accommodate this intuition. Compatibilists often associate freedom of will with the ability to make rational decisions, a different approach to the dilemma is that of incompatibilists, namely, that if the world is deterministic then, our feeling that we are free to choose an action is simply an illusion. Metaphysical libertarianism is the form of incompatibilism which posits that determinism is false, yet even with physical indeterminism, arguments have been made against libertarianism in that it is difficult to assign Origination
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Gift economy
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A gift economy, gift culture, or gift exchange is a mode of exchange where valuables are not traded or sold, but rather given without an explicit agreement for immediate or future rewards. This contrasts with an economy or a market economy, where goods. Social norms and custom govern gift exchange, Gifts are not given in an explicit exchange of goods or services for money or some other commodity. The nature of gift economies forms the subject of a debate in anthropology. Anthropological research into gift economies began with Bronisław Malinowskis description of the Kula ring in the Trobriand Islands during World War I. The Kula trade appeared to be gift-like since Trobrianders would travel great distances over dangerous seas to give what were considered valuable objects without any guarantee of a return. According to anthropologists Maurice Bloch and Jonathan Parry, it is the relationship between market and non-market exchange that attracts the most attention. Gift economies are said, by some, to communities. Gift ideology in highly commercialized societies differs from the typical of non-market societies. Gift economies must also be differentiated from several closely related phenomena, such as common property regimes, however, he claims that anthropologists, through analysis of a variety of cultural and historical forms of exchange, have established that no universal practice exists. Gift exchange is frequently embedded in political, kin, or religious institutions, gift-giving is a form of transfer of property rights over particular objects. The nature of property rights varies from society to society, from culture to culture. The nature of gift-giving is thus altered by the type of property regime in place, property is not a thing, but a relationship amongst people about things. According to Chris Hann, property is a relationship that governs the conduct of people with respect to the use. Anthropologists analyze these relationships in terms of a variety of actors bundle of rights over objects, an example is the current debates around intellectual property rights. Hann and Strangelove both give the example of a book, over which the author retains a copyright. The gifts given in Kula exchange still remain, in some respects, in the example used above, copyright is one of those bundled rights that regulate the use and disposition of a book. Gift-giving in many societies is complicated because private property owned by an individual may be limited in scope
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Homestead principle
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The homestead principle is the principle by which one gains ownership of an unowned natural resource by performing an act of original appropriation. Appropriation could be enacted by putting an unowned resource to active use, proponents of intellectual property hold that ideas can also be homesteaded by originally creating a virtual or tangible representation of them. Others however argue that since tangible manifestations of an idea will be present in many places, including within the minds of people. Homesteading is one of the foundations of Rothbardian anarcho-capitalism, enlightenment philosopher John Locke in his work Second Treatise of Government, published in 1690 advocated the Lockean proviso, which allows for homesteading. Locke famously sees the mixing of labour with land as the source of ownership via homesteading and he writes, Though the earth and all inferior creatures be common to all men, yet every man has a property in his own person. This nobody has any right to but himself, the labour of his body and the work of his hands, we may say, are properly his. However, Locke held that individuals have a right to private property from nature only so long as there is enough. The Lockean proviso maintains that appropriation of unowned resources is a diminution of the rights of others to it and he writes, Most of us think of homesteading unused resources in the old-fashioned sense of clearing a piece of unowned land and farming the soil. Suppose, for example, that an airport is established with a deal of empty land around it. The airport exudes a level of, say, X decibels. A housing development then buys land near the airport, some time later, the homeowners sue the airport for excessive noise interfering with the use and quiet enjoyment of the houses. Excessive noise can be considered a form of aggression but in case the airport has already homesteaded X decibels worth of noise. By its prior claim, the airport now owns the right to emit X decibels of noise in the surrounding area, in legal terms, we can then say that the airport, through homesteading, has earned an easement right to creating X decibels of noise. This