Populism is a range of political approaches that deliberately appeal to "the people" juxtaposing this group against the "elite". There is no single definition of the term, which developed in the 19th century and has been used to mean various things since that time. In Europe, few politicians or political groups describe themselves as "populist" and in political discourse the term is applied to others pejoratively. Within political science and other social sciences, various different definitions of populism have been used, although some scholars propose rejecting the term altogether. A common framework for interpreting populism is known as the ideational approach: this defines populism as an ideology which presents "the people" as a morally good force against "the elite", who are perceived as corrupt and self-serving. Populists differ in how "the people" are defined, but it can be based along class, ethnic, or national lines. Populists present "the elite" as comprising the political, economic and media establishment, depicted as a homogeneous entity and accused of placing their own interests, the interests of other groups—such as foreign countries or immigrants—above the interests of "the people".
According to this approach, populism is a thin-ideology, combined with other, more substantial thick ideologies such as nationalism, liberalism, or socialism. Thus, populists can be found at different locations along the left–right political spectrum and there is both left-wing populism and right-wing populism. Other scholars active in the social sciences have defined the term populism in different ways. According to the popular agency definition used by some historians of United States history, populism refers to popular engagement of the population in political decision making. An approach associated with the scholar Ernesto Laclau presents populism as an emancipatory social force through which marginalised groups challenge dominant power structures; some economists have used the term in reference to governments which engage in substantial public spending financed by foreign loans, resulting in hyperinflation and emergency measures. In popular discourse, the term has sometimes been used synonymously with demagogy, to describe politicians who present overly simplistic answers to complex questions in a emotional manner, or with opportunism, to characterise politicians who seek to please voters without rational consideration as to the best course of action.
The term populism came into use in the late 19th century alongside the promotion of democracy. In the United States, it was associated with the People's Party, while in the Russian Empire it was linked to the agrarian socialist Narodnik movement. During the 20th century, various parties emerged in liberal democracies that were described as populist. In the 21st century, the term became popular, used in reference to left-wing groups in the Latin American pink tide and current right-wing conservative wave, right-wing groups in Europe, both right and leftist groups in the U. S. In 2017 "populism" was chosen as the Cambridge Dictionary Word of the Year; the term populism is a vague and contested term, used in reference to a diverse variety of phenomena. The term originated as a term of self-designation, being used by members of the People's Party active in the United States during the late 19th century, while in the Russian Empire during the same period a group referred to itself as the narodniki, translated into English as populists.
The Russian and American movements differed in various respects, the fact that they shared a name was coincidental. Although the term started out as a self-designation, part of the confusion surrounding it stems from the fact that it has been used in this way, with few political figures describing themselves as "populists"; as noted by the political scientist Margaret Canovan, "there has been no self-conscious international populist movement which might have attempted to control or limit the term's reference, as a result those who have used it have been able to attach it a wide variety of meanings." In this it differs from other political terms, like socialism, which have been used as a self-designation by individuals who have presented their own, internal definitions of the word. The term is used against others in a pejorative sense to discredit opponents. In being applied in this way, the term "populism" has been conflated with other concepts like demagoguery and presented as something to be "feared and discredited".
