A Scottish clan is a kinship group among the Scottish people. Clans give a sense of shared identity and descent to members, in modern times have an official structure recognised by the Court of the Lord Lyon, which regulates Scottish heraldry and coats of arms. Most clans have their own tartan patterns dating from the 19th century, which members may incorporate into kilts or other clothing; the modern image of clans, each with their own tartan and specific land, was promulgated by the Scottish author Sir Walter Scott after influence by others. Tartan designs were associated with Lowland and Highland districts whose weavers tended to produce cloth patterns favoured in those districts. By process of social evolution, it followed that the clans/families prominent in a particular district would wear the tartan of that district, it was but a short step for that community to become identified by it. Many clans have their own clan chief. Clans identify with geographical areas controlled by their founders, sometimes with an ancestral castle and clan gatherings, which form a regular part of the social scene.
The most notable gathering of recent times was "The Gathering 2009", which included a "clan convention" in the Scottish parliament. It is a common misconception that every person who bears a clan's name is a lineal descendant of the chiefs. Many clansmen although not related to the chief took the chief's surname as their own to either show solidarity, or to obtain basic protection or for much needed sustenance. Most of the followers of the clan were tenants. Contrary to popular belief, the ordinary clansmen had any blood tie of kinship with the clan chiefs, but they took the chief's surname as their own when surnames came into common use in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, thus by the eighteenth century the myth had arisen that the whole clan was descended from one ancestor, with the Scottish Gaelic of "clan" meaning "children" or "offspring". The word clan is derived from the Gaelic word clanna. However, the need for proved descent from a common ancestor related to the chiefly house is too restrictive.
Clans developed a territory based on the native men who came to accept the authority of the dominant group in the vicinity. A clan included a large group of loosely related septs – dependent families – all of whom looked to the clan chief as their head and their protector. According to the former Lord Lyon, Sir Thomas Innes of Learney, a clan is a community, distinguished by heraldry and recognised by the Sovereign. Learney considered clans to be a "noble incorporation" because the arms borne by a clan chief are granted or otherwise recognised by the Lord Lyon as an officer of the Crown, thus conferring royal recognition to the entire clan. Clans with recognised chiefs are therefore considered a noble community under Scots law. A group without a chief recognised by the Sovereign, through the Lord Lyon, has no official standing under Scottish law. Claimants to the title of chief are expected to be recognised by the Lord Lyon as the rightful heir to the undifferenced arms of the ancestor of the clan of which the claimant seeks to be recognized as chief.
A chief of a clan is the only person, entitled to bear the undifferenced arms of the ancestral founder of the clan. The clan is considered to be the chief's heritable estate and the chief's Seal of Arms is the seal of the clan as a "noble corporation". Under Scots law, the chief is recognised as the head of the clan and serves as the lawful representative of the clan community. A clan was made up of everyone who lived on the chief's territory, or on territory of those who owed allegiance to the said chief. Through time, with the constant changes of "clan boundaries", migration or regime changes, clans would be made up of large numbers of members who were unrelated and who bore different surnames; those living on a chief's lands would, over time, adopt the clan surname. A chief could add to his clan by adopting other families, had the legal right to outlaw anyone from his clan, including members of his own family. Today, anyone who has the chief's surname is automatically considered to be a member of the chief's clan.
Anyone who offers allegiance to a chief becomes a member of the chief's clan, unless the chief decides not to accept that person's allegiance. Clan membership goes through the surname. Children who take their father's surname are part of their father's clan and not their mother's. However, there have been several cases where a descendant through the maternal line has changed their surname in order to claim the chiefship of a clan, such as the late chief of the Clan MacLeod, born John Wolridge-Gordon and changed his name to the maiden name of his maternal grandmother in order to claim the chiefship of the MacLeods. Today, clans may have lists of septs. Septs are surnames, families or clans that currently or for whatever reason the chief chooses, are associated with that clan. There is no official list of clan septs, the decision of what septs a clan has is left up to the clan itself. Confusingly, sept names can be shared by more than one clan, it may be up to the individual to use his or her family history or genealogy to find the correct clan they are associated with.
