1.
Ascribed status
–
Ascribed status is the social status a person is assigned at birth or assumed involuntarily later in life. It is a position that is neither earned nor chosen but assigned and these rigid social designators remain fixed throughout an individuals life and are inseparable from the positive or negative stereotypes that are linked with ones ascribed statuses. The practice of assigning such statuses to individuals exists cross-culturally within all societies and is based on gender, race, family origins, in contrast, an achieved status is a social position a person takes on voluntarily that reflects both personal ability and merit. An individuals occupation tends to fall under the category of a status, for example. Individuals have control over their achieved statuses insofar as there are no restrictions associated with their ascribed statuses that could hinder their social growth. Ascribed status plays an important role in societies because it can provide the members with a defined and unified identity, the various factors that determine ascribed status are age, kinship, sex, appearance, race, social group and caste. In addition to ascription, at birth there are also, Delayed Ascription Fluid Ascription The anthropologist, Ralph Linton, developed definitions for ascribed status, according to Linton, ascribed status is assigned to an individual without reference to their innate differences or abilities. Achieved status is determined by a performance or effort. Linton noted that while the definitions of the two concepts are clear and distinct, it is not always easy to identify whether an individuals status is ascribed or achieved and his perspective offers a deviation from the view that ascribed statuses are always fixed. It is commonly perceived that ascribed statuses are irreversible while achieved statuses are reversible, Linton uses Leo Schnores research to illustrate how ascribed statuses can be both irreversible and reversible. An example of an ascribed status is the status of citizenship. An example of ascribed status is age. His conclusion is based on the fact that a status within a social structure is indicative of the behavior that one can exhibit but it does not explain the action itself. Ascribed status is a system of classifying individuals that is not fixed in the way that most people think. Status is a phenomenon rather than a biological one. The meaning is derived from the collection of expectations of how an individual should behave and his status would not be based on a biological fact or social accomplishment. Behavior toward the individual will be in accordance with the accepted lie, consequently, behavior expected from that individual will also be in accordance with that accepted lie rather than the ascribed status that would be associated with him if the truth were known. The success of the structure requires that the expectations remain constant, even if they are illegitimately acquired and this further highlights the arbitrariness of ascribed status because there is no biological basis or universal truth for assigning these societal rankings to individuals
Ascribed status
–
Sociology
2.
Achieved status
–
Achieved status is a concept developed by the anthropologist Ralph Linton denoting a social position that a person can acquire on the basis of merit, it is a position that is earned or chosen. It is the opposite of ascribed status and it reflects personal skills, abilities, and efforts. Examples of achieved status are being an Olympic athlete, being a criminal, Status is important sociologically because it comes with a set of rights, obligations, behaviors, and duties that people occupying a certain position are expected or encouraged to perform. These expectations are referred to as roles, for instance, the role of a professor includes teaching students, answering their questions, being impartial, appropriately. Cultural capital is a concept, developed by sociologist Pierre Bourdieu and they are desirable qualities that contribute to ones social status, any advantages a person has which give him/her a higher status in society. It may include high expectations, forms of knowledge, skill, parents provide children with cultural capital, the attitudes and knowledge that make the educational system a comfortable familiar place in which they can succeed easily. There are other types of capital as well, Social capital refers to membership in groups, relationships. It too can have a significant impact on achievement level, industrialization has led to a vast increase in the possible standard of living for the average person but also made this increase necessary. For the productivity of the worker to rise, he or she had to receive far more education. This successively made the average worker much less replaceable and therefore more powerful, hence, it became necessary to satisfy workers’ demands for a larger share. According to sociologist Rodney Stark, few Americans believe coming from a family or having political connections is necessary to get ahead. In contrast, many people in industrialized nations think these factors are necessary for advancement. Americans are more likely than the people in these nations to rate “hard work” as very important for getting ahead. While most nations value hard work, the Italians, for example, are more likely to rate it as very important than they are to think one needs political connections. People with an income will generally be a better example of moving up in the social stratification. This holds to be evident in most cases because those who accrue a lower income usually have the motivation to achieve a greater status through their own ambitions and those of higher income are typically the result of achieving status. In other cases the people of higher income may have acquired that position, or were ascribed the status. Those without the privilege of ascribing their status will generally have the motivation of achieving their own status
Achieved status
–
A
physician is an achieved status.
