Sinn Féin

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Sinn Féin
Leader Gerry Adams TD
Chairman Declan Kearney MLA
General Secretary Dawn Doyle
Deputy Leader Mary Lou McDonald TD
Assembly Leader (Northern Ireland) Michelle O'Neill MLA
Seanad Leader Senator Rose Conway-Walsh
Founder Arthur Griffith
Founded 28 November 1905
(original form)
17 January 1970
(current form)
Headquarters 44 Parnell Square, Dublin 1, D01 XA36
Newspaper An Phoblacht
Youth wing Sinn Féin Republican Youth
Ideology Irish republicanism
Left-wing nationalism
Democratic socialism[1]
Political position Centre-left[2] to left-wing
European affiliation None
International affiliation None
European Parliament group European United Left–Nordic Green Left
Colours      Green
Slogan "Building an Ireland of Equals"
Dáil Éireann
23 / 158
Seanad Éireann
7 / 60
Northern Ireland Assembly
27 / 90
House of Commons
(NI seats)
7 / 18
(Abstentionist)
European Parliament (Republic of Ireland)
3 / 11
European Parliament (Northern Ireland)
1 / 3
Local government in the Republic of Ireland
137 / 949
Local government in Northern Ireland
105 / 462
Website
www.sinnfein.ie

Sinn Féin (/ʃɪn ˈfeɪn/ shin-FAYN;[3] Irish pronunciation: [ʃɪnʲ ˈfʲeːnʲ]; English: Ourselves or We Ourselves[4]) is a left-wing Irish republican political party active in both the Republic of Ireland and Northern Ireland.

The Sinn Féin organisation was founded in 1905 by Arthur Griffith, it took its current form in 1970 after a split within the party (with the other side becoming the Workers' Party of Ireland), and has historically been associated with the Provisional Irish Republican Army (IRA).[5] Gerry Adams has been party president since 1983.

Sinn Féin is a major party in both Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland, it is the largest nationalist party in the Northern Ireland Assembly, and the second-largest overall; it had four ministerial posts in the most recent power-sharing Northern Ireland Executive. It holds seven of Northern Ireland's 18 seats—the second-largest bloc after the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP)—at Westminster, where it follows a policy of abstentionism, refusing to attend parliament or vote on bills. It is the third-largest party in the Oireachtas, the parliament of the Republic of Ireland, as Ireland's dominant parties of Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil are both centre-right, Sinn Féin is the largest left-wing party in Ireland.

Name[edit]

The phrase "Sinn Féin" is Irish for "ourselves" or "we ourselves",[6][7] although it is frequently mistranslated as "ourselves alone" (from "Sinn Féin Amháin", an early 20th century slogan. See also Sinn Féin (slogan)),[8] the meaning of the name itself is an assertion of Irish national sovereignty and self-determination; i.e., the Irish people governing themselves, rather than being part of a political union with Great Britain (England, Scotland and Wales) under the Westminster Parliament.

Around the time of 1969–1970, owing to the split in the republican movement, there were two groups calling themselves Sinn Féin; one under Tomás Mac Giolla, the other under Ruairí Ó Brádaigh. The latter became known as Sinn Féin (Kevin Street) or Provisional Sinn Féin, and the former became known as Sinn Féin (Gardiner Place) or Official Sinn Féin, as the "Officials" dropped all mention of Sinn Féin from their name in 1982, instead calling itself the Workers' Party of Ireland, the Provisionals were now generally known as Sinn Féin. Supporters of Republican Sinn Féin, which came from a 1986 split, still use the term "Provisional Sinn Féin" to refer to the party led by Gerry Adams.

Sinn Féin members have also been referred to as Shinners, a term intended as a pejorative.[9][10]

History[edit]

Alternative logo – glyph version
Main article: History of Sinn Féin

1905–1922[edit]

Sinn Féin was founded on 28 November 1905, when, at the first annual Convention of the National Council, Arthur Griffith outlined the Sinn Féin policy, "to establish in Ireland's capital a national legislature endowed with the moral authority of the Irish nation",[7][11] the party contested the 1908 North Leitrim by-election, where it secured 27% of the vote.[12] Thereafter, both support and membership fell, at the 1910 Ard Fheis (party conference) the attendance was poor, and there was difficulty finding members willing to take seats on the executive.[13]

The campaign car of Joseph McGuinness, who won the 1917 South Longford by-election whilst imprisoned. He was one of the first Sinn Féin members to be elected; in 1921 he sided with Collins in the Treaty debate.

In 1914, Sinn Féin members, including Griffith, joined the anti-Redmond Irish Volunteers, which was referred to by Redmondites and others as the "Sinn Féin Volunteers", although Griffith himself did not take part in the Easter Rising of 1916, many Sinn Féin members, who were also members of both the Volunteers and the Irish Republican Brotherhood, did. Government and newspapers dubbed the Rising "the Sinn Féin Rising",[14] after the Rising, republicans came together under the banner of Sinn Féin, and at the 1917 Ard Fheis the party committed itself for the first time to the establishment of an Irish Republic. In the 1918 general election, Sinn Féin won 73 of Ireland's 105 seats, and in January 1919, its MPs assembled in Dublin and proclaimed themselves Dáil Éireann, the parliament of Ireland, the party supported the Irish Republican Army during the War of Independence, and members of the Dáil government negotiated the Anglo-Irish Treaty with the British government in 1921. In the Dáil debates that followed, the party divided on the Treaty. Anti-Treaty members led by Éamon de Valera walked out, and pro- and anti-Treaty members took opposite sides in the ensuing Civil War.[15]

1923–1970[edit]

