A caudillo was a type of personalist leader wielding military and political power. There is no precise definition of caudillo, used interchangeably with "dictator" and "strongman"; the term is associated with Spain, with Spanish America after all of that region won independence in the early nineteenth century. The term is used pejoratively by critics of a regime. However, Spain's General Francisco Franco proudly took the title as his own during and after his military overthrow of the Second Spanish Republic in the Spanish Civil War, in parallel to the German and Japanese equivalents of the same period: Führer and Tenno. Spanish censors during his rule attacked publishers who applied the term to Hispanic American strongmen. Caudillos' exercise of power is a form considered authoritarian. Most societies have had personalist leaders at times, but Hispanic America has had many more, the majority of whom were not self-described caudillos. However, scholars have applied the term to a variety of Hispanic American leaders.
The roots of caudillismo may be tied to the framework of rule in medieval and early modern Spain during the Reconquest from the Moors. Spanish conquistadors such as Hernán Cortés and Francisco Pizarro exhibit characteristics of the caudillo, being successful military leaders, having mutual reliance of the leader and their supporters, rewarding them for their loyalty. During the colonial era, the Spanish crown asserted its power and established a plethora of bureaucratic institutions that prevented such personalist rule. Historian John Lynch argues that the rise of caudillos in Spanish America is rooted not in the distant Spanish past but in the immediate context of the Spanish American wars of independence; those wars left a power vacuum in the early nineteenth century. Caudillos were influential in the history of Spanish America and have a legacy that has influenced political movements in the modern era. Since Spanish American independence in the early nineteenth century, the region has been noted for its number of caudillos and the duration of their rule.
The early nineteenth century is sometimes called "The Age of Caudillos", with Juan Manuel de Rosas, dictator of Argentina, his contemporary in Mexico, Antonio López de Santa Anna, dominating national politics. Brazil's transition to independence was the establishment of the Brazilian Empire, which kept intact Brazil's geographical integrity and central authority. Weak nation-states in Spanish America fostered the continuation of caudillismo from the late nineteenth century into the twentieth century; the formation of Mexico's Institutional Revolutionary Party in 1929 ended caudillismo there. Men characterized as caudillos have ruled in Cuba, the Dominican Republic, Paraguay and Chile. Caudillos have been the subject of literature in Spanish America. A caudillo is a military leader or political leader Hispanic America is not unique in having strong leaders emerge during times of turmoil; the cause of their emergence in Spanish America is seen to be in the destruction of the Spanish colonial state structure after the wars of independence, in the importance of leaders from the independence struggles for providing government in the post-independence period, when nation-states came into being.
Historian John Lynch states. … The caudillo entered history as a local hero whom larger events promoted to a military chieftain." He gained in power by his success as a military leader. In a rural area that lacked any institutions of the state, where the environment was one of violence and anarchy, a caudillo could impose order by using violence himself to achieve it, his local control as a strongman needed to be maintained by assuring the loyalty of his followers, so his bestowing material rewards reinforced his own position. Caudillos could maintain their position by protecting the interests of regional elites. A local strongman who built a regional base could aspire to becoming a national caudillo, taking control of the state. In this situation, caudillos could bestow patronage on a large retinue of clients, who in turn gave him their loyalty. In general, caudillos' power benefited elites, but these strongmen were mediators between elites and the popular classes, recruiting them into the power base, but restraining them from achieving power themselves.