Several clan societies have been granted coats of arms. In such cases, these arms are differenced from the chief's, much like a clan armiger; the former Lord Lyon King of Arms, Thomas Innes of Learney stated that such societies, according to the Law of Arms, are considered an "indeterminate cadet". Scottish clanship contained two distinct concepts of heritage; these were
The rutabaga, swede, or neep called by several other names in different regions, is a root vegetable that originated as a cross between the cabbage and the turnip. The roots are eaten in a variety of ways, the leaves can be eaten as a leaf vegetable; the roots and tops are used as winter feed, fed directly or that livestock can forage in the field during the other seasons. Scotland and Ireland have a tradition of carving the roots into lanterns at Halloween. Rutabaga has many regional names. Rutabaga is the common North American term for the plant; this comes from rot + bagge. In the U. S. the plant is known as Swedish turnip or yellow turnip. The term swede is used in many Commonwealth Nations, including much of England and New Zealand; the name turnip is used in parts of Northern and Midland England, the West Country, the island of Ireland, the Isle of Man, Manitoba and Atlantic Canada. In Wales, according to region, it is variously known as maip, erfin, swedsen, or swejen in Welsh, as swede or turnip in English.
In Scotland, it is known as turnip, in Scots as tumshie or neep. Some areas of south-east Scotland, such as Berwickshire and Roxburghshire, still use the term baigie a derivative of the Swedish dialectal word rotabagge; the term turnip is used for the white turnip. Some will refer to both swede and turnip as just turnip. In north-east England and swedes are colloquially called snadgers, snaggers or narkies. Rutabaga is known as moot in the Isle of Man and the Manx language word for turnip is napin, its common name in Sweden is kålrot. In Denmark it is known as kålroe and kålrabi, while in Norway it is known as kålrabi or kålrot and in Estonia as kaalikas. In Denmark and Norway, kålrabi is sometimes confused with Swedish kålrabbi; the Finnish term is lanttu. The Romanian term is nap. Rutabaga is known by many different regional names in German, of which Kohlrübe and Steckrübe are the most widespread and most used in lists of ingredients; the first known printed reference to the rutabaga comes from the Swiss botanist Gaspard Bauhin in 1620, where he notes that it was growing wild in Sweden.
It is considered to have originated in Scandinavia or Russia. There are contradictory accounts of; some sources say it arrived in England by way of Germany, while other accounts support Swedish origins. According to John Sinclair the root vegetable arrived in England from Germany around 1750. Rutabaga arrives in Scotland by way of Sweden around 1781. An article on the topic in The Gardeners' Chronicle suggests that the rutabaga was introduced more to England in 1790. Introduction to North America came in the early 19th century with reports of rutabaga crops in Illinois as early as 1817. Rutabaga was once considered a food of last resort in both Germany and France due to its association with food shortages in World War I and World War II. Boiled stew with rutabaga and water as the only ingredients was a typical food in Germany during the famines and food shortages of World War I caused by the Allied blockade and between 1945 and 1949; as a result, many older Germans had unhappy memories of this food.
One diary, written by an anonymous young girl from the Łódź Ghetto, contained substantial discussion about food and hunger. Łódź was the only ghetto on "German" soil and, due to this peculiarity of its character, the black market smuggling of food and other necessities had not been possible at Łódź. Out of the "major ghettos", Łódź had been the most affected by hunger and malnutrition-related deaths; the young diarist recounts in detail her father arriving home one evening with two stolen rutabagas. Each of the rutabagas was divided into 3 portions which she noted "worked out at seventy decagrams each". Though her father had been given some small pieces of rutabaga, she wrote that "He knew there was nothing to eat at home, so he didn't eat them on the spot although he was hungry … I can't write anymore because my eyes are filled with tears."Walter Meyer, a prisoner at the Ravensbrück men's camp, has written that "rutabaga soup became the staple food". One American POW recalled rutabaga soup "made from peelings".