Pro-Treaty Dáil deputies and other Treaty supporters formed a new party, Cumann na nGaedheal, on 27 April 1923 at a meeting in Dublin, where delegates agreed on a constitution and political programme.[16] Cumann na nGaedheal went on to govern the new Irish Free State for nine years. (It merged with two other organisations to form Fine Gael in 1933.)[17] Anti-Treaty Sinn Féin members continued to boycott the Dáil, at a special Ard Fheis in March 1926, de Valera proposed that elected members be allowed to take their seats in the Dáil if and when the controversial Oath of Allegiance was removed. When his motion was defeated, de Valera resigned from Sinn Féin; on 16 May 1926 he founded his own party, Fianna Fáil, which was dedicated to republicanising the Free State from within its political structures. He took most Sinn Féin TDs with him.[18] De Valera's resignation meant also the loss of financial support from America,[19] the rump Sinn Féin party could field no more than fifteen candidates,[20] and won only six seats in the June 1927 general election, a level of support not seen since before 1916.[21][22] Vice-President and de facto leader Mary MacSwiney announced that the party simply did not have the funds to contest the second election called that year, declaring "no true Irish citizen can vote for any of the other parties".[22] Fianna Fáil came to power at the 1932 general election (to begin what would be an unbroken 16-year spell in government) and went on to long dominate politics in the independent Irish state.

An attempt in the 1940s to access funds that had been put in the care of the High Court led to the Sinn Féin Funds case, which the party lost and in which the judge ruled that it was not the legal successor to the Sinn Féin of 1917,[23] at the United Kingdom 1955 general election, two Sinn Féin candidates were elected to Westminster, but the party's vote decreased at the following election in 1959, during the IRA's Border Campaign.[24] In 1962, supporters of Marxism–Leninism took control of the Sinn Féin leadership from traditional republicans, and started to take policy in a new direction, the same thing happened in the IRA, with the ascent of Cathal Goulding. These people were influenced by Communist Party of Ireland member Roy Johnston's "National Liberation Strategy" and the theories of C. Desmond Greaves of the Connolly Association (part of the Communist Party of Great Britain). The Garland Commission was set up in 1967, to investigate the possibility of ending abstentionism, its report angered the already disaffected traditional republican element within the party, notably Seán Mac Stíofáin and Ruairí Ó Brádaigh, who viewed such a policy as treason against the Irish Republic.[25]

1970–1975[edit]

Ruairí Ó Brádaigh was the president of Provisional Sinn Féin from 1970 until 1983.

The Sinn Féin party split in two at the beginning of 1970, at the party's Ard Fheis on 11 January the proposal to end abstentionism and take seats, if elected, in the Dáil, the Parliament of Northern Ireland and the Parliament of the United Kingdom was put before the members.[26] A similar motion had been adopted at an IRA convention the previous month, leading to the formation of a Provisional Army Council by Mac Stíofáin and other members opposed to the leadership. When the motion was put to the Ard Fheis, it failed to achieve the necessary two-thirds majority, the Executive attempted to circumvent this by introducing a motion in support of IRA policy, at which point the dissenting delegates walked out of the meeting. These members reconvened at another place, appointed a Caretaker Executive and pledged allegiance to the Provisional Army Council, the Caretaker Executive declared itself opposed to the ending of abstentionism, the drift towards "extreme forms of socialism", the failure of the leadership to defend the nationalist people of Belfast during the 1969 Northern Ireland riots, and the expulsion of traditional republicans by the leadership during the 1960s.[27]

At its October 1970 Ard Fheis, delegates were informed that an IRA convention had been held and had regularised its structure, bringing to an end the 'provisional' period.[28] By then, however, the label "Provisional" or "Provo" was already being applied to them by the media,[29] the opposing, anti-abstentionist party became known as "Official Sinn Féin".[30] It changed its name in 1977 to "Sinn Féin – The Workers' Party",[31] and in 1982 to "The Workers' Party".[32]

Because the "Provisionals" were committed to military rather than political action, Sinn Féin's initial membership was largely confined, in Danny Morrison's words, to men "over military age or women". A Sinn Féin organiser of the time in Belfast described the party's role as "agitation and publicity".[33] New cumainn (branches) were established in Belfast, and a new newspaper, Republican News, was published.[34] Sinn Féin took off as a protest movement after the introduction of internment in August 1971, organising marches and pickets,[35] the party launched its platform, Éire Nua ("a New Ireland") at the 1971 Ard Fheis.[36] In general, however, the party lacked a distinct political philosophy; in the words of Brian Feeney, "Ó Brádaigh would use Sinn Féin ard fheiseanna (party conferences) to announce republican policy, which was, in effect, IRA policy, namely that Britain should leave the North or the 'war' would continue".[37] Sinn Féin was given a concrete presence in the community when the IRA declared a ceasefire in 1975. 'Incident centres' were set up to communicate potential confrontations to the British authorities. They were manned by Sinn Féin, which had been legalised the previous year by Merlyn Rees, Secretary of State for Northern Ireland.[38]

1976–1983[edit]

Bobby Sands mural in Belfast. Sands, a member of the Provisional IRA, stood on an Anti H-Block ticket.

Political status for prisoners became an issue after the ending of the truce. Rees released the last of the internees but introduced the Diplock courts, and ended 'Special Category Status' for all prisoners convicted after 1 March 1976, this led first to the blanket protest, and then to the dirty protest.[39] Around the same time, Gerry Adams began writing for Republican News, calling for Sinn Féin to become more involved politically,[40] over the next few years, Adams and those aligned with him would extend their influence throughout the republican movement and slowly marginalise Ó Brádaigh, part of a general trend of power in both Sinn Féin and the IRA shifting north.[41] In particular, Ó'Brádaigh's part in the 1975 IRA ceasefire had damaged his reputation in the eyes of Ulster republicans.[42]

The prisoners' protest climaxed with the 1981 hunger strike, during which striker Bobby Sands was elected Member of Parliament for Fermanagh and South Tyrone as an Anti H-Block candidate. After his death on hunger strike, his seat was held, with an increased vote, by his election agent, Owen Carron. Two other Anti H-Block candidates were elected to Dáil Éireann in the general election in the Republic. These successes convinced republicans that they should contest every election.[43] Danny Morrison expressed the mood at the 1981 Ard Fheis when he said:

"Who here really believes we can win the war through the ballot box? But will anyone here object if, with a ballot paper in this hand and an Armalite in the other, we take power in Ireland?".[44]

This was the origin of what became known as the Armalite and ballot box strategy. Éire Nua was dropped in 1982, and the following year Ó Brádaigh stepped down as leader, and was replaced by Adams.[45]

1983–1998[edit]

Under the political leadership of Gerry Adams and Martin McGuinness, Provisional Sinn Féin adopted a reformist policy, eventually leading to the Good Friday Agreement.