Some of those who have been referred to as "populists" in a pejorative sense have subsequently embraced the term while seeking to shed it of negative connotations. The French far-right politician Jean-Marie Le Pen for instance was accused of populism and responded by stating that "Populism is taking into account the people's opinion. Have people the right, in a democracy, to hold an opinion? If, the case yes, I am a populist."Canovan noted that "if the notion of populism did not exist, no social scientist would deliberately invent it. The confusion surrounding the term has led some scholars to suggest that it should be abandoned by scholarship. In contrast to this view, the political scientists Cas Mudde and Cristóbal Rovira Kaltwasser stated that "while the frustration is understandable, the term populism is too central to debates about politics from Europe to the Americas to do away with." Canovan noted that the term "does have comparatively clear and definite meanings in a number of specialist areas" and that it "provides a pointer, however shaky, to an interesting and unexplored area o
Right-wing populism is a political ideology which combines right-wing politics and populist rhetoric and themes. The rhetoric consists of anti-elitist sentiments, opposition to the Establishment and speaking for the common people. In Europe, right-wing populism is an expression used to describe groups and political parties known for their opposition to immigration from the Islamic world and in most cases Euroscepticism. Right-wing populism in the Western world is generally—though not exclusively—associated with ideologies such as neo-nationalism, anti-globalization, nativism and opposition to immigration. Anti-Muslim ideas and sentiments serve as the "great unifiers" among right-wing political formations throughout the United States and Europe. Traditional right-wing views such as opposition to an increasing support for the welfare state and a "more lavish, but more restrictive, domestic social spending" scheme is described under right-wing populism and is sometimes called "welfare chauvinism".
From the 1990s, right-wing populist parties became established in the legislatures of various democracies, including Australia, Czech Republic, Estonia, Germany and Sweden. Although extreme right-wing movements in the United States have been studied separately, where they are called "radical right", some writers consider them to be a part of the same phenomenon. Right-wing populism in the United States is closely linked to paleoconservatism. Right-wing populism is distinct from conservatism, but several right-wing populist parties have their roots in conservative political parties. Other populist parties have links to fascist movements founded during the interwar period when Italian, Hungarian and Japanese fascism rose to power. Since the Great Recession, right-wing populist movements such as the National Rally in France, the Northern League in Italy, the Party for Freedom in the Netherlands and the UK Independence Party began to grow in popularity, in large part because of increasing opposition to immigration from the Middle East and Africa, rising Euroscepticism and discontent with the economic policies of the European Union.
U. S. President Donald Trump's 2016 political views have been summarized by pundits as right-wing populist and nationalist. Classification of right-wing populism into a single political family has proved difficult and it is not certain whether a meaningful category exists, or a cluster of categories since the parties differ in ideology and leadership rhetoric. Unlike traditional parties, they do not belong to international organizations of like-minded parties, they do not use similar terms to describe themselves. Scholars use terminology inconsistently, sometimes referring to right-wing populism as "radical right" or other terms such as new nationalism. Pippa Norris noted that "standard reference works use alternate typologies and diverse labels categorising parties as'far' or'extreme' right,'new right','anti-immigrant' or'neofascist','antiestablishment','national populist','protest','ethnic','authoritarian','antigovernment','antiparty','ultranationalist','neoliberal','right-libertarian' and so on".
Piero Ignazi divided right-wing populist parties, which he called "extreme right parties", into two categories: he placed traditional right-wing parties that had developed out of the historical right and post-industrial parties that had developed independently. He placed the British National Party, the National Democratic Party of Germany, the German People's Union and the former Dutch Centre Party in the first category, whose prototype would be the disbanded Italian Social Movement. Right-wing populist parties in the English-speaking world include the UK Independence Party and Australia's One Nation; the U. S. Republican Party and Conservative Party of Canada include right-wing populist factions; the main right-wing populist party in Australia is One Nation, led by Pauline Hanson, Senator for Queensland. One Nation supports the governing Coalition. Other parties represented in the Australian Parliament with right-wing populist elements and rhetoric include the Australian Conservatives, led by Cory Bernardi, Senator for South Australia, the libertarian Liberal Democratic Party, led by David Leyonhjelm, Senator for New South Wales, Katter's Australian Party, led by Queensland MP Bob Katter.