A prisoner, held at a POW camp for captured Polish officers said the Germans provided prisoners with only small portions of soup made from "just water and rutabaga". Another survivor, held at Westerbork and the Bergen-Belsen concentration camp noted the poor quality of the rutabagas themselves, saying that in some cases prisoners would discard the "dried out and gray" rutabagas. A circular from April 1942 discusses cuts to the rations of the German population by the Reich Ministry of Food and Agriculture; the text gives an account of Germany's dwindling food supply, concluding: "To fill the gap, the Hitler government, just like 25 years ago, the government of Wilhelm II, will feed the German people with promises and with rutabagas" using the German word Kohlrüben for rutabaga. Rutabaga has a complex taxonomic history; the earliest account comes from the Swiss botanist Gaspard Bauhin, who wrote about it in his 1620 Prodromus. Brassica napobrassica was first va
Religion in Scotland
Christianity is the largest religion in Scotland. In the 2011 census, 53.8% of the Scottish population identified as Christian when asked: "What religion, religious denomination or body do you belong to?". The Church of Scotland, a Presbyterian denomination known as The Kirk, is recognised in law as the national church of Scotland, it is independent of state control. However, it is the largest religious grouping in Scotland, with 32.4% of the population according to the 2011 census. The other major Christian church is the Roman Catholic Church, the form of Christianity in Scotland prior to the Reformation, which accounts for 15.9% of the population and is important in West Central Scotland and parts of the Highlands. Scotland's third largest church is the Scottish Episcopal Church. There are multiple smaller Presbyterian churches, all of which either broke away from the Church of Scotland or themselves separated from churches which did so. In recent years other religions have established a presence in Scotland through immigration and higher birth rates among ethnic minorities.
Those with the most adherents in the 2011 census are Islam, Hinduism and Sikhism. Other minority faiths include small Neopagan groups. There are various organisations which promote humanism and secularism, included within the 36.7% who indicated no religion in the 2011 census. In July 2017, the Scottish Social Attitudes Survey, conducted by ScotCen Social Research found that 58% of Scots identified themselves as non-religious, compared to 40% in 1999. Since 2016, humanists have conducted more weddings in Scotland each year than either the Catholic Church, Church of Scotland, or any other religion; the statistics from the 2011 census and the 2001 census are set out below. Christianity was introduced to what is now southern Scotland during the Roman occupation of Britain, it was spread by missionaries from Ireland from the 5th century and is associated with St Ninian, St Kentigern, St Columba. The Christianity that developed in Ireland and Scotland differed from that led by Rome over the method of calculating Easter and the form of tonsure, until the Celtic church accepted Roman practices in the mid-7th century.
Christianity in Scotland was influenced by monasticism, with abbots being more significant than bishops. In the Norman period, there were a series of reforms resulting in a clearer parochial structure based around local churches; the Scottish church established its independence from England, developing a clear diocesan structure and becoming a "special daughter of the see of Rome" but continued to lack Scottish leadership in the form of archbishops. In the late Middle Ages the Crown was able to gain greater influence over senior appointments, two archbishoprics had been established by the end of the 15th century. There was a decline in traditional monastic life but the mendicant orders of friars grew in the expanding burghs. New saints and cults of devotion proliferated. Despite problems over the number and quality of clergy after the Black Death in the 14th century, evidence of heresy in the 15th century, the Church in Scotland remained stable. During the 16th century, Scotland underwent a Protestant Reformation that created a predominantly Calvinist national kirk, Presbyterian in outlook.