Under Adams' leadership electoral politics became increasingly important; in 1983 Alex Maskey was elected to Belfast City Council, the first Sinn Féin member to sit on that body.[46] Sinn Féin polled over 100,000 votes in the Westminster elections that year, and Adams won the West Belfast seat that had been held by the Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP).[46] By 1985 it had fifty-nine seats on seventeen of the twenty-six Northern Ireland councils, including seven on Belfast City Council.[47]

The party began a reappraisal of the policy of abstention from the Dáil, at the 1983 Ard Fheis the constitution was amended to remove the ban on the discussion of abstentionism to allow Sinn Féin to run a candidate in the forthcoming European elections. However, in his address Adams said, "We are an abstentionist party, it is not my intention to advocate change in this situation."[48] A motion to permit entry into the Dáil was allowed at the 1985 Ard Fheis, but without the active support of the leadership, and Adams did not speak, the motion failed narrowly.[49] By October of the following year an IRA Convention had indicated its support for elected Sinn Féin Teachtaí Dála (TDs) taking their seats. Thus, when the motion to end abstention was put to the Ard Fheis on 1 November 1986, it was clear that there would not be a split in the IRA as there had been in 1970,[50] the motion was passed with a two-thirds majority. Ó Brádaigh and about twenty other delegates walked out, and met in a Dublin hotel with hundreds of supporters to re-organise as Republican Sinn Féin.[51]

Tentative negotiations between Sinn Féin and the British government led to more substantive discussions with the SDLP in the 1990s. Multi-party negotiations began in 1994 in Northern Ireland, without Sinn Féin, the Provisional IRA declared a ceasefire in the autumn of 1994. Sinn Féin then joined the talks, but the Conservative government under John Major soon came to depend on unionist votes to remain in power, it suspended Sinn Féin from the talks, and began to insist that the IRA decommission all of their weapons before Sinn Féin be re-admitted to the talks; this led to the IRA calling off its ceasefire. The new Labour government of Tony Blair wasn't reliant on unionist votes and re-admitted Sinn Féin, leading to another, permanent, ceasefire.[52]

The talks led to the Good Friday Agreement of 10 April 1998 (officially known as the Belfast Agreement), which set up an inclusive devolved government in the North, and altered the Dublin government's constitutional claim to the whole island in Articles 2 and 3 of the Constitution of Ireland. Republicans opposed to the direction taken by Sinn Féin in the peace process formed the 32 County Sovereignty Movement in the late 1990s.[53]

Since 1998[edit]

The party expelled Denis Donaldson, a party official, in December 2005, with him stating publicly that he had been in the employ of the British government as an agent since the 1980s. Donaldson told reporters that the British security agencies who employed him were behind the collapse of the Assembly and set up Sinn Féin to take the blame for it, a claim disputed by the British Government.[54] Donaldson was found fatally shot in his home in County Donegal on 4 April 2006, and a murder inquiry was launched;[55] in April 2009, the Real IRA released a statement taking responsibility for the killing.[56]

When Sinn Féin and the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) became the largest parties, by the terms of the Belfast Agreement no deal could be made without the support of both parties, they nearly reached a deal in November 2004, but the DUP insisted on photographic and/or video evidence that decommissioning had been carried out, which was unacceptable to Sinn Féin.[57]

On 2 September 2006, Martin McGuinness publicly stated that Sinn Féin would refuse to participate in a shadow assembly at Stormont, asserting that his party would only take part in negotiations that were aimed at restoring a power-sharing government, this development followed a decision on the part of members of Sinn Féin to refrain from participating in debates since the Assembly's recall the previous May. The relevant parties to these talks were given a deadline of 24 November 2006 to decide upon whether or not they would ultimately form the executive.[58]

The 86-year Sinn Féin boycott of policing in Northern Ireland ended on 28 January 2007, when the Ard Fheis voted overwhelmingly to support the Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI).[59] Sinn Féin members began to sit on Policing Boards and join District Policing Partnerships.[60] There was opposition to this decision within Sinn Féin, and some members left, including elected representatives, the most well-known opponent was former IRA prisoner Gerry McGeough, who stood in the 2007 Assembly election against Sinn Féin in the constituency of Fermanagh and South Tyrone, as an Independent Republican.[61] Others who opposed this development left to found the Republican Network for Unity.

Immediately after the June 2017 UK general election, where the Conservatives won 49% of seats but not an overall majority, so that non-mainstream parties could have significant influence, Gerry Adams announced for Sinn Féin that their elected MPs would continue the policy of not swearing allegiance to the Queen, as would be required for them to take their seats in the Westminster Parliament.[62]

Links with the IRA[edit]

Sinn Féin is the largest Irish republican political party, and was closely associated with the Provisional IRA, the Irish government alleged that senior members of Sinn Féin have held posts on the IRA Army Council.[63] However, the SF leadership has denied these claims,[64] the US Government has made similar allegations.[65][66][67]

A republican document of the early 1980s stated: "Both Sinn Féin and the IRA play different but converging roles in the war of national liberation, the Irish Republican Army wages an armed campaign... Sinn Féin maintains the propaganda war and is the public and political voice of the movement".[68]

The British government stated in 2005 that "we had always said all the way through we believed that Sinn Féin and the IRA were inextricably linked and that had obvious implications at leadership level".[69]