homesteaded easement is an example of the ancient legal concept of prescription and he writes, If A uses a certain amount of a resource, how much of that resource is to accrue to his ownership. Our answer is that he owns the technological unit of the resource, the size of that unit depends on the type of good or resource in question, and must be determined by judges, juries, or arbitrators who are expert in the particular resource or industry in question. Taking exclusive possession of it is, in terms of our classification of possible acts, a liberty and its appropriation by a third party may have deprived them of an uncovenanted advantage, but it did not violate their rights. Similarly to de-Jasay, Hans Hermann Hoppe argues that the denial of the homesteading rule entails a performative contradiction, ayn Rand has not elaborated on the characteristics of homesteading, but had expressed support for compatible laws, such as favourably citing the Homestead Act. The government offered a 160-acres farm to any citizen who would settle on it and cultivate it for five years
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Illegalism
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Illegalism is an anarchist philosophy that developed primarily in France, Italy, Belgium, and Switzerland during the early 1900s as an outgrowth of individualist anarchism. The illegalists openly embraced criminality as a lifestyle, influenced by theorist Max Stirners egoism, the illegalists in France broke from anarchists like Clément Duval and Marius Jacob who justified theft with a theory of la reprise individuelle. Instead, the illegalists argued that their actions required no moral basis - illegal acts were not in the name of a higher ideal. In Paris, this milieu was centred on the paper, L’Anarchie. From 1905 onwards, the Russian counterparts of these anti-syndicalist anarchist-communists become partisans of economic terrorism, moreover, they were clearly meant to be exemplary, invitations to revolt. Such acts of rebellion which could be individual were in the long run seen as acts of rebellion which could ignite a mass insurrection leading to revolution, proponents and activists of this tactic among others included Johann Most, Luigi Galleani, Victor Serge, and Severino Di Giovanni. Frances Bonnot Gang was the most famous group to embrace illegalism, the Bonnot Gang was a French criminal anarchist group that operated in France and Belgium during the Belle Époque, from 1911 to 1912. Composed of individuals who identified with the emerging illegalist milieu, the gang utilized cutting-edge technology not yet available to the French police. Originally referred to by the press as simply The Auto Bandits, the gang was dubbed The Bonnot Gang after Jules Bonnot gave an interview at the office of Petit Parisien, a popular daily paper. Bonnots perceived prominence within the group was reinforced by his high-profile death during a shootout with French police in Nogent-sur-Marne. Many socialists argued that illegalism replicated the mentality of capitalism and represented a turn towards nihilism, following his arrest for harbouring members of the Bonnot Gang, Victor Serge, once a forceful defender of illegalism, became a sharp critic. In Memoirs of a Revolutionary, he describes illegalism as a collective suicide, similarly, Marius Jacob reflected in 1948, I dont think that illegalism can free the individual in present-day society. Basically, illegalism, considered as an act of revolt, is more a matter of temperament than of doctrine, Illegalism has been updated by currents such as insurrectionary anarchism and post-left anarchy. In Spain and Latin America in recent years a campaign called Yomango has appeared, horst Fantazzini, was an Italian-German individualist anarchist who pursued an illegalist lifestyle and practice until his death in 2001. He gained media notoriety mainly due to his bank robberies through Italy. In 1999, the film Ormai è fatta. based on his life was released, agorism Amoralism Insurrectionary anarchism Propaganda of the deed Expropriative anarchism Social bandits Parry, Richard. From Anarchy, a Journal Of Desire Armed, Fall-Winter, 1994-95 Cacucci, philippe Gavi, J-P Sartre, & Pierre Victor. Gallimard, Paris,1974 Illegalism and Insurrectionary Anarchism by Freedom
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Individualism
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Individualism is the moral stance, political philosophy, ideology, or social outlook that emphasizes the moral worth of the individual. Individualism is often defined in contrast to totalitarianism, collectivism, authoritarianism, communitarianism, Individualism makes the individual its focus and so starts with the fundamental premise that the human individual is of primary importance in the struggle for liberation. Classical liberalism, existentialism, and anarchism are examples of movements that take the individual as a central unit of analysis. Individualism thus involves the right of the individual to freedom and self-realization and it has also been used as a term denoting The quality of being an individual, individuality related to possessing An individual characteristic, a quirk. A more positive use of the term in Britain came to be used with the writings of James Elishama Smith, who was a millenarian and a Christian Israelite. Although an early Owenite