A confession of faith, rejecting papal jurisdiction and the mass, was adopted by Parliament in 1560. The kirk found it difficult to penetrate the Highlands and Islands, but began a gradual process of conversion and consolidation that, compared with reformations elsewhere, was conducted with little persecution. James VI of Scotland supported the bishops. Charles I of England brought in reforms seen by some as a return to papal practice; the result was the Bishop's Wars in 1639–40, ending in virtual independence for Scotland and the establishment of a Presbyterian system by the dominant Covenanters. After the Restoration of the Monarchy in 1660, Scotland regained its kirk, but the bishops. In the south-west many of the people began to attend illegal field conventicles. Suppression of these assemblies in the 1680s was known as "the Killing Time". After the "Glorious Revolution" in 1688, Presbyterianism was restored; the Church of Scotland had been created in the Reformation. The late 18th century saw the beginnings of its fragmentation around issues of government and patronage, but reflecting a wider division between the Evangelicals and the Moderate Party.
In 1733 the First Secession led to the creation of a series of secessionist churches, the second in 1761 to the foundation of the independent Relief Church. These churches gained strength in the Evangelical Revival of the 18th century. Penetration of the Highlands and Islands remained limited; the efforts of the Kirk were supplemented by missionaries of the SSPCK. Episcopalianism declined because of its associations with Jacobitism. Beginning in 1834 the "Ten Years' Conflict" ended in a schism from the church, led by Dr Thomas Chalmers, known as the Great Disruption of 1843. A third of the clergy from the North and Highlands, formed the separate Free Church of Scotland; the evangelical Free Churches grew in the Highlands and Islands. In the late 19th century, major debates, between fundamentalist Calvinists and theological liberals, resulted in a further split in the Free Church as the rigid Calvinists broke away to form the Free Presbyterian Chu
Scottish mythology is the collection of myths that have emerged throughout the history of Scotland, sometimes being elaborated upon by successive generations, at other times being rejected and replaced by other explanatory narratives. The myths and legends of Scotland have a "local colour" as they tell about the way of life during the olden times, apart from giving a perspective of the nature of the country during various seasons of the year, it was the belief that Beira, the Queen of Winter, had a firm hold on the country by raising storms during January and February thus preventing greenery to emerge. She was considered a tough and brutal old woman who stirred the deadly spiraling action of Corryvreckan, ushering snow, as well as torrents resulting in the overflow of rivers; the creation of lochs and mountains were attributed to her. Scottish mythology is not like the Greek and Roman myths. In this context the most powerful and feared goddess representing winter is Beira who rules winter for its entire duration.
The following season she concedes to Dual Lord and Lady who enjoy equal power during the ensuing season. This myth is akin to the popular myth of the Mayans and deals with female power in the "creation and the cycle of the year". However, Donald Mackenzie in his book Scottish Wonder Tales from Myth and Legend states that the goddesses of the Scottish myths are not glorified much unlike the goddesses of ancient Greece; the rivers in Scotland were considered the dwelling places of goddesses with their characteristic denoting the nature of the river, such as the River Forth being called "deaf or soundless river" on account of its silent flow conditions, the River Clyde called as "the purifying river" as it caused scouring and cleansing, carrying "mud and clay" during the flood season. The Celtic goddesses were authoritative and were associated with female fertility as related to female divinity and earth. In olden times the Celtics land and national societies were both linked with the body of the goddess and her representative on earth was the queen.
Another "ambivalent" character in Scottish myths was the "hag", the Goddess, the Gaelic Cailleach, the Giantess, a divine being, harmful. The hag is considered a "healer" and helpful during childbirth and is divine and said to have "long ancestry and incredible longevity", she is known as "at once creator and destroyer and fierce, mother and nurturer". Several origin legends for the Scots arose during the historical period. One Scottish origin legend, or pseudo-historical account of the foundation of the Scottish people, appears in adapted form in the tenth-century Latin Life of St. Cathróe of Metz, it relates that settlers from Greek Asia Minor sailed the seas and arrived at Cruachan Feli "the mountain of Ireland" for Cruachan Éli, a well-known place in Hiberno-Latin hagiography since Tírechán's Collectanea. As they roamed through Ireland, from Clonmacnoise and Kildare to Cork, to Bangor, they were continually engaged at war with the Pictanei. After some time, they crossed the Irish Sea to invade Caledonia North of Roman Britain, successively capturing Iona, the cities of Rigmhonath and Bellathor in the process.