The Northern Bank robbery of £26.5 million in Belfast in December 2004 further delayed a political deal in Northern Ireland. The IRA were widely blamed for the robbery[70] although Sinn Féin denied this and stated that party officials had not known of the robbery nor sanctioned it,[71] because of the timing of the robbery, it is considered that the plans for the robbery must have been laid whilst Sinn Féin was engaged in talks about a possible peace settlement. This undermined confidence among unionists about the sincerity of republicans towards reaching agreement; in the aftermath of the row over the robbery, a further controversy erupted when, on RTÉ's Questions and Answers programme, the chairman of Sinn Féin, Mitchel McLaughlin, insisted that the IRA's controversial killing of a mother of ten young children, Jean McConville, in the early 1970s though "wrong", was not a crime, as it had taken place in the context of the political conflict. Politicians from the Republic, along with the Irish media, strongly attacked McLaughlin's comments.[72][73]

On 10 February 2005, the government-appointed Independent Monitoring Commission reported that it firmly supported the PSNI and Garda Síochána assessments that the IRA was responsible for the Northern Bank robbery and that certain senior members of Sinn Féin were also senior members of the IRA and would have had knowledge of and given approval to the carrying out of the robbery.[74] Sinn Féin has argued that the IMC is not independent, and that the inclusion of former Alliance Party leader John Alderdice and a British security head was proof of this,[75] the IMC recommended further financial sanctions against Sinn Féin members of the Northern Ireland Assembly. The British government responded by saying it would ask MPs to vote to withdraw the parliamentary allowances of the four Sinn Féin MPs elected in 2001.[76]

Gerry Adams responded to the IMC report by challenging the Irish government to have him arrested for IRA membership—a crime in both jurisdictions—and for conspiracy.[77]

On 20 February 2005, Irish Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform Michael McDowell publicly accused three of the Sinn Féin leadership, Gerry Adams, Martin McGuinness and Martin Ferris (TD for Kerry North) of being on the seven-man IRA Army Council; they later denied this.[78][79]

On 27 February 2005, a demonstration against the murder of Robert McCartney on 30 January 2005 was held in east Belfast. Alex Maskey, a former Sinn Féin Lord Mayor of Belfast, was told by relatives of McCartney to "hand over the 12" IRA members involved.[80] The McCartney family, although formerly Sinn Féin voters themselves, urged witnesses to the crime to contact the PSNI.[81][82] Three IRA men were expelled from the organisation, and a man was charged with McCartney's murder.[83][84]

Irish Taoiseach Bertie Ahern subsequently called Sinn Féin and the IRA "both sides of the same coin",[85] the official ostracism of Sinn Féin was shown in February 2005 when Dáil Éireann passed a motion condemning the party's alleged involvement in illegal activity. US President George W. Bush and Senator Edward Kennedy refused to meet Gerry Adams while meeting the family of Robert McCartney.[86]

On 10 March 2005, the House of Commons in London passed without significant opposition a motion, introduced by the British government, to withdraw the allowances of the four Sinn Féin MPs for one year, in response to the Northern Bank Robbery, this measure cost the party approximately £400,000. However, the debate prior to the vote mainly surrounded the more recent events connected with the murder of Robert McCartney. Conservatives and unionists put down amendments to have the Sinn Féin MPs evicted from their offices at the House of Commons but these were defeated.[87]

In March 2005 Mitchell Reiss, the United States Special Envoy for Northern Ireland, condemned the party's links to the IRA, saying "it is hard to understand how a European country in the year 2005 can have a private army associated with a political party".[88]

The October 2015 Assessment on Paramilitary Groups in Northern Ireland concluded that the Provisional IRA still existed "in a much reduced form", and that some IRA members believed its Army Council oversaw both the PIRA and Sinn Féin, although it believed that the leadership "remains committed to the peace process and its aim of achieving a united Ireland by political means."[89]

Policy and ideology[edit]

Sinn Féin and Sinn Féin Republican Youth signs in Strabane

Most of the party's policies are intended to be implemented on an 'all-Ireland' basis which further emphasises their central aim of creating a united Ireland.

Sinn Féin currently is considered a democratic socialist or left-wing party;[90] in the European Parliament, the party aligns itself with the European United Left–Nordic Green Left (GUE/NGL) parliamentary group. The party pledges support for minority rights, migrants' rights, and eradicating poverty, although it is not in favour of the extension of legalised abortion (British 1967 Act) to Northern Ireland, Sinn Féin state they are opposed to the attitudes in society which "pressurise women" to have abortions and "criminalise" women who make this decision. The party does state that in cases of incest, rape, sexual abuse, "fatal foetal abnormalities", or when a woman's life and health are at risk or in danger, the final decision must rest with the woman.[91][92] Categorised as "populist socialist" in literature,[93] in 2014 leading party strategist and ideologue Eoin Ó Broin described Sinn Féin's entire political project as unashamedly populist.[94]

Sinn Féin has been considered to be Eurosceptic,[95][96] the party campaigned for a "No" vote in the Irish referendum on joining the European Economic Community in 1972,.[97] Sinn Fein was on the same side of the debate as the DUP and most of the UUP in that they wanted to pull out when UK had its referendum in 1975. [98] The party was critical of the supposed need for an EU constitution as proposed in 2002,[99] and urged a "No" vote in the 2008 referendum on the Lisbon Treaty, although Mary Lou McDonald said that there was "no contradiction in being pro-Europe but anti-treaty."[100] In its manifesto for the 2015 UK general election, Sinn Féin pledged that the party would campaign for the UK to stay within the European Union (EU), Martin McGuinness saying that an exit "would be absolutely economically disastrous". Gerry Adams said that, if there were to be a referendum on the question, there ought to be a separate and binding referendum for Northern Ireland,[101] its policy of a "Europe of Equals", and its critical engagement after 2001, together with its engagement with the European Parliament, marks a change from the party's previous opposition to the EU. The party expresses, on one hand, "support for Europe-wide measures that promote and enhance human rights, equality and the all-Ireland agenda", and on the other a "principled opposition" to a European superstate.[102]