There were a few strongmen, whom historian E. Bradford Burns has named "folk caudillos", who either rose from a humble background to protect the interests of indigenous groups or other rural marginalized groups, or identified with those groups. In his analysis, these folk caudillos were in contrast to Europeanized elites who viewed the lower orders with contempt, he gives examples of Juan Facundo Quiroga, Martín Güemes and other Argentine caudillos, most Juan Manuel de Rosas, who were popular and populist caudillos. Burns attributes the urban elites' bafflement and their contempt for followers of these folk caudillos for much of the negative role assigned to caudillos. National caudillos sought to legitimate their rule by holding titles of authority, such as president of the republic. If the constitution put formal limits on presidential power and term limits, caudillos could bend or break the rules to maintain power, a practice dubbed "continuismo". Ideologically, caudillos could be either liberal or conse
Quebracho is a common name in Spanish to describe hard wood tree species. The etymology of the name derived from quiebrahacha, or quebrar hacha, meaning "axe-breaker". There are at least three similar commercially important tree species that grow in the Gran Chaco region of South America; the quebracho Schinopsis lorentzii. A. Castigl; the quebracho mestizo or quebracho colorado mestizo, horco quebracho. Brazil red quebracho, quebracho-colorado, quebracho crespo. Aspidosperma olivaceum Müll. Arg.. DC.. Arg.. Quebracho is sometimes used as a commercial name for the tannin derived from the trees or their timber. A further species, Jodina rhombifolia Pleuranthodendron lindenii Sleumer. Other names for the wood are: Quebracho chaqueño - Argentina Quebracho colorado - Argentina Quebracho macho - Argentina Quebracho moro - Argentina Quebracho negro - Argentina Quebracho santiagueño - Argentina Barauna - Brazil Brauna - Brazil Quebracho colorado - Brazil Quebracho hembra - Brazil Quebracho cornillo - Brazil Quebracho femea - Brazil Quebracho rubio - Paraguay Soto negro - Paraguay Quebracho produces tannins that can be extracted in quebracho sawmills from the heartwood of both red and white quebracho.
Logs are inserted into planers to produce chips that are used to produce the quebracho extract by boiling them in vats. It imparts a red-brown color. Ordinary or warm soluble quebracho is the natural extract obtained directly from the quebracho wood; this type of extract is rich in condensed tannins of natural high mo
Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata
The Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata was the last to be organized and the shortest-lived of the Viceroyalties of the Spanish Empire in America. The Viceroyalty was established in 1776 from several former Viceroyalty of Perú dependencies that extended over the Río de la Plata Basin the present-day territories of Argentina, Bolivia and Uruguay, extending inland from the Atlantic Coast; the colony of Spanish Guinea depended administratively on the Viceroyalty of Rio de la Plata. Buenos Aires, located on the western shore of the Río de la Plata estuary flowing into the Atlantic Ocean, opposite the Portuguese outpost of Colonia del Sacramento, was chosen as the capital. Considered one of the late Bourbon Reforms, the organization of this viceroyalty was motivated on both commercial grounds, as well as on security concerns brought about by the growing interest of competing foreign powers in the area; the Spanish Crown wanted to protect its territory against the Kingdom of Portugal. But these Enlightenment reforms proved counterproductive, or too late, to quell the colonies' demands.
The entire history of this Viceroyalty was marked by growing domestic unrest and political instability. Between 1780 and 1782, the Rebellion of Túpac Amaru II inspired a violent Aymara-led revolt across the Upper Peru highlands, demonstrating the great resentment against colonial authorities by both the mestizo and indigenous populations. Twenty-five years the Criollos, native-born people of the colony defended against two successive British attempts to conquer Buenos Aires and Montevideo; this enhanced their sense of power at a time when Spanish troops were unable to help. In 1809, the Criollo elite revolted against colonial authorities at La Paz and Chuquisaca, establishing revolutionary governments, juntas. Although short-lived, these provided a theoretical basis for the legitimacy of the locally based governments, which proved decisive at the 1810 May Revolution events deposing Viceroy Cisneros at Buenos Aires; the revolution spread except for Paraguay and Upper Peru. Meanwhile, the Governor of Montevideo Francisco Javier de Elío, appointed as a new Viceroy by the Cortes of Cádiz in 1811, declared the Buenos Aires Junta seditious.
However, after being defeated at Las Piedras, he retained control only of Colonia del Sacramento and Montevideo. He departed by ship to Spain on 18 November and resigned as Viceroy in January 1812. By 1814, as the revolutionary patriots entered Montevideo, following a two-year-long siege, the Viceroyalty was finished as government of the region. In 1680, Manuel Lobo, Portuguese governor of Rio de Janeiro, created the Department of Colonia and founded Colónia do Sacramento; the fort was developed as the department's capital. Lobo's chief objective was to secure the Portuguese expansion of Brazil beyond the 1494 Treaty of Tordesillas, which had defined areas of influence in the Americas between the Iberian nations. From 1580 to 1640, Spain had controlled Portugal and thus all of its territories in America. In 1681 José de Garro attacked and seized the new fort for Spain. On 7 May 1681, under the Provisional Treaty of Lisbon, it was ceded to Portugal; the Viceroyalty of Peru was requiring all commerce to go through the port of Lima, on the Pacific Ocean.