The Liberal Democratic Party and the Australian Conservatives form a voting bloc in the Australian Senate. Some figures within the Liberal Party of Australia, part of the Coalition, have been described as right-wing populists, including former Prime Minister Tony Abbott and Home Affairs Minister Peter Dutton. On 9 October 2018 Jair Bolsonaro, a right-wing candidate from the conservative Social Liberal Party, won the presidential election after a run off with left-wing candidate Fernando Haddad in the second round. Canada has a history of right-wing populist protest parties and politicians, most notably in Western Canada due to Western alienation; the successful Social Credit Party of Canada won seats in British Columbia and Saskatchewan, but fell into obscurity by the 1970s. The
Assassination of Pim Fortuyn
Pim Fortuyn, a Dutch politician, was assassinated by Volkert van der Graaf in Hilversum, North Holland on 6 May 2002, nine days before the Dutch general election of 2002. On a few occasions, Fortuyn had expressed his fear of being murdered: after being pied at the official release of his book De puinhopen van acht jaar Paars and, most notably, on the talk show Jensen!. In court at his trial, van der Graaf, an environmental and animal rights activist, said he murdered Fortuyn to stop him from exploiting Muslims as "scapegoats" and targeting "the weak members of society" in seeking political power. Fortuyn was 54 years old when he was assassinated by Volkert van der Graaf in a car park outside a radio studio where Fortuyn had just given an interview to Ruud de Wild at 3FM; the attacker was pursued by Fortuyn's driver, Hans Smolders, was arrested shortly afterwards while still in possession of the handgun used to assassinate Fortuyn. Van der Graaf was arrested near the scene of the crime after a pursuit by witnesses.
Details of the suspect were always reported as "Volkert van der G.", in accordance with unwritten Dutch privacy practice, but his full name was available on the internet. His home and work addresses were soon circulated on websites used by Fortuyn's supporters. Angry supporters gathered in several cities, so several people related to Van der Graaf went into hiding, his girlfriend and their daughter left their house on the evening of the murder. The details of the murder emerged later, he had planned the attack using information obtained from the Internet. In two boxes of cartridges found at his home, seven cartridges were missing, the exact number loaded in his gun; the attack has been described as the work of a single person, an amateur shooter who used a simple plan and did not prepare a good escape route. Van der Graaf purchased his weapons illegally. After the murder of Fortuyn, the gun was linked to a suspect in the robbery of a jeweller in Emmen through DNA material found on the weapon. On the day of the murder, he attended work in the morning, taking with him a backpack containing the gun, a pair of latex gloves, a baseball cap and a pair of dark glasses.
At the end of the morning, he said he was taking the afternoon off on account of the beautiful weather. He drove towards Hilversum, knowing that Fortuyn was due to be interviewed in the radio studio of 3FM in the Media Park. During the trip he stopped several times, among other things to purchase a razor to remove his stubble, which together with the cap and glasses would disguise his appearance, while the gloves would avoid leaving fingerprints; the razor did not work. He had never visited the Mediapark, relying on a map and a couple of photos to find his way into the park on foot and to the building where Fortuyn's interview was held. Recognising Fortuyn's car in the car park, he hid in some nearby bushes, burying the gun, in a plastic bag in a shallow trough in case he was discovered, he could hear fragments of Fortuyn's interview from a speaker on the outside of the building. He waited there for about two hours. Fortuyn emerged from the building in the company of several others. Van der Graaf walked towards Fortuyn, passed by him turned and opened fire.
He said that he aimed for the back to avoid Fortuyn's ducking away, or that a bullet would mistakenly hit somebody else. He held the gun with the plastic bag around it. Less than 1.5 metres from Fortuyn, he hit him in the back and head five times, fired a sixth shot that missed. Running away, Van der Graaf was chased by Fortuyn's chauffeur. Two employees from a different building joined in. During the chase, Van der Graaf threatened them by raising the gun in his jacket pocket toward them, they ran from the grounds of the Mediapark onto a public road, where Van der Graaf pointed the pistol at arms length at Smolders. He had been reporting their position to the police by mobile phone. Reaching a petrol station, Van der Graaf gave up; the assassination exposed cultural clashes within the country. Riots broke out on the Binnenhof on the evening following the killing. Politicians from all political parties suspended campaigning. Under Dutch law, it was not possible to modify the ballots, so Fortuyn became a posthumous candidate.