Social and cultural[edit]

Sinn Féin's main political goal is a united Ireland. Other key policies from their most recent election manifesto are listed below:

Economy[edit]

  • Increase in capital gains tax and deposit interest retention tax
  • A cap on public sector pay at three times the average worker's wage
  • A cap on the salaries of TDs and government ministers
  • Standardisation of discretionary tax reliefs
  • Greater state investment in the economy
  • Reducing mortgage interest tax relief for landlords and property-based tax reliefs
  • Establishment of a government fund to aid small and medium enterprises
  • An 'all-Ireland' economy with a common currency and one tax policy
  • Greater investment for those who are disabled[107]

Health[edit]

  • An 'All-Ireland-Health-Service' akin to the National Health Service of the United Kingdom
  • Cap on consultants' pay
  • Abolishment of prescription charges for medical card patients
  • Expansion of primary care centres
  • Gradual removal of subsidies of private practice in public hospitals and the introduction of a charge for practitioners for the use of public equipment and staff in their private practice
  • Free breast screening (to check for breast cancer) of all women over forty[108]

International relations[edit]

Sinn Féin supports the creation of a 'Minister for Europe', the independence of the Basque Country from Spain and France,[109] and the Palestinians in the Israeli–Palestinian conflict.[110]

EU[edit]

Sinn Fein support a policy of "critical engagement with the EU" and have a "principled opposition" to a European superstate, it opposes an EU constitution because it would reduce the sovereignty of the member-states.[111][112] It also criticises the EU on grounds of neoliberalism. Sinn Fein MEP Matt Carthy says that the "European Union must become a cooperative union of nation states committed to working together on issues such as climate change, migration, trade and using our common strengths to improve the lives of citizens. If it does not, EU disintegration becomes a real possibility."[113]

Organisational structure[edit]

See also: Sinn Féin elected representatives
A Sinn Féin advice centre in Castlewellan

Sinn Féin is organised throughout Ireland, and membership is open to all Irish residents over the age of 16, the party is organised hierarchically into cumainn (branches), comhairle ceantair (district executives), and cúigí (regional executives). At national level, the Coiste Seasta (Standing Committee) oversees the day-to-day running of Sinn Féin, it is an eight-member body nominated by the Sinn Féin Ard Chomhairle (National Executive) and also includes the chairperson of each cúige. The Sinn Féin Ard Chomhairle meets at least once a month, it directs the overall implementation of Sinn Féin policy and activities of the party.[citation needed]

The Ard Chomhairle also oversees the operation of various departments of Sinn Féin, viz Administration, Finance, National Organiser, Campaigns, Sinn Féin Republican Youth, Women's Forum, Culture, Publicity and International Affairs, it is made up of the following: Officer Board and nine other members, all of whom are elected by delegates to the Ard Fheis, fifteen representing the five Cúige regions (three delegates each). The Ard Chomhairle can co-opt eight members for specific posts and additional members can be co-opted, if necessary, to ensure that at least thirty per cent of Ard Chomhairle members are women.[citation needed]

The Ardfheis (national delegate conference) is the ultimate policy-making body of the party, where delegates, directly elected by members of cumainn, can decide on and implement policy, it is held at least once a year, but a special Ard Fheis can be called by the Ard Chomhairle or the membership under special circumstances.[citation needed]

Ard Chomhairle Officer Board[edit]

2016–2017[114]

Leadership Members elected at the Ard Fhéis 2016[edit]

Leadership history[edit]

Gerry Adams, leader of Sinn Féin since 1983
Main article: Leader of Sinn Féin
Name Dates Notes
Edward Martyn 1905–1908
John Sweetman 1908–1911
Arthur Griffith 1911–1917
Éamon de Valera 1917–1926 Resigned from Sinn Féin and formed Fianna Fáil in 1926
John J. O'Kelly (Sceilg) 1926–1931
Brian O'Higgins 1931–1933
Fr. Michael O'Flanagan 1933–1935
Cathal Ó Murchadha 1935–1937
Margaret Buckley 1937–1950
Paddy McLogan 1950–1952
Tomás Ó Dubhghaill 1952–1954
Paddy McLogan 1954–1962
Tomás Mac Giolla 1962–1970 From 1970 was president of Official Sinn Féin, renamed The Workers' Party in 1982
Ruairí Ó Brádaigh 1970–1983 Left Sinn Féin and formed Republican Sinn Féin in 1986.
Gerry Adams 1983–present

Ministers and spokespeople[edit]

Northern Ireland Assembly[edit]

See also: Executive of the 5th Northern Ireland Assembly, Northern Ireland Assembly, Members of the 5th Northern Ireland Assembly
Portfolio Name
Leader of Sinn Féin in the Northern Ireland Assembly Michelle O'Neill MLA
Deputy First Minister of Northern Ireland Vacant

Note: As the second largest party, and largest nationalist party, Sinn Féin will fill the deputy First Minister position when a new executive is formed. Other ministerial positions will not be allocated until then.

Dáil Éireann[edit]

See also: Front Bench, Dáil Éireann, Members of the 31st Dáil
Portfolio Name
Leader of Sinn Féin
Leader of Sinn Féin in Dáil Éireann		 Gerry Adams TD
Deputy Leader of Sinn Féin
Public Expenditure and Reform		 Mary Lou McDonald TD
Social Protection and Party whip Aengus Ó Snodaigh TD
Finance Pearse Doherty TD
Health and Children Louise O'Reilly TD
Foreign Affairs and Trade Seán Crowe TD
Jobs, Enterprise and Innovation and Gaeltacht Affairs Peadar Tóibín TD
Justice, Equality and Defence Pádraig Mac Lochlainn TD
Communications, Energy and Natural Resources Michael Colreavy TD
Education and Skills Carol Nolan TD
Environment, Community and Local Government Brian Stanley TD
Agriculture, Food and the Marine Martin Ferris TD
Transport and Housing Dessie Ellis TD
Arts, Heritage, Transport and Sport Sandra McLellan TD