This policy failed to develop the potential of Buenos Aires as an Atlantic port, adding months to the transport of goods and commodities in each direction. It resulted in encouraging widespread contraband activities in the eastern region in Asunción, Buenos Aires and Montevideo. Under these conditions, Viceroy Manuel de Amat y Junyent issued a decree for the former Governor of the Río de la Plata Pedro Antonio de Cevallos to found the new viceroyalty in August 1776; the ruling was resisted by the elite of Lima. The Cabildo of the Captaincy General of Chile requested the King be excluded from the new viceroyalty, accepted; the Cuyo region, with its main city Mendoza, was split from the Captaincy General of Chile. Leaders in Santiago resented this action as the Cuyo region had been settled by Spanish colonists from Chile; the Portuguese prime minister Marquis of Pombal encouraged the occupation of territory, awarded to the Spanish in the Treaty of Paris, following the British defeat of France in the Seven Years' War.
King Charles III reacted to the advantageous conditions: France was bound to be an ally as a guarantor of the treaty, Great Britain, due to its own colonial problems with revolution in the Thirteen Colonies in North America, maintained neutrality on the issues between Portugal and Spain. Pedro de Cevallos conquered Colonia del Sacramento and the Santa Catarina islands after a siege of three days, gaining the First Treaty of San Ildefonso. With it, the Portuguese left the Banda Oriental for Spain. In exchange Spain ceded them the area of Rio Grande do Sul. Cevallos ended his military actions at this point and started working with government, but he was soon replaced by Juan José Vertiz y Salcedo; the viceroyalty was tasked with promoting local production of linen and hemp as export commodity crops, to supply the Spanish cloth industries that the Bourbons sought to favor. The conditions imposed by Spain on
National Route 9 (Argentina)
National Route 9 is a major road in Argentina, which runs from the center-east to the northwest of the country, crossing the provinces of Buenos Aires, Santa Fe, Córdoba, Santiago del Estero, Tucumán, Salta and Jujuy. It starts on Avenida General Paz, which marks the border between the Autonomous City of Buenos Aires and the surrounding province of the same name, ends at the Horacio Guzmán International Bridge, on the La Quiaca river, traversing 1,967 km; the road is a limited access motorway from Buenos Aires to Rosario. Between the cities of San Nicolás de los Arroyos and Rosario, the road is named Teniente General Juan José Valle; the route originated as the "Camino Real del Perú", used since colonial times to travel from Buenos Aires, through Córdoba, Santiago del Estero, San Miguel de Tucumán, San Salvador de Jujuy, Potosí, continuing to Perú. The section between Buenos Aires and the south of what it is today Cordoba Province, was shared with the "Camino Real del Oeste" which branched towards San Luis and Santiago.
The road had establishments every 30 -- 50 km where travellers could rest. After the coming of the railroad, in the second half of the 19th Century, this road lost relevance, as the railroad provided faster service on any type of weather; the first train from Buenos Aires arrived in the town of La Quiaca in Argentina's northern border with Bolivia on 30 December 1907. With the advent of the automobile, the Federal Government decided to build roads throughout the Republic. In 1936 the road from Buenos Aires to La Quiaca was named Ruta Nacional 9. In 1943 the road was open to traffic in its full length though most of it was unpaved; the road started taking passengers and cargo. The last passenger train to La Quiaca arrived on December 1993, the last cargo train in July 1994; the Buenos Aires to Rosario section was paved by 27 December 1936. The work reached Córdoba on 5 June 1937, it should be mentioned that National Route 9 had a different layout in those days, as the road traversed through Pilar to Pergamino on the roadbed of today's National Route 8 and it turned north going to Rosario.
