Leon Trotsky was a Russian revolutionary, Marxist theorist, Soviet politician whose particular strain of Marxist thought is known as Trotskyism. Supporting the Menshevik-Internationalists faction within the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party, he joined the Bolsheviks just before the 1917 October Revolution becoming a leader within the Communist Party, he would go on to become one of the seven members of the first Politburo, founded in 1917 to manage the Bolshevik Revolution. During the early days of the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic and the Soviet Union, he served first as People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs and as the founder and commander of the Red Army, with the title of People's Commissar of Military and Naval Affairs, he became a major figure in the Bolshevik victory in the Russian Civil War. After leading a failed struggle of the Left Opposition against the policies and rise of Joseph Stalin in the 1920s and against the increasing role of bureaucracy in the Soviet Union, Trotsky was removed as Commissar for Military and Naval Affairs, removed from the Politburo, removed from the Central Committee, expelled from the Communist Party, exiled to Alma–Ata, exiled from the Soviet Union.
As the head of the Fourth International, Trotsky continued to oppose the Stalinist bureaucracy in the Soviet Union while in exile. Trotsky was assassinated in Mexico City by a Spanish-born NKVD agent. On 20 August 1940, Mercader attacked Trotsky with an ice axe and Trotsky died the next day in a hospital. Mercader acted upon instruction from Stalin and was nearly beaten to death by Trotsky's bodyguards, spent the next 20 years in a Mexican prison for the murder. Stalin presented Mercader with an Order of Lenin in absentia. Trotsky's ideas formed the basis of Trotskyism, a major school of Marxist thought that opposes the theories of Stalinism, he was written out of the history books under Stalin, was one of the few Soviet political figures, not rehabilitated by the government under Nikita Khrushchev in the 1950s. Leon Trotsky was born Lev Davidovich Bronstein on 7 November 1879, the fifth child of a Ukrainian-Jewish family of wealthy farmers in Yanovka or Yanivka, in the Kherson governorate of the Russian Empire, a small village 24 kilometres from the nearest post office.
His parents were his wife Anna Lvovna. Trotsky's father was born in Poltava, moved to Bereslavka, as it had a large Jewish community; the language spoken at home was a mixture of Ukrainian. Trotsky's younger sister, who grew up to be a Bolshevik and a Soviet politician, married the prominent Bolshevik Lev Kamenev; some authors, notably Robert Service, have claimed that Trotsky's childhood first name was the Yiddish Leiba. The American Trotskyist David North said that this was an assumption based on Trotsky's Jewish birth, contrary to Service's claims, there is no documentary evidence to support his using a Yiddish name, when that language was not spoken by his family. Both North and Walter Laqueur in their books say that Trotsky's childhood name was Lyova, a standard Russian diminutive of the name Lev. North has compared the speculation on Trotsky's given name to the undue emphasis given to his having a Jewish surname; when Trotsky was eight, his father sent him to Odessa to be educated. He was enrolled in a German-language school, which became Russified during his years in Odessa as a result of the Imperial government's policy of Russification.
As Isaac Deutscher notes in his biography of Trotsky, Odessa was a bustling cosmopolitan port city unlike the typical Russian city of the time. This environment contributed to the development of the young man's international outlook. Although Trotsky spoke French and German to a good standard, he said in his autobiography My Life that he was never fluent in any language but Russian and Ukrainian. Raymond Molinier wrote. Trotsky became involved in revolutionary activities in 1896 after moving to the harbor town of Nikolayev on the Ukrainian coast of the Black Sea. At first a narodnik, he opposed Marxism but was won over to Marxism that year by his future first wife, Aleksandra Sokolovskaya. Instead of pursuing a mathematics degree, Trotsky helped organize the South Russian Workers' Union in Nikolayev in early 1897. Using the name'Lvov,' he wrote and printed leaflets and proclamations, distributed revolutionary pamphlets, popularized socialist ideas among industrial workers and revolutionary students.