3.
Caste
–
Its paradigmatic ethnographic example is the division of Indian society into rigid social groups, with roots in Indias ancient history and persisting until today. However, the significance of the caste system in India has been declining as a result of urbanization. The term is applied to non-human populations like ants and bees. The English word caste derives from the Spanish and Portuguese casta, when the Spanish colonized the New World, they used the word to mean a clan or lineage. The use of the caste, with this latter meaning, is first attested to in English in 1613. Modern Indias caste system is based on the social groupings called jāti, the system of varnas appears in Hindu texts dating back to 1000 BCE and envisages the society divided into four classes, Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Vaishyas and Shudras. The texts do not mention any separate, untouchable category in varna classification, scholars believe that the system of varnas was a theoretical classification envisioned by the Brahmins, but never truly operational in the society. The practical division of the society had always been in terms of jātis, which are not based on any specific principle, but could vary from ethnic origins to occupations. The jātis have been endogamous groups without any fixed hierarchy but subject to vague notions of rank articulated over time based on lifestyle, starting with the British colonial Census of 1901 led by Herbert Hope Risley, all the jātis were grouped under the theoretical varnas categories. The classical authors scarcely speak of anything other than the varnas, as it provided a convenient shorthand, upon independence from Britain, the Indian Constitution listed 1,108 castes across the country as Scheduled Castes in 1950, for positive discrimination. The Untouchable communities are sometimes called Scheduled Castes, Dalit or Harijan in contemporary literature, in 2001, Dalits were 16. 2% of Indias population. Most of the 15 million bonded child workers are from the lowest castes, independent India has witnessed caste-related violence. Indias National Crime Records Bureau records crimes against scheduled castes and scheduled tribes – the most disadvantaged groups - in a separate category, the socio-economic limitations of the caste system are reduced due to urbanization and affirmative action. Nevertheless, the system still exists in endogamy and patrimony, and thrives in the politics of democracy. The globalization and economic opportunities from foreign businesses has influenced the growth of Indias middle-class population, some members of the Chhattisgarh Potter Caste Community are middle-class urban professionals and no longer potters unlike the remaining majority of traditional rural potter members. The co-existence of the middle-class and traditional members in the CPCC has created intersectionality between caste and class, there is persistence of caste in Indian politics. Caste associations have evolved into caste-based political parties, political parties and the state perceive caste as an important factor for mobilization of people and policy development. It is not politics that gets caste-ridden, it is caste that gets politicized, the Nepalese caste system resembles that of the Indian jāti system with numerous jāti divisions with a varna system superimposed for a rough equivalence
Caste
–
The
Basor weaving bamboo baskets in a 1916 book. The Basor are a
Hindu caste found in the state of
Uttar Pradesh in India.
Caste
–
A page from the manuscript Seventy-two Specimens of Castes in India, which consists of 72 full-color hand-painted images of men and women of various religions, occupations and ethnic groups found in
Madura, India in 1837, which confirms the popular perception and nature of caste, before the British made it applicable only to Hindus grouped under the
varna categories from the 1901 census on wards.
Caste
–
A Sudra caste man from
Bali. Photo from 1870, courtesy of
Tropenmuseum,
Netherlands.
Caste
–
Japanese
samurai of importance and servant.
4.