Pim Fortuyn List went on to make an unprecedented debut in the House of Representatives, winning 26 seats. This success was short-lived. In the elections the following year, Pim Fortuyn seats dropped to eight. After the 2006 elections, the party had no seats in the House of Representatives. On 15 April 2003, Volkert van der Graaf was convicted of assassinating Fortuyn and sentenced to 18 years in prison, he was released on parole in May 2014 after serving two-thirds of his sentence, the standard procedure under the Dutch penal system. Pim Fortuyn is credited with changing the Dutch political landscape and culture with his ideology, which came to be known as Fortuynism; the 2002 elections were marked by large losses for the liberal People's Party for Freedom and Democracy and the social democratic Labour Party. Both parties replaced their leaders shortly after the election; the Pim Fortuyn List and the Christian Democratic Appeal made significant gains. There have been others that speculate Fortuyn's perceived martyrdom may have played in favor of Pim Fortuyn List.
The coalition cabinet which formed after the election of the Christian Democratic Appeal, Pim Fo
Jan Peter Balkenende
Jan Pieter "Jan Peter" Balkenende Jr. is a retired Dutch politician who served as Prime Minister of the Netherlands from 22 July 2002 to 14 October 2010. He is a member of the Christian Democratic Appeal. A jurist by occupation, Balkenende became a professor of Christian theology at the Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam in 1993, he was elected to the House of Representatives following the general election of 1998, serving from 19 May 1998 until 22 July 2002. After the Leader of the Christian Democratic Appeal and parliamentary leader in the House of Representatives Jaap de Hoop Scheffer stepped down after an internal power struggle between him and party chair Marnix van Rij, Balkenende was selected to succeed him in both positions, became lijsttrekker for the Dutch general election of 2002; the Christian Democratic Appeal became the surprising winner of the election, gaining 14 seats becoming the largest party in the House of Representatives. This success was in part owed to Balkenende's neutral attitude in the debates with Pim Fortuyn, the eponymous leader of the Pim Fortuyn List party, assassinated during the national election campaign on 6 May 2002.
The following cabinet formation resulted in a coalition agreement with the Christian Democratic Appeal, Pim Fortuyn List and the People's Party for Freedom and Democracy which formed the First Balkenende cabinet with Balkenende becoming Prime Minister of the Netherlands taking office on 22 July 2002. The cabinet Balkenende I collapsed on 16 October after just 87 days in office after internal conflicts within the Pim Fortuyn List that destabilised the government. For the Dutch general election of 2003, Balkenende again as lijsttrekker won one seat and the following cabinet formation resulted in a coalition agreement with the Christian Democratic Appeal, the People's Party for Freedom and Democracy and the Democrats 66 which formed the Second Balkenende cabinet. On 29 June 2006 the Democrats 66 retracted their support for the cabinet Balkenende II after criticising the way Minister for Integration and Immigration Rita Verdonk had handled the crisis around the naturalisation of her party fellow elected to the House of Representatives Ayaan Hirsi Ali.
On 7 July 2006 a rump cabinet Third Balkenende cabinet was formed and stayed in office until the Dutch general election of 2006. Balkenende again as lijsttrekker lost three seats but the Christian Democratic Appeal remained by far the largest party with 41 seats; the following 2006–2007 cabinet formation resulted in a coalition agreement with the Christian Democratic Appeal, the Labour Party and the Christian Union that formed the Fourth Balkenende cabinet. On 20 February 2010 the Labour Party retracted their support for the cabinet Balkenende IV after a disagreement over the extension of the ISAF mission in Afghanistan. For the Dutch general election of 2010, Balkenende was appointed again as lijsttrekker, but his party lost 20 seats. Balkenende remained Prime Minister of the Netherlands until the First Rutte cabinet was installed on 14 October 2010. After his premiership, Balkenende retired from active politics at the age of fifty-four and serves as a professor of Governance and Internationalisation at the Erasmus University Rotterdam since 1 December 2010.