The latter places are echoed by the appearance of Cinnrígmonaid and Cinnbelathoir in the Chronicle of the Kings of Alba. The territory so conquered was named Scotia after Scota, the Egyptian wife of Spartan commander Nél or Niul, St. Patrick converted the people to Christianity. Once the Picts adopted Gaelic culture and their actual characteristics faded out of memory, folkloric elements filled the gaps of history, their "sudden disappearance" was explained as a slaughter happening at a banquet given by Kenneth MacAlpin and they were ascribed with powers like those of the fairies, brewing heather from secret recipes and living in underground chambers. In the eighteenth century the Picts were co-opted as a "Germanic" race. In the Celtic domains of Scotland known as Gàidhealtachd, there were ancient pre-Christian structures. In the farthest end of northwest Scotland there are standing stones at Callanish on the Island of Lewis, in a vertical position, which are akin to the Stonehenge; because of the movement of people from Ulster to west Scotland, which resulted in close linguistic links between Ulster and the west of Scotland, much of Gaelic mythology was imported to Scotland, some of it was written in Scotland.
The Ulster Cycle, set around the beginning of the Christian era, consists of a group of heroic stories dealing with the lives of Conchobar mac Nessa, king of Ulster, the great hero Cúchulainn, of their friends and enemies. These are the Ulaid, or people of the North-Eastern corner of Ireland and the action of the stories centres round the royal court at Emain Macha, close to the modern city of Armagh; the Ulaid had close links with Gaelic Scotland, where Cúchulainn is said to have learned the arts of war. The cycle consists of stories of the births, early lives and training, battles and deaths of the heroes and reflects a warrior society in which warfare consists of single combats and wealth is measured in cattle; these stories are written for the most part in prose. The centrepiece of the Ulster Cycle is the Táin Bó Cúailnge. Other important Ulster Cycle tales include The Tragic Death of Aife's only Son, Fled Bricrenn "Bricriu's Feast", Togail Bruidne Dá Derga "The Destruction of Da Derga's Hostel".
This cycle is, in some respects, close to the mytho
Samhain is a Gaelic festival marking the end of the harvest season and the beginning of winter or the "darker half" of the year. Traditionally, it is celebrated from 31 October to 1 November, as the Celtic day began and ended at sunset; this is about halfway between the winter solstice. It is one of the four Gaelic seasonal festivals, along with Imbolc and Lughnasadh, it was observed throughout Ireland and the Isle of Man. Similar festivals are held at the same time of year in other Celtic lands. Samhain is believed to have Celtic pagan origins and there is evidence it has been an important date since ancient times; some Neolithic passage tombs in Ireland are aligned with the sunrise around the time of Samhain. It is mentioned in some of the earliest Irish literature and many important events in Irish mythology happen or begin on Samhain, it was the time when cattle were brought back down from the summer pastures and when livestock were slaughtered for the winter. As at Bealtaine, special bonfires were lit.
These were deemed to have protective and cleansing powers and there were rituals involving them. Like Bealtaine, Samhain was seen as a liminal time, when the boundary between this world and the Otherworld could more be crossed; this meant the Aos Sí, the'spirits' or'fairies', could more come into our world. Most scholars see the Aos Sí as remnants of the pagan gods and nature spirits. At Samhain, it was believed that the Aos Sí needed to be propitiated to ensure that the people and their livestock survived the winter. Offerings of food and drink were left outside for them; the souls of the dead were thought to revisit their homes seeking hospitality. Feasts were had, at which the souls of dead kin were beckoned to attend and a place set at the table for them. Mumming and guising were part of the festival, involved people going door-to-door in costume reciting verses in exchange for food; the costumes may have been a way of imitating, disguising oneself from, the Aos Sí. Divination rituals and games were a big part of the festival and involved nuts and apples.