In January 1898, more than 200 members of the union, including Trotsky, were arrested. He was held for the next two years in prison awaiting trial, first in Nikolayev Kherson Odessa, in Moscow. In the Moscow prison he came into contact with other revolutionaries and heard about Lenin and read Lenin's book, The Development of Capitalism in Russia. Two months into his imprisonment, on 1–3 March 1898, the first Congress of the newly formed Russian Social Democratic Labor Party was held. From on Trotsky identified as a member of the party. While in the prison in Moscow, in the summer of 1899, Trotsky married Aleksandra Sokolovskaya, a fellow Marxist; the wedding ceremony was performed by a Jewish chaplain. In 1900, he was sentenced to four years in exile in Siberia; because of their marriage and his wife were allowed to be exiled to the same location
Province of Hohenzollern
The Province of Hohenzollern or the Hohenzollern Lands was a province of Prussia from 1850 to 1946. Hohenzollern was established in 1850 by merging Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen and Hohenzollern-Hechingen independent principalities ruled by the Catholic branch of the House of Hohenzollern, that ceded their sovereignty to the Kingdom of Prussia ruled by the Protestant Hohenzollern branch and used the same dynastic coat of arms. Hohenzollern enjoyed all the rights of a full-fledged province of Prussia, including representation in the Prussian parliament, but its military matters and some civil matters were governed by the Oberpräsident of Rhine Province. Hohenzollern was Prussia's smallest province until Berlin city was separated from Brandenburg in 1881, the least-populous with the last census recording 74,151 inhabitants in 1939; the province's size meant it was administered as a single Regierungsbezirk from Sigmaringen, the provincial capital, further subdivided into seven Oberamtsbezirke, although only four of these remained by 1925, when they were merged and re-divided as two new Kreise.
Hohenzollern was an exclave of Prussia, surrounded by Baden and Württemberg, was the southernmost province. Hohenzollern became a province of the Free State of Prussia in 1918 after World War I, this system continued to exist unchanged until 1933, when all provincial functions were de facto suspended by Nazi Germany and provinces were placed under direct rule. Hohenzollern was dissolved in 1946 following World War II, when the French military administration merged it with Württemberg to form the state of Württemberg-Hohenzollern, became part of the Federal Republic of Germany. Hohenzollern was part of the federal state of Baden-Württemberg since 1952, but after regional reforms in 1973 the Hohenzollern borders were eliminated, with the region now belonging to the districts of Sigmaringen and Zollernalbkreis, which contain land, not Hohenzollern territory
The Communist International, known as the Third International, was an international organization that advocated world communism. The Comintern resolved at its Second Congress to "struggle by all available means, including armed force, for the overthrow of the international bourgeoisie and the creation of an international Soviet republic as a transition stage to the complete abolition of the state"; the Comintern had been preceded by the 1916 dissolution of the Second International. The Comintern held seven World Congresses in Moscow between 1919 and 1935. During that period, it conducted thirteen Enlarged Plenums of its governing Executive Committee, which had much the same function as the somewhat larger and more grandiose Congresses; the Comintern was dissolved by Joseph Stalin in 1943 to avoid antagonizing its allies the United States and the United Kingdom. While the differences had been evident for decades, World War I proved the issue that divided the revolutionary and reformist wings of the workers' movement.
The Triple Alliance comprised two empires while the Triple Entente gathered France and Britain into an alliance with Russia. Socialists had been anti-war and internationalist, fighting against what they perceived as militarist exploitation of the proletariat for bourgeois states. A majority of socialists voted in favor of resolutions for the Second International to call upon the international working class to resist war if it were declared. Despite this, after the beginning of World War I many European socialist parties announced support for their respective nations; some exceptions were the socialist parties of the British Labour Party. To Vladimir Lenin's surprise the Social Democratic Party of Germany voted in favor of war; the assassination of the influential anti-war French Socialist Jean Jaurès on 31 July 1914 cemented the socialist parties support for their government of national unity. Socialist parties in neutral countries supported neutrality rather than total opposition to the war.