The road between Congress Square in Buenos Aires and San Martín Square in Córdoba was 768 km long, with 42 bridges, 1,412 sewer covers and 17 level crossings, with a cost of 41,000,000 pesos moneda nacional, equivalent to 12,000,000 US dollars at the time. In 1939 access to Buenos Aires from Pilar was completed, passing through Campo de Mayo and San Martín. In those days, the Buenos Aires - General Pacheco - Campana - Zárate section was part of National Route 12. In 1943 Buenos Aires Province transferred the road section Campana - San Nicolás under construction to the national government, making it part of National Route 9, along with the Buenos Aires - Campana section of Route 12; this way they shortened the road distance between the two most populous cities in Argentina. You can see in the map the new road layout of National Route 9 in red, the old one in green. In 1950 the Dirección Nacional de Vialidad paved the Ramallo to San Nicolás de los Arroyos section, between 1952 and 1953 they finished the Campana to Atucha section and in 1956 the road was paved from Buenos Aires to Rosario.
After the change of layout in 1979, the route was paved except for a short piece north of Humahuaca, in Jujuy Province, an improved road. Works to finalize the route started in 1997 and were extended until 30 April 2004, opening to the public on 21 January 2005; the section passing through Greater Buenos Aires to the Port of Campana access road is part of Acceso Norte. The section between Avenida General Paz to the start of National Route 8 is named Autopista Pascual Palazzo. In 1943 the Dirección Nacional de Vialidad presented a plan for access to the city of Buenos Aires. Based on this plan, by the end of the forties work was started in what is known today as "Acceso Norte" to Buenos Aires, reaching the town of Garín in 1959. In 1971 the section Garín-Campana was opened. In 1977 the Campana-Zárate highway was opened, allowing access to the Zárate-Brazo Largo Bridge inaugurated that same year. In the year 1978 the section from San Nicolás de los Arroyos to Rosario was opened; this section is called “Teniente General Juan José Valle”.
In 1987 the last section of this highway was completed, between the Tala River. The Rosario – Córdoba highway project dates from 1970. On this project they would build a highway between these two cities over a new road, leaving the original road with one lane each way for local traffic, as it lies next to the Ferrocarril General Bartolomé Mitre railroad, traverses through the center of the different towns along its path. On 12 November 1986, construction of the new highway between Córdoba and Villa María was bid, but the project never came to fruition; the highway was started by two of the contractor companies on this route in the 1990s as part of the concession contracts. The agreement only included the sections from Avenida de Circunvalación de Córdoba to Pilar and from Avenida de Circunvalación de Rosario to Armstrong. On this last section, the Covicentro company only built the road to Carcarañá. In the year 2000 the national government opened a bid for the 109 km between Pilar and Villa María, with the contract only covering one lane in the section from Oliva to Villa María, with the winning bid from Benito Roggio e Hijos.
In February 2006 the same group secu
Néstor Carlos Kirchner Jr. was an Argentine politician who served as President of Argentina from 2003 to 2007 and as Governor of Santa Cruz from 1991 to 2003. Ideologically a Peronist and social democrat, he served as President of the Justicialist Party from 2008 to 2010, with his political approach being characterised as Kirchnerism. Born in Río Gallegos, Santa Cruz, Kirchner studied law at the National University of La Plata, he met and married Cristina Fernández at this time, returned with her to Río Gallegos at graduation, opened a law firm. Commentators have criticized him for a lack of legal activism during the Dirty War, an issue he would involve himself in as president. Kirchner ran for mayor of Río Gallegos in 1987 and for governor of Santa Cruz in 1991, he was reelected governor in 1999 due to an amendment of the provincial constitution. Kirchner sided with Buenos Aires provincial governor Eduardo Duhalde against President Carlos Menem. Although Duhalde lost the 1999 presidential election, he was appointed president by the Congress when previous presidents Fernando de la Rúa and Adolfo Rodríguez Saá resigned during the December 2001 riots.
Duhalde suggested that Kirchner run for president in 2003 in a bid to prevent Menem's return to the presidency. Menem won a plurality in the first round of the presidential election but, fearing that he would lose in the required runoff election, he resigned. Kirchner took office on 25 May 2003. Roberto Lavagna, credited with the economic recovery during Duhalde's presidency, was retained as minister of economy and continued his economic policies. Argentina repaid the International Monetary Fund; the National Institute of Statistics and Census intervened to underestimate growing inflation. Several Supreme Court judges resigned while fearing impeachment, new justices were appointed; the amnesty for crimes committed during the Dirty War in enforcing the full-stop and due-obedience laws and the presidential pardons were repealed and declared unconstitutional. This led to new trials for the military. Argentina increased its integration with other Latin American countries, discontinuing its automatic alignment with the United States dating to the 1990s.