Following the end of his active political career, Balkenende worked as a Partner Corporate Responsibility for Ernst & Young from 1 April 2011 until 1 July 2017. Jan Pieter Balkenende Jr. was born on 7 May 1956 in Biezelinge in the province of Zeeland in Reformed family, the son of Jan Pieter Balkenende Sr. a cereal grains merchant and Thona Johanna Sandee, a teacher. During his childhood, Balkenende was an active supporter of the Dutch football team PSV Eindhoven, along with his father he frequented many matches, he regularly visited the local music school and theatre. Balkenende went to a Reformed Protestant primary school in Kapelle, he attended secondary school at the "Christian Lyceum for Zeeland" in Goes, graduating in 1974. He studied at the Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam, where he received a Master of Arts degree in history in 1980, a Master of Laws degree in Law in 1982, a Doctor of Philosophy degree in Law in 1992. Balkenende resides with his wife, Bianca Hoogendijk, his daughter, Amelie, in Capelle aan den IJssel, a suburb of Rotterdam.
During his tenure as Prime Minister, he did not use the Catshuis, the formal residency of the Prime Minister. He began his career on the staff of the research institute of the CDA and as a city councilman in Amstelveen. In 1992 he received his PhD with a thesis on "Governance regulation and social organisations", a inspired by the Communitarian ideas of Amitai Etzioni. One year in 1993, he became an extraordinary professor of Christian-Social Thought at the Free University of Amsterdam. Balkenende first entered the House of Representatives on 19 May 1998 while the CDA was in opposition, he became the CDA's financial spokesman and was involved with social affairs and domestic affairs. In this role he advocated a substantial reduction of sound public finances, he was elected Chairman of the CDA parliamentary fraction on 1 October 2001, succeeding Jaap de Hoop Scheffer. On 3 November 2001, he was appointed lijsttrekker for the CDA in the tumultuous May 2002 parliamentary elections; these elections restored the CDA's former position as the largest political party in the House of Representatives.
On 4 July 2002 Queen Beatrix asked Balkenende to form a new gove
A political spectrum is a system of classifying different political positions upon one or more geometric axes that represent independent political dimensions. Most long-standing spectra include a left wing, which referred to seating arrangements in the French parliament after the Revolution. On a left–right spectrum and socialism are regarded internationally as being on the left, Liberalism can mean different things in different contexts: sometimes on the left; those with an intermediate outlook are sometimes classified as centrists. That said and neoliberals are called centrists too. Politics that rejects the conventional left–right spectrum is known as syncretic politics, though the label tends to mischaracterize positions that have a logical location on a two-axis spectrum because they seem randomly brought together on a one-axis left-right spectrum. Political scientists have noted that a single left–right axis is insufficient for describing the existing variation in political beliefs and include other axes.
Though the descriptive words at polar opposites may vary in popular biaxial spectra the axes are split between socio-cultural issues and economic issues, each scaling from some form of individualism to some form of communitarianism. The terms right and left refer to political affiliations originating early in the French Revolutionary era of 1789–1799 and referred to the seating arrangements in the various legislative bodies of France; as seen from the Speaker's seat at the front of the Assembly, the aristocracy sat on the right and the commoners sat on the left, hence the terms right-wing politics and left-wing politics. The defining point on the ideological spectrum was the Ancien Régime. "The Right" thus implied support for aristocratic or royal interests and the church, while "The Left" implied support for republicanism and civil liberties. Because the political franchise at the start of the revolution was narrow, the original "Left" represented the interests of the bourgeoisie, the rising capitalist class.