On the other hand, during the 1915 Zimmerwald Conference, Lenin organized an opposition to the "imperialist war" as the Zimmerwald Left, publishing the pamphlet Socialism and War where he called socialists collaborating with their national governments social chauvinists, i.e. socialists in word, but nationalists in deed. The Zimmerwald Left produced no practical advice for; the Second International divided into a revolutionary left-wing, a moderate center-wing, a more reformist right-wing. Lenin condemned much of the center as "social pacifists" for several reasons, including their vote for war credits despite publicly opposing the war. Lenin's term "social pacifist" aimed in particular at Ramsay MacDonald, leader of the Independent Labour Party in Britain, who opposed the war on grounds of pacifism but did not fight against it. Discredited by its apathy towards world events, the Second International dissolved in 1916. In 1917, Lenin published the April Theses which supported revolutionary defeatism, where the Bolsheviks hoped that Russia would lose the war so that they could cause a socialist insurrection.
The victory of the Russian Communist Party in the Bolshevik Revolution of November 1917 was felt throughout the world and an alternative path to power to parliamentary politics was demonstrated. With much of Europe on the verge of economic and political collapse in the aftermath of the carnage of World War I, revolutionary sentiments were widespread; the Russian Bolsheviks headed by Lenin believed that unless socialist revolution swept Europe, they would be crushed by the military might of world capitalism just as the Paris Commune had been crushed by force of arms in 1871. The Bolsheviks believed that this required a new international to foment revolution in Europe and around the world; the Comintern was founded at a Congress held in Moscow on 2–6 March 1919 against the backdrop of the Russian Civil War. There were 52 delegates present from 34 parties, they decided to form an Executive Committee with representatives of the most important sections and that other parties joining the International would have their own representatives.
The Congress decided that the Executive Committee would elect a five-member bureau to run the daily affairs of the International. However, such a bureau was not formed and Lenin, Leon Trotsky and Christian Rakovsky delegated the task of managing the International to Grigory Zinoviev as the Chairman of the Executive. Zinoviev was assisted by Angelica Balabanoff, acting as the secretary of the International, Victor L. Kibaltchitch and Vladmir Ossipovich Mazin. Lenin and Alexandra Kollontai presented material; the main topic of discussion was the difference between bourgeois democracy and the dictatorship of the proletariat. The following parties and movements were invited to the Founding Congress: Russian Communist Party Spartacus League Communist Party of German Austria Hungarian Communist Workers' Party Communist Party of Finland Polish Communist Workers’ Party Communist Party of Estonia Communist Party of Latvia Communist Party of Lithuania Communist Party of Byelorussia Communist Party of Ukraine The revolutionary elements of the Czech social democracy Social Democratic and Labour Party of Bulgaria Socialist Party of Romania Left-wing of the Serbian Social Democratic Party Social Democratic Left Party of Sweden The Norwegian Labour Party For Denmark, the Klassekampen group Communist Party of the Netherlands Revolutionary elements of the Belgian Labour Party Groups and orga
Grigory Yevseyevich Zinoviev, born Hirsch Apfelbaum, known under the name Ovsei-Gershon Aronovich Radomyslsky, was a Bolshevik revolutionary and a Soviet Communist politician. Zinoviev was one of the seven members of the first Politburo, founded in 1917 in order to manage the Bolshevik Revolution: Lenin, Kamenev, Stalin and Bubnov. Zinoviev is best remembered as the longtime head of the Communist International and the architect of several failed attempts to transform Germany into a communist country during the early 1920s, he was in competition against Joseph Stalin who eliminated him from the Soviet political leadership in 1926. Zinoviev was a chief defendant in a 1936 show trial, the Trial of the Sixteen, that marked the start of the so-called Great Terror in the USSR and resulted in his execution the day after his conviction in August 1936. Zinoviev was the alleged author of the Zinoviev letter to British communists, urging revolution, published just before the 1924 general election to provoke a right-wing reaction.
The letter is dismissed as a forgery. Gregory Zinoviev was born in Yelizavetgrad, Russian Empire, to Jewish dairy farmers, who educated him at home. Between 1923 and 1935 the city was known as Zinovyevsk. Gregory Zinoviev was known in early life under the names of Apfelbaum or Radomyslsky and adopted several designations, such as Shatski, Grigoriev and Zinoviev, by the two last of which he is most called, he studied philosophy and history. He became interested in politics, joined the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party in 1901, he was a member of its Bolshevik faction from the time of its creation in 1903. Between 1903 and the fall of the Russian Empire in February 1917, he was a leading Bolshevik and one of Vladimir Lenin's closest associates, working both within Russia and abroad as circumstances permitted, he was elected to the RSDLP's Central Committee in 1907 and sided with Lenin in 1908 when the Bolshevik faction split into Lenin's supporters and Alexander Bogdanov's followers. Zinoviev remained Lenin's constant aide-de-camp and representative in various socialist organizations until 1917.