socialist, he rejected its collective idea of property. Without individualism, Smith argued, individuals cannot amass property to increase ones happiness, an individual is a person or any specific object in a collection. From the 17th century on, individual indicates separateness, as in individualism, individuality is the state or quality of being an individual, a person separate from other persons and possessing his or her own needs, goals, and desires. The individualist does not follow one particular philosophy, rather creates an amalgamation of elements of many, on a societal level, the individualist participates on a personally structured political and moral ground. Independent thinking and opinion is a trait of an individualist. Jean-Jacques Rousseau, claims that his concept of general will in the contract is not the simple collection of individual wills. Societies and groups can differ in the extent to which they are based upon predominantly self-regarding behaviors, the principle of individuation, or principium individuationis, describes the manner in which a thing is identified as distinguished from other things. For Carl Jung, individuation is a process of transformation, whereby the personal and it is a completely natural process necessary for the integration of the psyche to take place. Jung considered individuation to be the process of human development. Thus, the atom is replaced by a never-ending ontological process of individuation. Individuation is an incomplete process, always leaving a pre-individual left-over. The philosophy of Bernard Stiegler draws upon and modifies the work of Gilbert Simondon on individuation and also upon similar ideas in Friedrich Nietzsche, for Stiegler the I, as a psychic individual, can only be thought in relationship to we, which is a collective individual. The I is constituted in adopting a collective tradition, which it inherits, methodological individualism is the view that phenomena can only be understood by examining how they result from the motivations and actions of individual agents
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Liberty
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Liberty, in philosophy, involves free will as contrasted with determinism. In politics, liberty consists of the social and political freedoms to all community members are entitled. In theology, liberty is freedom from the effects of sin, spiritual servitude, as such, the exercise of liberty is subject to capability and limited by the rights of others. Philosophers from earliest times have considered the question of liberty, according to Thomas Hobbes, a free man is he that in those things which by his strength and wit he is able to do is not hindered to do what he hath the will to do. John Locke rejected that definition of liberty, while not specifically mentioning Hobbes, he attacks Sir Robert Filmer who had the same definition. According to Locke, In the state of nature, liberty consists of being free from any power on Earth. People are not under the will or lawmaking authority of others but have only the law of nature for their rule, in political society, liberty consists of being under no other lawmaking power except that established by consent in the commonwealth. People are free from the dominion of any will or legal restraint apart from that enacted by their own constituted lawmaking power according to the trust put in it. Thus, freedom is not as Sir Robert Filmer defines it, A liberty for everyone to do what he likes, to live as he pleases, freedom is constrained by laws in both the state of nature and political society. Freedom of nature is to be no other restraint but the law of nature. Freedom of people under government is to be under no restraint apart from standing rules to live by that are common to everyone in the society and made by the lawmaking power established in it. Persons have a right or liberty to follow their own will in all things that the law has not prohibited and not be subject to the inconstant, uncertain, unknown, and arbitrary wills of others. John Stuart Mill, in his work, On Liberty, was the first to recognize the difference between liberty as the freedom to act and liberty as the absence of coercion, the modern concept of political liberty has its origins in the Greek concepts of freedom and slavery. To be free, to the Greeks, was to not have a master and that was the original Greek concept of freedom. It is closely linked with the concept of democracy, as Aristotle put it, This, another is that a man should live as he likes. This, they say, is the privilege of a freeman, since, on the other hand and this applied only to free men. In Athens, for instance, women could not vote or hold office and were legally and socially dependent on a male relative, the populations of the Persian Empire enjoyed some degree of freedom. Citizens of all religions and ethnic groups were given the rights and had the same freedom of religion, women had the same rights as men
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Natural and legal rights