Support for laissez-faire commerce and free markets were expressed by politicians sitting on the left because these represented policies favorable to capitalists rather than to the aristocracy, but outside parliamentary politics these views are characterized as being on the Right. The reason for this apparent contradiction lies in the fact that those "to the left" of the parliamentary left, outside official parliamentary structures represent much of the working class, poor peasantry and the unemployed, their political interests in the French Revolution lay with opposition to the aristocracy and so they found themselves allied with the early capitalists. However, this did not mean that their economic interests lay with the laissez-faire policies of those representing them politically; as capitalist economies developed, the aristocracy became less relevant and were replaced by capitalist representatives. The size of the working class increased as capitalism expanded and began to find expression through trade unionist, socialist and communist politics rather than being confined to the capitalist policies expressed by the original "left".
This evolution has pulled parliamentary politicians away from laissez-faire economic policies, although this has happened to different degrees in different countries those with a history of issues with more authoritarian-left countries, such as the Soviet Union or China under Mao Zedong. Thus the word "Left" in American political parlance may refer to "liberalism" and be identified with the Democratic Party, whereas in a country such as France these positions would be regarded as more right-wing, or centrist overall, "left" is more to refer to "socialist" or "social-democratic" positions rather than "liberal" ones. For a century, social scientists have considered the problem of how best to describe political variation. In 1950, Leonard W. Ferguson analyzed political values using ten scales measuring attitudes toward: birth control, capital punishment, communism, law, theism, treatment of criminals and war. Submitting the results to factor analysis, he was able to identify three factors, which he named religionism and nationalism.
He defined religionism as belief in God and negative attitudes toward birth control. This system was derived empirically, as rather than devising a political model on purely theoretical grounds and testing it, Ferguson's research was exploratory; as a result of this method, care must be taken in the interpretation of Ferguson's three factors, as factor analysis will output an abstract factor whether an objectively real factor exists or not. Although replication of the nationalism factor was inconsistent, the finding of religionism and humanitarianism had a number of replications by Ferguson and others. Shortly afterward, Hans Eysenck began researching political attitudes in Great Britain, he believed that there was something similar about the National Socialists on the one hand and the communists on the other, despite their opposite positions on the left–right axis. As Hans Eysenck described in his 1956 book Sense and
People's Party for Freedom and Democracy
The People's Party for Freedom and Democracy is a conservative liberal political party in the Netherlands. The VVD, whose forerunner was the Freedom Party, supports private enterprise and economic liberalism. Mark Rutte has been the party's leader since 31 May 2006 and on 14 October 2010 became Prime Minister of the Netherlands, marking the first time that the VVD led a government; the First Rutte cabinet's parliamentary majority was provided by the Christian Democratic Appeal and the Party for Freedom, but this majority became unstable when the latter refused to support austerity measures amid the Euro crisis. Therefore, a general election was held in September 2012; the VVD remained the largest party, with 41 seats. From November 2012 until March 2017, the VVD was the senior partner in the Second Rutte cabinet, a "purple" coalition government with the Labour Party. VVD remained the largest party in the March 2017 election. However, continuing the existing coalition was impossible, as the Labour Party had lost 29 seats, therefore a centre-right coalition was negotiated with the D66, CU and CDA, which became the Third Rutte Cabinet.
The VVD was founded in 1948 as a continuation of the Freedom Party, a continuation of the interbellum Liberal State Party, which in turn was a continuation of Liberal Union. They were joined by the Comité-Oud, a group of liberal members of the Labour Party, led by Pieter Oud; the liberals within the Labour Party were members of the pre-war social liberal Free-thinking Democratic League, who went on to join the Labour Party in the post-war Doorbraak movement. However, they believed. Oud became the merged party's first leader. Between 1948 and 1952 the VVD took part in the broad cabinets led by the Labour Party Prime Minister Willem Drees; the party was a junior partner with only eight seats to the Catholic People's Party and Labour Party, which both had around thirty seats. The Drees cabinets laid the foundation for the welfare state and decolonisation of the Dutch East Indies. In the Dutch general election of 1952 the VVD did not join the government. In the Dutch general election of 1956 they increased their total, receiving thirteen seats, but were still kept out of government until the general election of 1959, held early because of cabinet crisis.