In the late 19th century, Sir John Rhys and Sir James Frazer suggested that it was the "Celtic New Year", this view has been repeated by some other scholars. In the 9th century AD, the Western Christian church shifted the date of All Saints' Day to 1 November, while 2 November became All Souls' Day. Over time and All Saints'/All Souls' merged to create the modern Halloween. Historians have used the name'Samhain' to refer to Gaelic'Halloween' customs up until the 19th century. Since the 20th century, Celtic neopagans and Wiccans have observed Samhain, or something based on it, as a religious holiday. Neopagans in the Southern Hemisphere celebrate Samhain at the other end of the year. In Modern Irish as well as Scottish Gaelic the name is Samhain. Older forms of the word include the Scottish Gaelic spellings Samhuinn. In Manx Gaelic the name is Sauin; these are the names of November in each language, shortened from Mí na Samhna, Mì na Samhna and Mee Houney, meaning "month of Samhain". The night of 31 October—Halloween—is Oíche Shamhna, Oidhche Shamhna and Oie Houney, meaning "Samhain night".
The day of 1 November, or the whole festival, may be called Lá Samhna, Là Samhna and Laa Houney, meaning "Samhain day". These names all come from the Old Irish Samain or Samuin, the name for the festival held on 1 November in medieval Ireland; this comes from Proto-Indo-European *semo-. One suggestion is that the name means "summer's end", from sam and fuin, but this may be a folk etymology. In 1907, Whitley Stokes suggested an etymology from Proto-Celtic *samani, Joseph Vendryes suggested that it is unrelated to *semo-, because the Celtic summer ended in August; the Gaulish month name SAMON " Summer" on the Coligny calendar is related to the word Samhain. A festival of some kind may have been held during the'three nights of Samonios'; the Gaulish calendar seems to have split the year into two-halves: the first beginning with the month SAMON and the second beginning with the month GIAMONIOS, related to the word for winter, PIE *g'hei-men-, cf. Old Irish gem-adaig. Samonios may represent the beginning of the summer season and Giamonios the beginning of the winter season.
The lunations marking the middle of each half-year may have been marked by festivals. Samain or Samuin was the name of the feis or festival marking the beginning of winter in Gaelic Ireland, it is attested in some of the earliest Old Irish literature, from the 10th century onward. It was one of four Gaelic seasonal festivals: Samhain, Imbolc and Lughnasadh. Samhain and Bealtaine, at the witherward side of the year from each other, are thought to have been the most important. Sir James George Frazer wrote in The Golden Bough: A Study in Magic and Religion that 1 May and 1 November are of little importance to European crop-growers, but of great importance to herdsmen, it is at the beginning of summer that cattle are driven to the upland summer pastures and the beginning of winter that they are led back. Thus, Frazer suggests that halving the year at 1 M
Irish cuisine is the style of cooking that originated from Ireland, or was developed by the Irish people. It has evolved from centuries of social and political change, the mixing of the different cultures in Ireland, predominantly the English and Irish; the cuisine is founded upon the animals farmed in its temperate climate. The development of Irish cuisine was altered by the English conquest of the early 17th century, which introduced a new agro-alimentary system of intensive grain based agriculture. Large areas of land were turned over to cereal and a large portion of the population were confined to more marginal agricultural areas; the rise of a commercial market in grain and meat altered the diet of the native population by redirecting these products abroad as cash crops used to feed the British Empire's armed forces and cities. The potato, after its widespread adoption in the 18th century, became just about the only food the poor could afford; as a result, the potato is associated with Ireland and "Irish potato" has come to mean any dense, white potato with a low starch content.