Tribal chief
–
A tribal chief is the leader of a tribal society or chiefdom. In the case of tribal societies existing within larger colonial and post-colonial states. The most common types are the chairman of a council and/or a broader popular assembly in parliamentary cultures, the war chief, the hereditary chief and this term has largely fallen out of use, however, and such personages are now often called kings. Historically, tribal societies represent a stage between the band society of the Paleolithic stage and civilization with centralized, super-regional government based in cities. Stratified tribal societies led by tribal kings thus flourished from the Neolithic stage into the Iron Age, albeit in competition with civilisations, after the collapse of the Western Roman Empire, tribal kingdoms were again established over much of Europe in the wake of the Migration period. By the High Middle Ages, these had coalesced into super-regional monarchies. Tribal societies also remained prevalent in much of the New World, excepting Paleolithic or Mesolithic band societies in Oceania, europeans forced centralized governments onto these societies during colonialism, but in some instances they have retained or regained partial self-government. Tribal chiefs are known as Sheikhs, though this term is sometimes applied as an honorific title to spiritual leaders of Sufism. In Botswana, the chiefs of the various tribes are constitutionally empowered to serve as advisers to the government as members of the Ntlo ya Dikgosi. In addition to this, they serve as the ex officio chairs of the tribal kgotlas, meetings of all of the members of the tribes. The band is the unit of governance among the First Nations in Canada. As well, there may be hereditary or charismatic chiefs. There were 614 bands in Canada in 2012, there is also a national organization, the Assembly of First Nations, which elects a national chief to act as spokesperson of all First Nations bands in Canada. The offices and traditional realms of the chiefs of Ghana are constitutionally protected by the constitution of the country. The chiefs serve as custodian of all lands and the culture of the traditional area. The Solomon Islands have a Local Court Act which empowers chiefs to deal with crimes in their communities, apo Rodolfo Aguilar serves as the chieftain of the Tagbanwa tribes people living in Banuang Daan and Cabugao settlements in Coron Island, Palawan, Philippines. His position is recognized by the Filipino government, the pre-colonial states that existed in what is today Uganda were summarily abolished following independence from Great Britain. However, following constitutional reforms in 1993, a number of them were restored as politically neutral constituencies of the state by the government of Yoweri Museveni, generally, a tribe or nation is considered to be part of an ethnic group, usually sharing cultural values
Tribal chief
–
Arminius, a chieftain of the
Germanic Cherusci tribe who defeated three
Roman legions in the
Battle of the Teutoburg Forest.
Tribal chief
–
Badge of office of Chief Gambo,
Rhodesia c. 1979.
Tribal chief
–
Goyathlay, or
Geronimo,
Apache chieftain for the
Chiricahua.
5.
Paramount chief
–
A paramount chief is the English language designation for the highest-level political leader in a regional or local polity or country administered politically with a chief-based system. More recently, Paramount Chief is a title created by British administrators during the 19th and 20th-century Colonial era and used in India, Africa. They used it as a substitute for the king to maintain that only the British monarch held that title. Since the title chief was already used in terms of district and town administrators, the addition of paramount was made so as to distinguish between the ruling monarch and the local aristocracy. Kenya, Title since 1904 of the former laibon of all the Maasai in Kenya Sudan, In South Sudan, the Paramount Chief works with the government-appointed Payam Director, both of whom report to a county Commissioner. The title changed to king at 4 October 1966 independence date from Britain, in Namibia over the Awa-Khoi or Red Nation of the Nama people, a Chiefdom established before 1700. The SiSwati name for the office is Ngwenyama, a term for lion. Title Inkosi Enkhulu of the amaMpondomise title Inkosi Enkhulu of the abaThembu, Khan is first seen as a title in the Xianbei confederation for their chief between 283–289 and was used as a state title by the Rouran confederation. It was subsequently adopted by the Göktürks before Turkic peoples and the Mongols brought it to the rest of Asia, in the middle of the sixth century it was known as Kagan – King of the Turks to the Persians. It now has many equivalent meanings such as commander, leader, the most famous khan was the Great Khan of Mongols, Genghis Khan. Another famous Manchu khan was Nurhachi#Name and titles, aotearoa, Ariki Nui of Ngati Tuwharetoa, a Māori tribe in the central North Island – a hereditary chieftainship which still has great influence. In the 1850s the Māori King Movement resulted in the election of a Waikato chief as Māori King, NB, This title was not recognised by the Rotuma Island Council as the titles Gagaja and Sau have never been used together. The closest thing to a paramount chief is the position of Fakpure, Monarchy of Fiji – the Great Council of Chiefs until de-established in March 2012, recognised Elizabeth II as Tui Viti or Paramount Chief. Chef supérieur Great King Hegemon High King Monarchy Paramount Ruler or Paramount King Sachem WorldStatesmen see each present country
Paramount chief
–
The Great Mongol Khan: Genghis Khan
Paramount chief
–
Manchu
Tribal Chief Nurhaci
Paramount chief
–
Fijian chief and warlord
Seru Epenisa Cakobau (1815–1883).