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Natural and legal rights are two types of rights. Legal rights are those bestowed onto a person by a legal system. Natural rights are those that are not dependent on the laws or customs of any culture or government. The concept of law is closely related to the concept of natural rights. Conversely, the concept of rights is used by others to challenge the legitimacy of all such establishments. Natural rights, in particular, are considered beyond the authority of any government or international body to dismiss, the 1948 United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights is an important legal instrument enshrining one conception of natural rights into international soft law. Natural rights were traditionally viewed as exclusively negative rights, whereas human rights also comprise positive rights, even on a natural rights conception of human rights, the two terms may not be synonymous. The proposition that animals have natural rights is one that gained the interest of philosophers and legal scholars in the 20th century, the existence of natural rights has been asserted by different individuals on different premises, such as a priori philosophical reasoning or religious principles. For example, Immanuel Kant claimed to derive natural rights through reason alone, the United States Declaration of Independence, meanwhile, is based upon the self-evident truth that all men are. Endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, likewise, different philosophers and statesmen have designed different lists of what they believe to be natural rights, almost all include the right to life and liberty as the two highest priorities. H. L. A. Hart argued that if there are any rights at all, there must be the right to liberty, for all the others would depend upon this. T. H. Green argued that “if there are things as rights at all, then, there must be a right to life and liberty, or, to put it more properly to free life. ”John Locke emphasized life. However, despite Lockes influential defense of the right of revolution, leaders are seen as representative of God on earth, but they deserve allegiance only as long as they have farr, a kind of divine blessing that they must earn by moral behavior. The Stoics held that no one was a slave by nature, of fundamental importance to the development of the idea of natural rights was the emergence of the idea of natural human equality. Carlyle notes, There is no change in theory so startling in its completeness as the change from the theory of Aristotle to the later philosophical view represented by Cicero. We think that this cannot be better exemplified than with regard to the theory of the equality of human nature, charles H. Cicero argues in De Legibus that we are born for Justice, and that right is based, not upon opinions, but upon Nature. Centuries later, the Stoic doctrine that the part cannot be delivered into bondage re-emerged in the Reformation doctrine of liberty of conscience. Martin Luther wrote, Furthermore, every man is responsible for his own faith, preservation of the natural rights to life, liberty, and property was claimed as justification for the rebellion of the American colonies
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Non-voting
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Abstention is a term in election procedure for when a participant in a vote either does not go to vote or, in parliamentary procedure, is present during the vote, but does not cast a ballot. Abstention must be contrasted with blank vote, in which a voter casts a ballot willfully made invalid by marking it wrongly or by not marking anything at all. A blank voter has voted, although their vote may be considered a vote, depending on each legislation. Both forms may or may not, depending on the circumstances, an abstention may be used to indicate the voting individuals ambivalence about the measure, or mild disapproval that does not rise to the level of active opposition. A person may also abstain when they do not feel adequately informed about the issue at hand, in parliamentary procedure, a member may be required to abstain in the case of a real or perceived conflict of interest. Abstentions do not count in tallying the vote negatively or positively, white votes, however, may be counted in the total of votes, depending on the legislation. An active abstention can occur where a voter votes in a way that balances out their vote as if they had never voted and this has occurred many times in the House of Commons of the United Kingdom. During a division, a Member of Parliament may actively abstain by voting yes and no. This is effectively the same as not voting at all, as the outcome will not be changed by the active abstention. However, in the House of Lords of the United Kingdom, in another manner, an intentionally spoilt vote could be interpreted as an active abstention. This is where a voter turns up to an election and invalidates the ballot paper in some way, because of the nature of an abstention, only intentionally spoiled ballots could be counted as an active abstention. By convention, their abstention does not block the measure, despite the wording of Article 27.3 of the United Nations Charter, if a majority of members of the United Nations General Assembly or one of its committees abstain on a measure, then the measure fails. In the Council of the European Union, an abstention on a matter decided by unanimity has the effect of a yes vote, on matters decided by qualified majority it has an effect of a no vote. In the United States House of Representatives and many other legislatures, members may vote present rather than for or against a bill or resolution, which has the effect