By the 21st century, much of Irish cuisine was being revived. Representative traditional Irish dishes include Irish stew and cabbage, coddle, and, in Ulster, the soda farl. Modern Irish Food still uses these traditional ingredients but they are now being cooked by chefs with world influences and are presented in a modern artistic style. There are many references to food and drink in Irish mythology and early Irish literature, such as the tale of Fionn mac Cumhaill and the Salmon of Knowledge; the old stories contain many references to banquets involving the heroes' portion and meat cooked in cauldrons and on spits. Irish mythology shares many foods with others in this group. For example, honey has always been valued and was used in the making of mead, a drink featured in many ancient Indo-European myths and rituals, from Ireland to India. Prior to the Neolithic period in Ireland and advances in farming technology, archeological evidence such as the discovery of stone tools, bone assemblages, archeobotanical evidence, isotopic analysis of human skeletal remains, dental erosion on the remains of human teeth indicate the Mesolithic Irish were a hunter-gatherer society that ate a diet of varied floral, faunal sources.
Discoveries of food byproducts such as bone fragments and sea shells are key indicators toward the dietary habits of the Mesolithic Irish, as immediate food products have long-since decomposed —especially in the presence of Ireland's acidic soils. However, available archeological evidence of food remains, together with discoveries of Mesolithic food-harvesting tools and the relationship of local environments with settlement sites, provide an understanding of what may have eaten. Settlement sites, in particular, have supported notable insight into the dietary habits of the Mesolithic Irish. For example, the proximity of Mesolithic settlements to water systems point to groups or individuals who ate marine species; the predominant location of Mesolithic Irish settlements are close to water systems, therefore suggests a diet rich in vegetation, marine life, smaller mammals, as distinct from their British and Native American contemporaries whose settlements further inland influenced a diet more substantive with meat.
For example, deer features minimally in archeological discoveries, thought to be due to the infrequent presence of deer along coastal regions and estuaries. The deliberate positioning of such settlements suggests a cultural preference for particular foods. Unique to settlements positioned close to water systems are large mounds of bivalve shells known as middens, which provide concrete evidence that shellfish played a role in the dietary practices of the Mesolithic Irish. Shell middens are frequent Mesolithic discoveries in Ireland, which for their majority, were predominantly composed of oyster and limpet shells; the coastal town name of Sligo which means "abounding in shells," references the area's historic plenitude of shellfish in the river and its estuary, as well as the middens common to the area. Additionally, Ireland's position as an island and thus unique composition of biodiversity and geography suggests its Mesolithic people enjoyed a somewhat dissimilar diet than their proximal contemporaries.
For example, prehistoric Ireland's paucity of small mammals, its absences of species important to other Mesolithic communities, such as red deer, wild cow, elk would have contributed to unique dietary habits and nutritional standards. The persistent evidence of certain species, such as boar in contrast with the scarcity and/or uncooked nature of other animal remains such as bear and birds of prey suggests a particular understanding of certain animals as sources of food, others that served symbolic or medicinal purposes, while others still, such as dog, which are not supposed to have been consumed at all. Due to Ireland's geography and the locations of Mesolithic settlements, the variety of food sources available to the Mesolithic Irish was unique. Outside of boar, large predators including the wolf, the brown bear, lynx, are scarce in archeological assemblages, understood to have been avoided as a source of food, as they were in most contemporary Mesolithic Europe. While cerea
Hogmanay is the Scots word for the last day of the year and is synonymous with the celebration of the New Year in the Scottish manner. It is followed by further celebration on the morning of New Year's Day or, in some cases, 2 January—a Scottish bank holiday; the origins of Hogmanay are unclear. Customs vary throughout Scotland, include gift-giving and visiting the homes of friends and neighbours, with special attention given to the first-foot, the first guest of the new year; the etymology of the word is obscure. The earliest proposed etymology comes from the 1693 Scotch Presbyterian Eloquence, which held that the term was a corruption of the Greek agía míne, or "holy month"; the three main modern theories derive it from a Norse or Gaelic root. The word is first recorded in a Latin entry in 1443 in the West Riding of Yorkshire as hagnonayse; the first appearance in English came in 1604 as hagmonay. Subsequent 17th-century spellings include Hagmena, Hogmynae night, Hagmane in an entry of the Scotch Presbyterian Eloquence.