Seanad Éireann[edit]

See also: Front Bench, Seanad Éireann, Members of the 24th Seanad
Portfolio Name
Seanad Group Leader
Trade Union Outreach/Workers Rights and Political Reform
Junior Spokesperson for Jobs and Enterprise		 Senator David Cullinane
Gaeltacht, Irish Language and Rural Affairs
Junior Spokesperson for Justice, Equality and Defence		 Senator Trevor Ó Clochartaigh
Youth Affairs, European Affairs and All-Ireland Economy Senator Kathryn Reilly

European Parliament[edit]

See also: Eighth European Parliament, European Parliament, Members of the European Parliament, 2014–19
Portfolio Name
European Parliamentary Group Leader
Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs; Relations with Palestine		 Martina Anderson MEP
Environment, Public Health and Food Lynn Boylan MEP
Agriculture and Rural Development; Relations with the United States Matt Carthy MEP
Budgets; Fisheries; Relations with the People's Republic of China Liadh Ní Riada MEP

General election results[edit]

See also: Sinn Féin election results

Northern Ireland[edit]

Devolved legislature elections[edit]

Election Body Seats won ± Position First preference votes  % Government Leader
1921 House of Commons
6 / 52
Increase6 Increase2nd 104,917 20.5% Abstention Éamon de Valera
1982 Assembly
5 / 78
Increase5 Increase5th 64,191 10.1% Abstention Ruairí Ó Brádaigh
1996 Forum
17 / 110
Increase17 Increase4th 116,377 15.5% Abstention Gerry Adams
1998 Assembly
18 / 108
Increase18 Increase4th 142,858 17.7% Power-sharing (UUP-SDLP-DUP-SF) Gerry Adams
2003
24 / 108
Increase6 Increase3rd 162,758 23.5% Direct Rule Gerry Adams
2007
28 / 108
Increase4 Increase2nd 180,573 26.2% Power-sharing (DUP-SF-SDLP-UUP-AP) Gerry Adams
2011
29 / 108
Increase1 Steady2nd 178,224 26.3% Power-sharing (DUP-SF-UUP-SDLP-AP) Gerry Adams
2016
28 / 108
Decrease1 Steady2nd 166,785 24.0% Power-sharing (DUP-SF-Ind.) Gerry Adams
2017
27 / 90
Decrease1 Steady2nd 224,245 27.9% TBD Gerry Adams

Westminster elections[edit]

Election Seats (in NI) ± Position Total votes  % (of NI)  % (of UK) Government Leader
1924
0 / 13
Steady None 34,181 0.2% No seats Éamon de Valera
1950
0 / 12
Steady None 23,362 0.1% No seats Margaret Buckley
1955
2 / 12
Increase2 Increase4th 152,310 0.6% Abstention Paddy McLogan
1959
0 / 12
Decrease2 None 63,415 0.2% No seats Paddy McLogan
1983
1 / 17
Increase1 Increase8th 102,701 13.4% 0.3% Abstention Ruairí Ó Brádaigh
1987
1 / 17
Steady Increase6th 83,389 11.4% 0.3% Abstention Gerry Adams
1992
0 / 17
Decrease1 None 78,291 10.0% 0.2% No seats Gerry Adams
1997
2 / 18
Increase2 Increase8th 126,921 16.1% 0.4% Abstention Gerry Adams
2001
4 / 18
Increase2 Increase6th 175,933 21.7% 0.7% Abstention Gerry Adams
2005
5 / 18
Increase1 Steady6th 174,530 24.3% 0.6% Abstention Gerry Adams
2010
5 / 18
Steady Steady6th 171,942 25.5% 0.6% Abstention Gerry Adams
2015
4 / 18
Decrease 1 Steady6th 176,232 24.5% 0.6% Abstention Gerry Adams
2017
7 / 18
Increase3 Steady6th 238,915 29.4% 0.7% Abstention Gerry Adams

Trends[edit]

Sinn Féin returned to Northern Ireland elections at the 1982 Assembly elections, winning five seats with 64,191 votes (10.1%). The party narrowly missed winning additional seats in Belfast North and Fermanagh and South Tyrone; in the 1983 UK general election eight months later, Sinn Féin increased its support, breaking the six-figure vote barrier in Northern Ireland for the first time by polling 102,701 votes (13.4%).[115] Gerry Adams won the Belfast West constituency, and Danny Morrison fell only 78 votes short of victory in Mid Ulster.

The 1984 European elections proved to be a disappointment, with Sinn Féin's candidate Danny Morrison polling 91,476 (13.3%) and falling well behind the SDLP candidate John Hume.

By the beginning of 1985, Sinn Féin had won its first representation on local councils, owing to three by-election wins in Omagh (Seamus Kerr, May 1983) and Belfast (Alex Maskey in June 1983 and Sean McKnight in March 1984). Three sitting councillors also defected to Sinn Féin in Dungannon, Fermanagh and Derry (the last defecting from the SDLP).[116][117][118] Sinn Féin succeeded in winning 59 seats in the 1985 local government elections, after it had predicted winning only 40 seats. However, the results continued to show a decline from the peak of 1983, as the party won 75,686 votes (11.8%).[118] The party failed to gain any seats in the 1986 by-elections caused by the resignation of unionist MPs in protest at the Anglo-Irish Agreement. While this was partly due to an electoral pact between unionist candidates, the SF vote fell in the four constituencies they contested.[119]

In the 1987 general election Gerry Adams held his Belfast West seat, but the party failed to make breakthroughs elsewhere and overall polled 83,389 votes (11.4%).[120] The same year saw the party contest the Dáil election in the Republic of Ireland; however, it failed to win any seats and polled less than 2%.

The 1989 local government elections saw a drop in support for Sinn Féin.[121] Defending 58 seats (the 59 won in 1985, plus two 1987 by-election gains in West Belfast, minus three councillors who had defected to Republican Sinn Féin in 1986), the party lost 15 seats; in the aftermath of the election, Mitchell McLaughlin admitted that recent IRA activity had affected the Sinn Féin vote.[122]

In the 1989 European election, Danny Morrison again failed to win a seat, polling at 48,914 votes (9%).