The 2005 midterm elections were a victory for Kirchner, signaled the end of Duhalde's supremacy in Buenos Aires Province. Instead of seeking reelection, Kirchner stepped aside in 2007 in support of his wife, Cristina Fernández, elected president, he participated in the unsuccessful Operation Emmanuel to release FARC hostages, was narrowly defeated in the 2009 midterm election for deputy of Buenos Aires Province. Kirchner was appointed Secretary General of UNASUR in 2010, he and his wife were involved in the 2013 political scandal known as the Route of the K-Money. Kirchner died of cardiac arrest on 27 October 2010, received a state funeral. Kirchner was born Néstor Carlos Kirchner Jr. on 25 February 1950, in Río Gallegos, Santa Cruz, a federal territory at the time. His father, Néstor Carlos Kirchner Sr. met the Chilean María Juana Ostoić by telegraphy. They had three children: Néstor and María Cristina. Néstor was part of the third generation of Kirchners living in the city; as a result of pertussis, he developed strabismus at an early age.
When Kirchner was in high school he considered becoming a teacher, but poor diction hampered him. Kirchner moved to La Plata in 1969 to study law at the National University. During this period, the decline of the Argentine Revolution, the return of former president Juan Perón from exile, the election of Héctor Cámpora as president, his resignation and the election of Perón, the beginning of the Dirty War had led to severe political turmoil. Kirchner joined the University Federation for the National Revolution, a political student group whose relationship with the Montoneros guerrillas is a matter of debate. Kirchner was not a leader of the group, he was present at the Ezeiza massacre, in which right-wing Peronist snipers opened fire on a celebration of Juan Perón's return at the Ezeiza International Airport. He was present at the expulsion of Montoneros from Plaza de Mayo. Although Kirchner met many members of the Montoneros, he was not a member of the group. By the time the Montoneros were outlawed by Perón, he had left FURN.
In 1974 Kirchner met Cristina Fernández, three years his junior, they fell in love. They were married after a courtship limited to six months by the political turmoil in the country. At the civil ceremony, Kirchner's friends sang the Peronist song "Los Muchachos Peronistas", he graduated a year returned to Patagonia with Cristina, established a law firm with fellow attorney Domingo Ortiz de Zarate. Cristina joined the firm in 1979. By the time of Kirchner's graduation and move to the Patagonia, Juan Perón had died, his vice president and wife Isabel Martínez de Perón had become president. Isabel Perón had been unseated by a coup d'état; the Kirchners worked for banks and financial groups which filed foreclosures, since the Central Bank's 1050 ruling had raised mortgage loan interest rates. And acquired 21 real-estate lots for a low price when they were about to be auctioned, their law firm defended. Forced disappearances were common during the Dirty War, but unlike other lawyers of the time the Kirchners never signed a habeas corpus.
Julio César Strassera, prosecutor in the
The Inca Empire known as the Incan Empire and the Inka Empire, was the largest empire in pre-Columbian America. Its political and administrative structure is considered by most scholars to have been the most developed in the Americas before Columbus' arrival; the administrative and military center of the empire was located in the city of Cusco. The Inca civilization arose from the Peruvian highlands sometime in the early 13th century, its last stronghold was conquered by the Spanish in 1572. From 1438 to 1533, the Incas incorporated a large portion of western South America, centered on the Andean Mountains, using conquest and peaceful assimilation, among other methods. At its largest, the empire joined Peru, southwest Ecuador and south central Bolivia, northwest Argentina, northern Chile and a small part of southwest Colombia into a state comparable to the historical empires of Eurasia, its official language was Quechua. Many local forms of worship persisted in the empire, most of them concerning local sacred Huacas, but the Inca leadership encouraged the sun worship of Inti – their sun god – and imposed its sovereignty above other cults such as that of Pachamama.