This time they gained nineteen seats and the party entered government alongside the Protestant Anti-Revolutionary Party, Christian Historical Union CHU and the Roman Catholic KVP. In 1963, Oud retired from politics, was succeeded by the Minister of the Interior Edzo Toxopeus. With Toxopeus as its Leader, the VVD lost three seats in the 1963 election, but remained in government. In 1962, a substantial group of disillusioned VVD-members founded the Liberal Democratic Centre, intended to introduce a more twentieth-century liberal direction pointing to the classical liberal VVD. In 1966, frustrated with their hopeless efforts, LDC members departed the VVD altogether and went on now to form an political party, the Democrats 66. In 1965, there occurred a conflict between VVD Ministers and their counterparts from the KVP and ARP in the Marijnen cabinet; the cabinet fell and without an election it was replaced by the KVP–ARP–PvdA cabinet under Jo Cals, which itself fell the next year. In the following 1967 election the VVD remained stable and entered yet again the cabinet under Prime Minister Piet de Jong.
During this period the VVD had loose ties with other liberal organisations and together they formed the neutral pillar. This included the liberal papers Nieuwe Rotterdamsche Courant and Algemeen Handelsblad, the broadcaster AVRO and the employers' organisation VNO. In the Dutch general election of 1971 the VVD lost the cabinet lost its majority. A cabinet was formed by the Christian democratic parties, the VVD and the Labour Party offshoot Democratic Socialists'70; this cabinet collapsed after a few months. Meanwhile, the charismatic young MP Hans Wiegel had attracted considerable attention, he became the new leader of the VVD: in 1971 he became the new parliamentary leader, in 1972 he was appointed lijsttrekker. Under Wiegel's leadership, the party oriented towards a new political course, reforming the welfare state, cutting taxes etc. Wiegel did not shrink from conflict with the trade unions. With this new course came a new electorate: working class and middle-class voters who, because of individualisation and depillarisation, were more easy to attract.
The course proved to be profitable: in the polarised general election of 1972 the VVD gained six seats. The VVD was kept out of government by the social democratic and Christian democratic cabinet led by Joop den Uyl. Although the ties between the VVD and other organisations within the neutral pillar became looser, the number of neutral organisations, friendly to the VVD, expanded; the TROS and Veronica, new broadcasters which entered the Netherlands Public Broadcasting, were friendly to the VVD. In 1977 the VVD again won six seats bringing its total to twenty-eight seats; when lengthy formation talks between the social democrats and Christian democrats led to a final break between the two parties, the VVD formed cabinet with the Christian Democratic Appeal, with a majority of only two seats. In the general election of 1981 the VVD lost two seats and its partner the CDA lost more; the cabinet was without a majority and a CDA
A pieing or pie attack is the act of throwing a pie at a person. Non-consensual pieing is a punishable offence in criminal law, depending on jurisdiction is a battery but may constitute an assault. Non-consensual pieing may be actionable as a civil wrong resulting in the victim of the pieing to recover damages in a lawsuit from the tortfeasor. Although pieing may be intended as a harmless practical joke, it can be a political action when the target is an authority figure, industrialist, or celebrity and can be used as a means of protesting against the target's political beliefs, or against perceived arrogance or vanity. Perpetrators regard the act as a form of ridicule to embarrass and humiliate the victim. In pieing, the goal is to humiliate the victim while avoiding actual injury. For this reason the pie is traditionally of the cream variety without a top crust, is if a hot pie. In Britain, a pie in the context of throwing is traditionally referred to as a custard pie. An aluminium pie pan or paper plate filled with whipped cream can substitute for a real pie.