The nadir for SF in this period came in 1992, with Gerry Adams losing his Belfast West seat to the SDLP, and the SF vote falling in the other constituencies that they had contested relative to 1987.[123]

In the 1997 UK general election, Adams regained Belfast West. Martin McGuinness also won a seat in Mid Ulster. In the Irish general election the same year the party won its first seat since 1957, with Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin gaining a seat in the Cavan-Monaghan constituency. In the Irish local elections of 1999 the party increased its number of councillors from 7 to 23.

The party overtook its nationalist rival, the Social Democratic and Labour Party, as the largest nationalist party in the local elections and UK general election of 2001, winning four Westminster seats to the SDLP's three,[124] the party continues to subscribe, however, to an abstentionist policy towards the Westminster British parliament, on account of opposing that parliament's jurisdiction in Northern Ireland, as well as its oath to the Queen.[125][126]

Results in Northern Ireland from UK General Elections. Sinn Féin increased its number of seats from two in 1997 to five in 2005, four of them in the west, it retained its five seats in 2010, was reduced to four in 2015 before increasing to seven in 2017.

Sinn Féin increased its share of the nationalist vote in the 2003, 2007, and 2011 Assembly elections, with Martin McGuinness, former Minister for Education, taking the post of deputy First Minister in the Northern Ireland power-sharing Executive Committee. The party has three ministers in the Executive Committee.

In the 2010 General Election, the party retained its five seats,[127] and for the first time topped the poll at a Westminster Election in Northern Ireland, winning 25.5% of the vote.[128] All Sinn Féin MPs increased their share of the vote and with the exception of Fermanagh and South Tyrone, increased their majorities;[127] in Fermanagh and South Tyrone, Unionist parties agreed a joint candidate,[129] this resulted in the closest contest of the election, with Sinn Féin MP Michelle Gildernew holding her seat by 4 votes after 3 recounts and an election petition challenging the result.[130]

Sinn Féin lost some ground in the 2016 Assembly election, dropping one seat to finish with 28, ten behind the DUP;[131] in the snap election eight months later caused by the resignation of McGuinness as deputy First Minister, however, the party surged, winning 27.9% of the popular vote to 28.1% for the DUP, and 27 seats to the DUP's 28 in an Assembly reduced by 18 seats.[132][133]

Dáil Éireann elections[edit]

Election Seats won ± Position First pref. votes  % Government Leader
1918
73 / 105
Increase73 Increase1st 476,087 46.9% Aireacht Gov't Éamon de Valera
1921
124 / 128
Increase51 Steady1st – – Aireacht Gov't Éamon de Valera
1922
58 / 128

(Pro-Treaty)		 N/A Steady1st 239,195 38.5% Minority Gov't Michael Collins
(Pro-Treaty)
36 / 128

(Anti-Treaty)		 N/A Decrease2nd 135,310 21.8% Abstention Éamon de Valera
(Anti-Treaty)
1923
44 / 153
Increase8 Steady2nd 288,794 27.4% Abstention Éamon de Valera
1927 (Jun)
5 / 153
Decrease39 Decrease6th 41,401 3.6% Abstention John J. O'Kelly
1954
0 / 147
Steady None 1,990 0.1% No Seats Tomás Ó Dubhghaill
1957
4 / 147
Increase4 Increase4th 65,640 5.3% Abstention Paddy McLogan
1961
0 / 144
Decrease4 None 36,396 3.1% No Seats Paddy McLogan
1982 (Feb)
0 / 166
Steady None 16,894 1.0% No Seats Ruairí Ó Brádaigh
1987
0 / 166
Steady None 32,933 1.9% No Seats Gerry Adams
1989
0 / 166
Steady None 20,003 1.2% No Seats Gerry Adams
1992
0 / 166
Steady None 27,809 1.6% No Seats Gerry Adams
1997
1 / 166
Increase1 Increase6th 45,614 2.5% Opposition Gerry Adams
2002
5 / 166
Increase4 Steady6th 121,020 6.5% Opposition Gerry Adams
2007
4 / 166
Decrease1 Increase5th 143,410 6.9% Opposition Gerry Adams
2011
14 / 166
Increase10 Increase4th 220,661 9.9% Opposition Gerry Adams
2016
23 / 158
Increase9 Increase3rd 295,319 13.8% Opposition Gerry Adams

The party had five TDs elected in the 2002 Irish general election, an increase of four from the previous election, at the general election in 2007 the party had expectations of substantial gains,[134][135] with poll predictions that they would gain five[136] to ten seats.[137] However, the party lost one of its seats to Fine Gael. Seán Crowe, who had topped the poll in Dublin South–West fell to fifth place, with his first preference vote reduced from 20.28% to 12.16%.[138]

On 26 November 2010, Pearse Doherty won a seat in the Donegal South–West by-election, it was the party's first by-election victory in the Republic of Ireland since 1925.[139] After negotiations with the left-wing Independent TDs Finian McGrath and Maureen O'Sullivan, a Technical Group was formed in the Dáil to give its members more speaking time.[140][141]

In the 2011 Irish general election the party made significant gains. All its sitting TDs were returned, with Seán Crowe regaining the seat he had lost in 2007 in Dublin South–West; in addition to winning long-targeted seats such as Dublin Central and Dublin North–West, the party gained unexpected seats in Cork East and Sligo–North Leitrim.[142] It ultimately won 14 seats, the best performance for the party's current incarnation, the party went on to win three seats in the Seanad election which followed their success at the general election.[143] In the 2016 election it made further gains, finishing with 23 seats and overtaking the Labour Party as the third-largest party in the Dáil,[144] it ran seven candidates in the Seanad election, all of whom were successful.[145]

Local government elections[edit]