Although "Hogmanay" is the predominant spelling and pronunciation, a number of variant spellings and pronunciations have been recorded, including: with the first syllable variously being /hɔg/, /hog/, /hʌg/, /hʌug/ or /haŋ/. It may have been introduced to Middle Scots via French; the most cited explanation is a derivation from the northern French dialectal word hoguinané, or variants such as hoginane and hoguinettes, those being derived from 16th century Middle French aguillanneuf meaning either a gift given at New Year, a children's cry for such a gift, or New Year's Eve itself. Compare the apparent Spanish cognate aguinaldo/aguilando, with a suggested Latin derivation of hoc in anno "in this year."This explanation is supported by a children's tradition, observed up to the 1960s in some parts of Scotland at least, of visiting houses in their locality on New Year's Eve and requesting and receiving small treats such as sweets or fruit. The second element would appear to be l'an neuf, with some sources suggesting a druidical origin of the practice overall.
Compare those to Norman hoguinané and the obsolete customs in Jersey of crying ma hodgîngnole, in Guernsey of asking for an oguinane, for a New Year gift. In Québec, "la guignolée" was a door-to-door collection for the poor. Other suggestions include au gui mener, à gueux mener, au gui l'an neuf ('at the mistletoe the new year', or homme est né; the word may have come from the Goidelic languages. Frazer and Kelley report a Manx new-year song that begins with the line To-night is New Year's Night, Hogunnaa but did not record the full text in Manx. Kelley himself uses the spelling Og-u-naa... Tro-la-la whereas other sources parse this as hog-un-naa and give the modern Manx form as Hob dy naa. Manx dictionaries though give Hop-tu-Naa glossing it as "Hallowe'en", same as many of the more Manx-specific folklore collections. In this context it is recorded that in the south of Scotland, there is no ⟨m⟩, the word thus being Hunganay, which could suggest the ⟨m⟩ is intrusive. Another theory encountered is a derivation from the phrase thog mi an èigh/eugh, which resembles Hogmanay in pronunciation and was part of the rhymes traditionally recited at New Year but it is unclear if this is a case of folk etymology.
Overall, Gaelic refers to the New Year's Eve as Oidhche na Bliadhn Ùir and Oidhche Challainn. Some authors reject both the French and Goidelic theories, instead suggest that the ultimate source both for the Norman French and Goidelic variants of this word have a common Norse root, it is suggested that the full forms "Hoginanaye-Trollalay/Hogman aye, Troll a lay" "Hogmanay, give us of your white bread and none of your gray"invoke the hill-men or "elves" and banishes the trolls into the sea. Repp furthermore makes a link between "Trollalay/Trolla-laa" and the rhyme recorded in Percy's Relics: "Trolle on away, trolle on awaye. Synge heave and howe rombelowe trolle on away", which he reads as a straightforward invocation of troll-banning; the roots of Hogmanay reach back to the celebration of the winter solstice among the Norse, as well as incorporating customs from the Gaelic celebration of Samhain. The Vikings celebrated Yule, which contributed to the Twelve Days of Christmas, or the "Daft Days" as they were sometimes called in Scotland.
Christmas was not celebrated as a festival and Hogmanay was the more traditional celebration in Scotland. This may have been a result of the Protestant Reformation after which Christmas was seen as "too Papist". There are many customs, both local, associated with Hogmanay; the most widespread national custom is the practice of first-footing, which starts after midnight. This involves being the first person to cross the threshold of a friend or neighbour and involves the giving of symbolic gifts such as salt, shortbread and black bun, intended to bring different kinds of luck to the householder. Food and drink are given to the guests; this may go on throughout the early hours of the morning and well into the next day (although modern days see people visitin