of an abstention. In the United States Senate, the Presiding Officer calls each Senators name alphabetically, and, if abstaining, members may decline to vote, in committee or on the floor, on any matter which he or she believes would be a conflict of interest. There have been a number of instances around the world where popular movements have boycotted elections, in South Africa, there is a strong presence of abstention campaigns that make the structural argument that no political party truly represents the poor. Campaign which was started by the Landless Peoples Movement in 2004, is the largest of such campaigns and these campaigns have been met with significant repression. In 1999, a rights activist was convicted in Belarus for calling not to participate in the local elections he considered to be undemocratic
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Private defense agency
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A private defense agency is an enterprise which would provide personal protection and military defense services to individuals who would voluntarily contract for its services. PDAs are advocated in anarcho-capitalism and market-based forms of social anarchism, as proponents of free-market anarchism, Benjamin Tucker and Gustave de Molinari first explicitly proposed for-profit private defense agencies. The Mises Institute published a book of essays entitled The Myth of National Defense, murray N. Rothbard in For a New Liberty, The Libertarian Manifesto and David D. Friedman in The Machinery of Freedom expand substantially on the idea. Both hold that a PDA would be part of a system of law, police, courts, insurance companies. This concept is similar to Polycentric law, within economics, discussion of the concept largely has been confined to the Austrian School, as in Hans Hoppes article The Private Production of Defense published by the Mises Institute. These authors emphasize that PDAs have different motives from existing statist defense agencies and their survival depends on quality of service leading to a wide customer base, rather than the ability to extract funds via the force of law, as is true of states. Customers and markets would thus dictate that PDAs minimize offensive tendencies, anarcho-capitalists believe such privatization and decentralization of defense would eliminate the credibility of, and popular support for, the state. As a private firm offering individually determined defense, the PDA provides a model for how a private defense would work in a free market. John Frederic Kosanke argues that the need for defense is minimized in direct inverse proportion to the extent of domestic control by the state. Since the greater number of proprietors makes surrender more costly to an aggressor than a relatively authoritarian region, hoppe points out that there is a contradiction in the beliefs of most philosophers and economists in reference to national defense. Yet they simultaneously hold that security must be undertaken by the government, hoppe holds that the two propositions are clearly incompatible. Such a network could use force to put down firms that do not adhere to the collusive agreement. A companys offensive capabilities would also be exposed by such an aggressors competitors. State-subsidized militaries, in contrast, are granted a distinct offensive advantage and this action seems to be a profit-maximizing strategy, hence, protection firms that do not prey on noncustomers may not survive. The employees and leaders of such an agency as well could face civil liability for their involvement. High-quality employees would presumably be less willing to be involved such a organization. It has been argued, If Defense Agency A instead of invading a business decides to invade a more worthwhile target such as a gold warehouse they are left with a more complicated problem. The gold warehouse is owned by an entrepreneur who has his own defense agency and the gold in the warehouse also have owners that have hired their own respective defense agencies
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Propaganda of the deed
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Propaganda of the deed is specific political action meant to be exemplary to others and serve as a catalyst for revolution. It is primarily associated with acts of left-wing resistance of the late 19th and early 20th century, most was an early influence on American anarchists Emma Goldman and Alexander Berkman. Berkman attempted propaganda by the deed when he tried in 1892 to kill industrialist Henry Clay Frick following the deaths by shooting of several striking workers. By the 1880s, the propaganda of the deed had begun to be used both within and outside of the anarchist movement to refer to individual bombings, regicides and tyrannicides. In 1886, French anarchist Clément Duval achieved a form of propaganda of the deed, stealing 15,000 francs from the mansion of a Parisian socialite, caught two weeks later, he was dragged from the court crying Long live anarchy. and condemned to death. Duvals sentence was commuted to hard labor on Devils Island. In the anarchist paper Révolte, Duval famously declared that, Theft exists only through the exploitation of man by man, when Society refuses you the right to exist, you must take it. The policeman arrested me in the name of the Law, I struck him in the name of Liberty, as early as 