The Incas considered their king, the Sapa Inca, to be the "son of the sun."The Inca Empire was unique in that it lacked many features associated with civilization in the Old World. In the words of one scholar, The Incas lacked the use of wheeled vehicles, they lacked animals to ride and draft animals that could pull wagons and plows... lacked the knowledge of iron and steel... Above all, they lacked a system of writing... Despite these supposed handicaps, the Incas were still able to construct one of the greatest imperial states in human history. Notable features of the Inca Empire include its monumental architecture stonework, extensive road network reaching all corners of the empire, finely-woven textiles, use of knotted strings for record keeping and communication, agricultural innovations in a difficult environment, the organization and management fostered or imposed on its people and their labor; the Incan economy has been described in contradictory ways by scholars:... feudal, socialist The Inca empire functioned without money and without markets.
Instead, exchange of goods and services was based on reciprocity between individuals and among individuals and Inca rulers. "Taxes" consisted of a labour obligation of a person to the Empire. The Inca rulers reciprocated by granting access to land and goods and providing food and drink in celebratory feasts for their subjects; the Inca referred to their empire as Tawantinsuyu, "the four suyu". In Quechua, tawa is four and -ntin is a suffix naming a group, so that a tawantin is a quartet, a group of four things taken together, in this case representing the four suyu whose corners met at the capital; the four suyu were: Chinchaysuyu, Antisuyu and Kuntisuyu. The name Tawantinsuyu was, therefore, a descriptive term indicating a union of provinces; the Spanish transliterated the name as Tahuatinsuyu. The term Inka means "ruler" or "lord" in Quechua and was used to refer to the ruling class or the ruling family; the Incas were a small percentage of the total population of the empire numbering only 15,000 to 40,000, but ruling a population of around 10 million people.
The Spanish adopted the term as an ethnic term referring to all subjects of the empire rather than the ruling class. As such, the name Imperio inca referred to the nation that they encountered and subsequently conquered; the Inca Empire was the last chapter of thousands of years of Andean civilizations. The Andean civilization was one of five civilizations in the world deemed by scholars to be "pristine", indigenous and not derivative from other civilizations; the Inca Empire was preceded by two large-scale empires in the Andes: the Tiwanaku, based around Lake Titicaca and the Wari or Huari centered near the city of Ayacucho. The Wari occupied the Cuzco area for about 400 years. Thus, many of the characteristics of the Inca Empire derived from earlier multi-ethnic and expansive Andean cultures. Carl Troll has argued that the development of the Inca state in the central Andes was aided by conditions that allows for the elaboration of the staple food chuño. Chuño, which can be stored for long periods, is made of potato dried at the freezing temperatures that are common at nighttime in the southern Peruvian highlands.
Such link between the Inca state and chuño may be questioned as potatoes and other crops such as maize can be dried with only sunlight. Troll did argue that llamas, the Inca's pack animal, can be found in its largest numbers in this same region, it is worth considering the maximum extent of the Inca Empire coincided with the greatest distribution of llamas and alpacas in Pre-Hispanic America. The link between the Andean biomes of puna and páramo and the Inca state is a matter of research; as a third point Troll pointed out irrigation technology as advantageous to the Inca state-building. While Troll theorized environmental influences on the Inca Empire he opposed environmental determinism arguing that culture lay at the core of the Inca civilization; the Inca people were a pastoral tribe in the Cusco area around the 12th century. Incan oral history tells an origin story of three caves; the center cave at Tampu T'uqu was named Qhapaq T'uqu. The other
Light industry is industries that are less capital-income intensive than heavy industry and is more raw material-oriented than business-oriented, as it produces smaller consumer goods. Most light industry products are produced for end users rather than as intermediates for use by other industries. Light industry facilities have less environmental impact than those associated with heavy industry. For that reason zoning laws are more to permit light industry near residential areas. One definition states that light industry is a "manufacturing activity that uses moderate amounts of processed materials to produce items of high value per unit weight". Light industries require fewer raw materials and power. While light industry causes little pollution compared to heavy industry, some light industry can cause significant pollution or risk of contamination. For example, electronics manufacturing, itself a light industry, can create harmful levels of lead or chemical wastes in soil without proper handling of solder and waste products.
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