Zinoviev spent the first three years of World War I in Switzerland. After the Russian monarchy was overthrown during the February Revolution, he returned to Russia in April 1917 in a sealed train with Lenin and other revolutionaries opposed to the war, he remained a part of the Bolshevik leadership throughout most of that year and spent time with Lenin after they were forced into hiding in the period following the July Days. However and Lenin soon had a falling out over Zinoviev's opposition to Lenin's call for an open insurrection against the Provisional Government. On October 10, 1917, he and Lev Kamenev were the only two Central Committee members to vote against an armed revolt, their publication of an open letter opposed to the use of force enraged Lenin, who demanded their expulsion from the party. On October 29, 1917 after the Bolshevik seizure of power during the October Revolution, the executive committee of the national railroad labor union, threatened a national strike unless the Bolsheviks shared power with other socialist parties and dropped Lenin and Leon Trotsky from the government.
Zinoviev and their allies in the Bolshevik Central Committee argued that the Bolsheviks had no choice but to start negotiations since a railroad strike would cripple their government's ability to fight the forces that were still loyal to the overthrown Provisional Government. Although Zinoviev and Kamenev had the support of a Central Committee majority and negotiations were started, a quick collapse of the anti-Bolshevik forces outside Petrograd allowed Lenin and Trotsky to convince the Central Committee to abandon the negotiating process. In response, Kamenev, Alexei Rykov, Vladimir Milyutin, Victor Nogin resigned from the Central Committee on November 4, 1917; the following day, Lenin wrote a proclamation calling Zinoviev and Kamenev "deserters". He never forgot their behavior making an ambiguous reference to their "October episode" in his Testament. Zinoviev soon returned to the fold and was once again elected to the Central Committee at the VII Party Congress on March 8, 1918, he was put in charge of regional government.
Sometime in 1918, while Ukraine was under German occupation, the rabbis of Odessa ceremonially anathematized Trotsky and other Jewish Bolshevik leaders in the synagogue. He became a non-voting member of the ruling Politburo when it was created after the VIII Congress on March 25, 1919, he became the Chairman of the Executive Committee of the Comintern when it was created in March 1919. It was in this capacity he presided over the Congress of the Peoples of the East in Baku in September 1920 and gave his famous four-hour speech in German at the Halle congress of the Independent Social Democratic Party of Germany in October 1920. Zinoviev was responsible for Petrograd's defense during two periods of intense clashes with White forces in 1919. Trotsky, in overall charge of the Red Army during the Russian Civil War, thought little of Zinoviev's leadership, which aggravated their strained relationship. In early 1921, when the Communist Party was split into several factions and policy disagreements were threatening the unity of the Party, Zinoviev supported Lenin's faction.
As a result, Zinoviev was made a full member of the Politburo after the Xth Party Congress on March 16, 1921, while members of other factions, such as Nikolai
Germany the Federal Republic of Germany, is a country in Central and Western Europe, lying between the Baltic and North Seas to the north, the Alps to the south. It borders Denmark to the north and the Czech Republic to the east and Switzerland to the south, France to the southwest, Luxembourg and the Netherlands to the west. Germany includes 16 constituent states, covers an area of 357,386 square kilometres, has a temperate seasonal climate. With 83 million inhabitants, it is the second most populous state of Europe after Russia, the most populous state lying in Europe, as well as the most populous member state of the European Union. Germany is a decentralized country, its capital and largest metropolis is Berlin, while Frankfurt serves as its financial capital and has the country's busiest airport. Germany's largest urban area is the Ruhr, with its main centres of Essen; the country's other major cities are Hamburg, Cologne, Stuttgart, Düsseldorf, Dresden, Bremen and Nuremberg. Various Germanic tribes have inhabited the northern parts of modern Germany since classical antiquity.