Election Country First preference vote Vote % Seats
1920 Ireland – 27.0% –
1974 Republic of Ireland – –
7 / 802
1979 Republic of Ireland – –
11 / 798
1985 Northern Ireland 75,686 11.8%
59 / 565
1985 Republic of Ireland 46,391 3.3% –
1989 Northern Ireland 69,032 11.2%
43 / 565
1991 Republic of Ireland 29,054 2.1%
8 / 883
1993 Northern Ireland 77,600 12.0%
51 / 582
1997 Northern Ireland 106,934 17.0%
74 / 575
1999 Republic of Ireland 49,192 3.5%
21 / 883
2001 Northern Ireland 163,269 21.0%
108 / 582
2004 Republic of Ireland 146,391 8.0%
54 / 883
2005 Northern Ireland 163,205 23.2%
126 / 582
2009 Republic of Ireland 138,405 7.4%
54 / 883
2011 Northern Ireland 163,712 24.8%
138 / 583
2014 Northern Ireland 151,137 22.7%
105 / 462
2014 Republic of Ireland 258,650 15.2%
159 / 949

Sinn Féin is represented on most county and city councils, it made large gains in the local elections of 2004, increasing its number of councillors from 21 to 54, and replacing the Progressive Democrats as the fourth-largest party in local government.[146] At the local elections of June 2009, the party's vote fell by 0.95% to 7.34%, with no change in the number of seats. Losses in Dublin and urban areas were balanced by gains in areas such as Limerick, Wicklow, Cork, Tipperary and Kilkenny and the border counties .[147] However, three of Sinn Féin's seven representatives on Dublin City Council resigned within six months of the June 2009 elections, one of them defecting to the Labour Party.[148]

European elections[edit]

Election Country First preference vote Vote % Seats
1984 Northern Ireland 91,476 13.3%
0 / 3
Republic of Ireland 54,672 4.9%
0 / 15
1989 Northern Ireland 48,914 9.0%
0 / 3
Republic of Ireland 35,923 2.2%
0 / 15
1994 Northern Ireland 55,215 9.9%
0 / 3
Republic of Ireland 33,823 3.0%
0 / 15
1999 Northern Ireland 117,643 17.3%
0 / 3
Republic of Ireland 88,165 6.3%
0 / 15
2004 Northern Ireland 144,541 26.3%
1 / 3
Republic of Ireland 197,715 11.1%
1 / 13
2009 Northern Ireland 126,184 25.8%
1 / 3
Republic of Ireland 205,613 11.2%
0 / 12
2014 Northern Ireland 159,813 25.5%
1 / 3
Republic of Ireland 323,300 19.5%
3 / 11

In the 2004 European Parliament election, Bairbre de Brún won Sinn Féin's first seat in the European Parliament, at the expense of the Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP). She came in second behind Jim Allister, then of the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP);[149] in the 2009 election, de Brún was re-elected with 126,184 first preference votes, the only candidate to reach the quota on the first count. This was the first time since elections began in 1979 that the DUP failed to take the first seat, and was the first occasion Sinn Féin topped a poll in any Northern Ireland election.[150][151]

Sinn Féin made a breakthrough in the Dublin constituency in 2004, the party's candidate, Mary Lou McDonald, was elected on the sixth count as one of four MEPs for Dublin, effectively taking the seat of Patricia McKenna of the Green Party.[152] In the 2009 election, when Dublin's representation was reduced to three MEPs, she failed to hold her seat;[153] in the South constituency their candidate, Councillor Toiréasa Ferris, managed to nearly double the number of first preference votes,[153] lying third after the first count, but failed to get enough transfers to win a seat.

In the 2014 election, Martina Anderson topped the poll in Northern Ireland, as did Lynn Boylan in Dublin. Liadh Ní Riada was elected in the South constituency, and Matt Carthy in Midlands–North-West.[154]

See also[edit]

Notes[edit]

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  14. ^ Feeney pp. 56–7
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  20. ^ The Times, 350 Candidates For 152 Seats, 2 June 1927
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  22. ^ a b The Times, Mr. Cosgrave and the Oath, 30 August 1927
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References[edit]

  • Mícheál MacDonncha, ed. (2005). Sinn Féin: A Century of Struggle (in Irish and English). Dublin: Sinn Féin. ISBN 978-0-9542946-2-5. 
  • Michael Laffan, The Resurrection of Ireland: The Sinn Féin Party 1916—1923 (Cambridge, 1999)
  • The Secret Army: The IRA, J Bowyer Bell, Poolbeg Press Ltd. Ireland 1997 (revised Third Edition), ISBN 978-1-85371-813-7.
  • Sinn Féin: A Hundred Turbulent Years, Brian Feeney, O'Brien Press, Dublin 2002, ISBN 978-1-85371-813-7.
  • The I.R.A., Tim Pat Coogan, HarperCollins Publishers London 2000, ISBN 978-0-00-653155-5
  • Northern Ireland: A Chronology of the Troubles 1968–1993, Paul Bew & Gordon Gillespie, Gill & Macmillan, Dublin 1993, ISBN 978-0-7171-2081-9
  • The Transformation of Ireland 1900–2000, Diarmaid Ferriter, Profile Books, London 2005, ISBN 978-1-86197-443-3
  • Ireland: A History, Robert Kee, Abacus, London (Revised Edition 2005), ISBN 978-0-349-11676-1
  • Eyewitness to Irish History, Peter Berresford Ellis, John Wiley & Sons, Inc, Canada 2004, ISBN 978-0-471-26633-4
  • Joe Cahill: A Life in the IRA, Brendan Anderson, O'Brien Press, Dublin 2002, ISBN 978-0-86278-674-8
  • Taylor, Peter (1997). Provos The IRA & Sinn Féin. Bloomsbury Publishing. ISBN 978-0-7475-3818-9. 
  • The Transformation of Ireland 1900–2000, Diarmaid Ferriter, Profile Books, London 2005, ISBN 978-1-86197-443-3.

Further reading[edit]

External links[edit]

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