1887, a few important figures in the anarchist movement had begun to distance themselves from individual acts of violence. Peter Kropotkin thus wrote that year in Le Révolté that a structure based on centuries of history cannot be destroyed with a few kilos of dynamite. A variety of anarchists advocated the abandonment of these sorts of tactics in favor of revolutionary action. The anarcho-syndicalist, Fernand Pelloutier, argued in 1895 for renewed anarchist involvement in the movement on the basis that anarchism could do very well without the individual dynamiter. We want it to pervade and penetrate all the utterances of life, social and political, domestic and artistic, educational and recreational. There should be propaganda by word and action, the platform and the press, the corner, the workshop, and the domestic circle, acts of revolt. Those who agree with each other may co-operate, otherwise they should prefer to each on his own lines to trying to persuade one the other of the superiority of his own method. Later anarchist authors advocating propaganda of the deed included the German anarchist Gustav Landauer, for Gustav Landauer, propaganda of the deed meant the creation of libertarian social forms and communities that would inspire others to transform society. In Weak Statesmen, Weaker People, he wrote that the state is not something one can smash in order to destroy. The state is a relationship between human beings, one destroys it by entering into other relationships. In contrast, Errico Malatesta described propaganda by the deed as violent communal insurrections that were meant to ignite the imminent revolution, and this harmful tendency arises also when violence is used for a good end. e
28.
Property
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In the abstract, property is that which belongs to or with something, whether as an attribute or as a component of said thing. In economics and political economy, there are three forms of property, private property, public property, and collective property. Property that jointly belongs to more than one party may be possessed or controlled thereby in very similar or very distinct ways, whether simply or complexly, whether equally or unequally. However, there is an expectation that each partys will with regard to the property be clearly defined and unconditional, so as to distinguish ownership and this mediating relationship between individual, property and state is called a property regime. The distinction between property and private property is regarded as a confusion since different individuals often hold differing rights over a single object. An article of property may have physical and incorporeal parts, a title, or a right of ownership, establishes the relation between the property and other persons, assuring the owner the right to dispose of the property as the owner sees fit. Often property is defined by the code of the sovereignty, and protected wholly or more usually partially by such entity. The standards of proof concerning proofs of ownerships are also addressed by the code of the local sovereignty, some philosophers assert that property rights arise from social convention, while others find justifications for them in morality or in natural law. Property, in the first instance, is a thing-in-itself, when a person finds a thing and takes that thing into that persons possession and control, then that thing becomes a thing-for-you for that person. Generally, the ground and any buildings which are attached are considered real property, while movable goods. Also, property cannot be considered a concept, because in the first instance. Various scholarly disciplines may treat the concept more systematically, but definitions vary, positive law defines such rights, and the judiciary can adjudicate and enforce property rights. According to Adam Smith, the expectation of profit from improving ones stock of capital rests on private property rights, Capitalism has as a central assumption that property rights encourage their holders to develop the property, generate wealth, and efficiently allocate resources based on the operation of markets. From this has evolved the modern conception of property as a right enforced by law, in the expectation that this will produce more wealth. In his text The Common Law, Oliver Wendell Holmes describes property as having two fundamental aspects, the first, possession, can be defined as control over a resource based on the practical inability of another to contradict the ends of the possessor. The second, title, is the expectation that others will recognize rights to control resource and he elaborates the differences between these two concepts, and proposes a history of how they came to be attached to persons, as opposed to families or to entities such as the church. Classical liberalism subscribes to the theory of property. They hold that each own their own life, it follows that one must own the products of that life
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Really Really Free Market