Pieing and pie fights are a staple of slapstick comedy, pie "tosses" are common charity fundraising events in schools. Pieing has its origins in the "pie in the face" gag from slapstick comedy, it appears on stage in the music hall sketches of the English theatre impresario Fred Karno. It was first seen in film in the 1909 Essanay Studios silent film Mr. Flip starring Ben Turpin. In the story, Turpin has a pie pushed into his face for taking liberties with a woman. Beginning in 1913 with That Ragtime Band and A Noise from the Deep, filmmaker Mack Sennett became known for using one or two thrown pies in many of his comedy shorts. Sennett had a personal rule about who received the pies: "A mother never gets hit with a custard pie... Mothers-in-law, yes, but mothers? Never."At least a half dozen films have been made incorporating extended pie-throwing battles. The first was Charlie Chaplin's Behind the Screen released in 1916; the definitive pie fight in film occurs in The Battle of the Century starring Stan Laurel and Oliver Hardy, using 3,000 pies.
Our Gang's Shivering Shakespeare winds up with an auditorium full of people throwing pies. The 1935 short subject Keystone Hotel featured a large pie-fight ending with the camera taking a pie. Another major pie-fight film appeared: The Three Stooges' In the Sweet Pie and Pie. Pieing had become such an established gag in Hollywood comedy that the song "Make'Em Laugh" from Singin' In The Rain concludes with the line "And you get a great big custard pie in the face!" A film involving pies was The Great Race. Its $200,000 pie-fight scene used 4,000 pies and one large cake, took five days to shoot. Pie fights featured in Beach Party, Smashing Time and Blazing Saddles. In Bugsy Malone, the "splurge guns" resembled spud guns. Original plans called for Dr. Strangelove to end with a pie fight. Surviving stills from the excised pie fight have appeared online. There are many instances in the Looney Tunes series of cartoons where characters "pie" each other in the face. Bugs Bunny hits Elmer Fudd with cream pies during a scene in Slick Hare, shoves one in Elmer's face in Hare Do.
In Shishkabugs, Bugs Bunny releases a spring-loaded pie into the face of the king, causing the royal cook Yosemite Sam to be led away to a dungeon. Daffy Dilly has Daffy Duck trying to cure a dying millionaire by getting him to laugh. After he achieves this inadvertently, by landing in a cake, Daffy is hired as a sort of household jester and ends the cartoon by getting pelted with cakes and pies. Bugs himself gets pied in Case of the Missing Hare, provoking him to spend the rest of the short wreaking revenge. Many comedy routines have used a pie as a gag, including ones performed by Soupy Sales and Monty Python, those of clowns in many circus performances. A popular Nickelodeon reality show called What Would You Do? features contraptions designed to hit participants in the face with multiple cream pies as punishment for losing, or sometimes as a reward for winning, a game performed on the show. The UK Saturday morning programme Tiswas had custard pies as a regular feature and had a character called The Phantom Flan Flinger, a masked man who pied people.
The World Custard Pie Throwing Championships take place annually in the village of Coxheath in Kent, England. The probable originator of pieing as a political act was Thomas King Forcade, the founder of High Times magazine. In 1970, Forcade pied Otto N. Larsen, the Chairman of the President's Commission on Obscenity and Pornography. Aron Kay a Yippie, went on to take up Forcade's pieing tactics. Kay pied, among many others, William F. Buckley, Phyllis Schlafly, G. Gordon Liddy, E. Howard Hunt, Andy Warhol. A disciple of Aron Kay, Thom Higgins, pied singer and anti-gay rights activist Anita Bryant in Des Moines, Iowa, in 1977. Kay retired in 1992 after pieing right-wing activist Randall Terry. Kay appears in cartoon form in a 2003 animated music video, "Death penalty for pot" by Benedict Arnold and The Traitors, where he and Dana Beal pie George W. Bush and former U. S. Attorney General John Ashcroft. Concerning Kay, an article in the San Francisco Examiner says: "He considers