A region named Germania was documented before 100 AD. During the Migration Period, the Germanic tribes expanded southward. Beginning in the 10th century, German territories formed a central part of the Holy Roman Empire. During the 16th century, northern German regions became the centre of the Protestant Reformation. After the collapse of the Holy Roman Empire, the German Confederation was formed in 1815; the German revolutions of 1848–49 resulted in the Frankfurt Parliament establishing major democratic rights. In 1871, Germany became a nation state when most of the German states unified into the Prussian-dominated German Empire. After World War I and the revolution of 1918–19, the Empire was replaced by the parliamentary Weimar Republic; the Nazi seizure of power in 1933 led to the establishment of a dictatorship, the annexation of Austria, World War II, the Holocaust. After the end of World War II in Europe and a period of Allied occupation, Austria was re-established as an independent country and two new German states were founded: West Germany, formed from the American and French occupation zones, East Germany, formed from the Soviet occupation zone.
Following the Revolutions of 1989 that ended communist rule in Central and Eastern Europe, the country was reunified on 3 October 1990. Today, the sovereign state of Germany is a federal parliamentary republic led by a chancellor, it is a great power with a strong economy. As a global leader in several industrial and technological sectors, it is both the world's third-largest exporter and importer of goods; as a developed country with a high standard of living, it upholds a social security and universal health care system, environmental protection, a tuition-free university education. The Federal Republic of Germany was a founding member of the European Economic Community in 1957 and the European Union in 1993, it is part of the Schengen Area and became a co-founder of the Eurozone in 1999. Germany is a member of the United Nations, NATO, the G7, the G20, the OECD. Known for its rich cultural history, Germany has been continuously the home of influential and successful artists, musicians, film people, entrepreneurs, scientists and inventors.
Germany has a large number of World Heritage sites and is among the top tourism destinations in the world. The English word Germany derives from the Latin Germania, which came into use after Julius Caesar adopted it for the peoples east of the Rhine; the German term Deutschland diutisciu land is derived from deutsch, descended from Old High German diutisc "popular" used to distinguish the language of the common people from Latin and its Romance descendants. This in turn descends from Proto-Germanic *þiudiskaz "popular", derived from *þeudō, descended from Proto-Indo-European *tewtéh₂- "people", from which the word Teutons originates; the discovery of the Mauer 1 mandible shows that ancient humans were present in Germany at least 600,000 years ago. The oldest complete hunting weapons found anywhere in the world were discovered in a coal mine in Schöningen between 1994 and 1998 where eight 380,000-year-old wooden javelins of 1.82 to 2.25 m length were unearthed. The Neander Valley was the location where the first non-modern human fossil was discovered.
The Neanderthal 1 fossils are known to be 40,000 years old. Evidence of modern humans dated, has been found in caves in the Swabian Jura near Ulm; the finds included 42,000-year-old bird bone and mammoth ivory flutes which are the oldest musical instruments found, the 40,000-year-old Ice Age Lion Man, the oldest uncontested figurative art discovered, the 35,000-year-old Venus of Hohle Fels, the oldest uncontested human figurative art discovered. The Nebra sky disk is a bronze artefact created during the European Bronze Age attributed to a site near Nebra, Saxony-Anhalt, it is part of UNESCO's Memory of the World Programme. The Germanic tribes are thought to date from the Pre-Roman Iron Age. From southern Scandinavia and north Germany, they expanded south and west from the 1st century BC, coming into contact with the Celtic tribes of Gaul as well
Lessons of October
Lessons of October is a polemical essay of about 60 printed pages in length by Leon Trotsky, first published in Moscow in October 1924 as the preface to the third volume of his Collected Works. The essay was harshly critical of the purported revolutionary failings of Grigory Zinoviev and Lev Kamenev, two key members of the collective leadership which ruled Soviet Russia in the months after the death of V. I. Lenin. Publication of the essay was used as a pretext for the Soviet leadership to isolate and attack Trotsky, whom the leadership mutually perceived as a threat to accede to supreme power. In subsequent years Trotsky's essay was reprinted several times under its own covers by the international Trotskyist movement. Following a series of strokes, which had incapacitated him for more than a year, Soviet leader V. I. Lenin died on January 21, 1924 at the age of 53. Despite his chronic illness, Lenin's premature death came as a shock both to the people of the Soviet Union and to the small circle of individuals who collectively ruled in his stead through the governing Central Committee of the Russian Communist Party and its inner executive committee, the Politburo.