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The Really, Really Free Market movement is a horizontally organized collective of individuals who form a temporary market based on an alternative gift economy. The RRFM movement aims to counteract capitalism in a proactive way and it holds as a major goal to build a community based on sharing resources, caring for one another and improving the collective lives of all. Markets often vary in character, but they offer both goods and services. Participants bring unneeded items and food, as well as skills, a RRFM usually takes place in an open community space such as a public park or community commons. The first known Really, Really Free Market took place in at a Food Not Bombs meal in Christchurch, the Really Really Free Markets started to spread around Asia. Jakarta Food Not Bombs organized a Really Really Free Market on Buy Nothing Day, the first Really Really Free Market in the United States happened simultaneously in Miami, Florida, and Raleigh, North Carolina during the anti-globalization protests against the FTAA in 2003. The idea of a Really, Really Free Market emerged from a ritual by members of the Pagan Cluster in Austin in preparation of the FTAA Summit in Miami. Members of the Green Bloc picked up the idea and made it real, participants from the SouthEast Anarchist Network held demonstrations using the Really, Really Free Market to protest the G8 summit in 2004. The idea quickly spread across the United States, Russia, and other such as Australia, England, Malaysia, Taiwan, South Africa. The movement has taken root in dozens of cities in the United States, with some holding one-time events, annual, bi-monthly, the first Russian Really Really Free Market was organized in Moscow in 2008. The original name of RRFM was changed to Freemarket or Absolutely Free Fair, since that time the idea of RRFM has spread widely across the Russian Federation. Due to the often harsh Russian climate the RRFMs usually take place indoors, but summer time meetings often occur in public parks, yards of apartment houses or city squares. In Ivanovo, for instance, the very first free fair was held in Yesenin Square on 19 June 2011, but as winter set in, the RRFM meetings were moved to the reference room of the Regional Public library
30.
Refusal of work
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Refusal of work is behavior which refuses to adapt to regular employment. As actual behavior, with or without a political or philosophical program, it has been practiced by various subcultures, radical political positions have openly advocated refusal of work. From within Marxism it has been advocated by Paul Lafargue and the Italian workerist/autonomists, the French ultra-left, International human rights law does not recognize the refusal of work or right not to work by itself except the right to strike. However the Abolition of Forced Labour Convention adopted by International Labour Organization in 1957 prohibits all forms of forced labour, wage slavery refers to a situation where a persons livelihood depends on wages, especially when the dependence is total and immediate. It is a negatively connoted term used to draw an analogy between slavery and wage labor, and to highlight similarities between owning and employing a person, the criticism of social stratification covers a wider range of employment choices bound by the pressures of a hierarchical social environment. Similarities between wage labor and slavery were noted at least as early as Cicero, before the American Civil War, Southern defenders of African American slavery invoked the concept to favorably compare the condition of their slaves to workers in the North. The introduction of labor in 18th century Britain was met with resistance – giving rise to the principles of syndicalism. Historically, some organizations and individual social activists, have espoused workers self-management or worker cooperatives as possible alternatives to wage labor. The Right to be Lazy is an essay by Cuban-born French revolutionary Marxist Paul Lafargue, in it he says that You reverse the perspective of power by returning to pleasure the energies stolen by work and constraint. As sure as work kills pleasure, pleasure kills work. Autonomist philosopher Bifo defines refusal of work as not so much the fact that workers do not like to be exploited. More simply he states Refusal of work means. I don’t want to go to work because I prefer to sleep, but this laziness is the source of intelligence, of technology, of progress. Autonomy is the self-regulation of the body in its independence. As a social development Bifo remembers that one of the ideas of the movement of autonomy proletarians during the 70s was the idea precariousness is good. Job precariousness is a form of autonomy from steady regular work, in the 1970s many people used to work for a few months, then to go away for a journey, then back to work for a while. This was possible in times of almost full employment and in times of egalitarian culture, as a response to these developments his view is that the dissemination of self-organized knowledge can create a social framework containing infinite autonomous and self-reliant worlds. Mistaking the individual capitalist rather than the enterprise as the problem, the workers themselves became a collective capitalist, taking on responsibility for the exploitation of their own labor. Thus, far from breaking with work, andré Gorz was an Austrian and French social philosopher. Also a journalist, he co-founded Le Nouvel Observateur weekly in 1964, a supporter of Jean-Paul Sartres existentialist version of Marxism after World War Two, in the aftermath of the May 68 student riots, he became more concerned with political ecology