A triumvirate wielded effective power from the time of Lenin's second health breakdown in December 1922, which eliminated his participation in day-to-day operational affairs. This trio included Grigory Zinoviev, a close associate of Lenin's for more than two decades who sat as the head of the Communist International. Standing aloof from these was the orator and journalist Leon Trotsky, a radical opponent of Lenin's for most of the 20th Century who had returned from North American exile to join the Bolsheviks early in 1917 to be placed in positions of trust at Lenin's right hand, it would be Trotsky, as the flamboyant chairman of the Petrograd Soviet, who would play a leading role in the October Revolution which brought the Bolshevik Party to power. As for Zinoviev and Kamenev, the pair stood aloof from the revolutionary uprising committing the venial sin of "spilling the beans" by jointly distancing themselves from a forthcoming Bolshevik seizure of power in the pages of a Menshevik newspaper.
This would prove to be a massive miscalculation that would undercut Zinoviev's and Kamenev's efforts to achieve leadership of the Russian Communist Party and the Soviet republic. All of these four maintained a desire and made active efforts to win for themselves the mantle of leadership; the three Old Bolsheviks — Zinoviev and Kamenev — were filled with personal antipathy towards the long-time outsider, Trotsky. Each of the four sought to demonstrate the righteousness of their claims not just through the crass craft of political organization for factional warfare, but through theoretical acumen; each began the feverish publication of new works of sociology or Marxist theory or collected their contemporary journalism in an effort to prove themselves able theoreticians. Trotsky, in an effort to document the legitimacy of his claim to the throne launched a multi-volume publishing project for the release of his Sochineniia involving the State Publishing House, it would be this publishing effort amidst this personalized faction fight that would lead to the publication of the polemical essay "Lessons of October."
On January 18, 1925 a plenary meeting of the Central Committee of the RKP was called to address the so-called "Trotsky Question." Feeling isolated and discredited among the top leadership, Trotsky decided to resign his position as People's Commissar of War rather than to attempt to marshal his forces for a hopeless fight at the Central Committee plenum. In a lengthy letter of resignation, Trotsky explicitly denied that "Lessons of October" had been published furtively or that it represented a "platform" for a formal opposition faction, as his detractors contended: "In so far as a formal pretext for the latest discussion was found in the foreword to my book on 1917, I consider it my duty, first of all, to refute the accusation that I had published the book without the knowledge of the Central Committee. In point of fact, this book was printed during my rest cure in the Caucasus in the same way as all the other books written by me or by any members of the Central Committee or of the party. Of course, it is the business of the Central Committee to establish some form of control over party publications, I never had cause or inclination to avoid such control.
"The foreword'The Lessons of October' contains the development of those ideas which I have expressed before and during the last year.... It goes without saying that in analyzing the October Revolution in connection with the German events, I never dreamed of creating a separate'platform' or entertained the idea that my work would be interpreted in that sense." Trotsky's resignation was unanimously accepted by the Central Committee at the January 18 session, which he did not attend. Efforts there by Zinoviev and Kamenev to remove Trotsky from the Politburo and to expel him from the party were turned aside, however; the resolution passed by the Central Committee on January 18 demanded that Trotsky demonstrate "submission to party discipline, not only in words but in deeds," to issue an unconditional renunciation of his criticisms, threatened his removal from Communist Party leadership in the event he made "new attempts to violat
The Spartacist uprising known as the January uprising, was a general strike in Berlin from 5 to 12 January 1919. Germany was in the middle of a post-war revolution, two of the perceived paths forward were either social democracy or a council republic similar to the one, established by the Bolsheviks in Russia; the uprising was a power struggle between the moderate Social Democratic Party of Germany led by Friedrich Ebert, the radical communists of the Communist Party of Germany, led by Karl Liebknecht and Rosa Luxemburg, who had founded and led the Spartacist League. The revolt was improvised and small-scale and was crushed by the superior firepower of government troops. Berlin was undisturbed. Long-distance trains continued to run on time and newspapers remained on sale, as the rebels passively confined themselves to only a few select locations. Similar uprisings occurred and were suppressed in Bremen, the Ruhr, Saxony, Hamburg and Bavaria, a round of bloodier street battles occurred in Berlin in March.
After their experiences with the SPD and the USPD, the Spartacists concluded that their goals could be met only in a party of their own, they founded the Communist Party of Germany at the end of 1918. Because of the unhappiness of many workers with the course of the revolution, they were joined by other left-socialist groups. After deliberations with the Spartacists, the Revolutionary Stewards decided to remain in the USPD. Rosa Luxemburg drew up her founding programme and presented it on 31 December 1918. In this programme, she pointed out that the communists could never take power without the clear support of the majority of the people. On 1 January she again demanded that the KPD participate in the planned elections, but she was outvoted; the majority hoped to gain power by continued agitation in the factories and by "pressure from the streets". As in November 1918, a second revolutionary wave developed on 4 January 1919 when the government dismissed the Police Chief of Berlin, Emil Eichhorn, a member of the USPD and who had refused to act against the demonstrating workers during the Christmas Crisis.
The USPD, the Revolutionary Stewards and KPD took up Eichhorn's call for a demonstration to take place on the following day. To the surprise of the organizers, the demonstration turned into a huge, mass demonstration which attracted the support of many Socialist Party members. On Sunday 5 January, as on 9 November 1918, hundreds of thousands of people poured into the centre of Berlin, many of them armed. In the afternoon the train stations and the newspaper district with the offices of the middle-class press and the SPD's "Vorwärts", printing articles hostile to the Spartacists since the beginning of September, were occupied; some of the middle-class papers in the previous days had called not only for the raising of more Freikorps but for the murder of the Spartacists. The leaders of the movement assembled at Police Headquarters and elected a 53-member "Interim Revolutionary Committee", which failed to make use of its power and was unable to agree on any clear direction. Liebknecht demanded the overthrow of the government.
Rosa Luxemburg, as well as the majority of KPD leaders, considered a revolt at this moment to be a catastrophe and explicitly spoke out against it. The leaders of the USPD and KPD called for a general strike in Berlin on 7 January, the subsequent strike attracted about 500,000 participants who surged into downtown Berlin. Within the strike, some of the participants organized a plan to oust the more moderate social democrat government and launch a communist revolution. Insurgents seized key buildings. During the following two days, the strike leadership failed to resolve the classic dichotomy between militarized revolutionaries committed to a genuinely new society and reformists advocating deliberations with the government. Meanwhile, the strikers in the occupied quarter obtained weapons. At the same time, some KPD leaders tried to persuade military regiments in Berlin the People's Navy Division, the Volksmarinedivision, to join their side, however they failed in this endeavour; the navy unit was not willing to support the armed revolt and declared themselves neutral, the other regiments stationed in Berlin remained loyal to the government.
On 8 January, the KPD resigned from the Revolutionary Committee after USPD representatives invited Ebert for talks. While these talks were taking place, the workers discovered a flyer published by Vorwärts entitled "Die Stunde der Abrechnung naht!" and about the Freikorps being hired to suppress the workers. Ebert had ordered Gustav Noske, to do so on 6 January; when the talks broke off, the Spartacist League called on its members to engage in armed combat. On the same day, Ebert ordered 3,000 Freikorps soldiers to attack the Spartacists; these former soldiers still had weapons and military equipment from World War I, which gave them a formidable advantage. They re-conquered the blocked streets and buildings and many of the insurgents surrendered. Between 156 and 196 insurgents and 17 Freikorps soldiers died during the fighting. At 21:00 on 15 January and Liebknecht were discovered in a Berlin-Wilmersdorf apartment by a citizen militia and brought over by car to the headquarters of the largest Freikorps unit, the armed Garde-Kavallerie-Schützen-Division, at the Eden-Hotel.