Paramount chief
–
Samoan paramount chief
Mata'afa Iosefo (1832–1912)
6.
Tribe
–
A tribe is viewed, developmentally or historically, as a social group existing before the development of, or outside of, states. A tribe is a group of people, dependent on their land for their livelihood, who are largely self-sufficient. It is perhaps the term most readily understood and used by the general public, stephen Corry defines tribal people as those who. have followed ways of life for many generations that are largely self-sufficient, and are clearly different from the mainstream and dominant society. There are a one hundred and fifty million tribal individuals worldwide. Although nearly all people are indigenous, some are not indigenous to the areas where they now live. The distinction between tribal and indigenous is important because tribal peoples have a special status acknowledged in international law and they often face particular issues in addition to those faced by the wider category of indigenous peoples. Many people used the term tribal society to refer to societies organized largely on the basis of social, especially familial, a customary tribe in these terms is a face-to-face community, relatively bound by kinship relations, reciprocal exchange, and strong ties to place. Tribe is a term due to its roots of being defined by outsiders during the period of colonialism. The word has no shared referent, whether in political form, some argue that it conveys a negative connotation of a timeless unchanging past. To avoid these implications, some have chosen to use the ethnic group. In some places, such as India and North America, tribes are polities that have granted legal recognition. The English word tribe occurs in 12th-century Middle English-literature as referring to one of the tribes of Israel. The Ramnes were named after Romulus, leader of the Latins, Tities after Titus Tatius, leader of the Sabines, according to Livy, the three tribes were squadrons of knights, rather than ethnic divisions. The terms ultimate etymology is uncertain, perhaps from the Proto-Indo-European roots tri-, in 242–240 BC, the Tribal Assembly in the Roman Republic included 35 tribes. The Latin word as used in the Bible translates as Greek phyle, race, tribe, clan, in the historical sense, tribe, race and clan can be used interchangeably. Considerable debate has accompanied efforts to define and characterize tribes, scholars perceive differences between pre-state tribes and contemporary tribes, there is also general controversy over cultural evolution and colonialism. In the popular imagination, tribes reflect a way of life that predates, tribes also privilege primordial social ties, are clearly bounded, homogeneous, parochial, and stable. Tribes are an organization among families, which generates a social and ideological basis for solidarity that is in some way more limited than that of a group or of a nation
Tribe
–
A shaman from a tribe in the
Venezuelan Amazon playing a
siku.
Tribe
–
Two men from the
Andamanese tribe of the
Andaman Islands,
India.
Tribe
–
Initiation rituals among boys from a tribe in
Malawi.
7.
House society
–
The concept was originally proposed by Claude Lévi-Strauss who called them sociétés à maison. The concept has been applied to understand the organization of societies from Mesoamerica, the House society is a hybrid, transitional form between kin-based and class-based social orders, and is not one of Lévi-Strauss elementary structures of kinship. Lévi-Strauss introduced the concept as an alternative to corporate kinship group among the cognatic kinship groups of the Pacific region, the socially significant groupings within these societies have variable membership because kinship is reckoned bilaterally and come together for only short periods. Property, genealogy and residence are not the basis for the groups existence, there are three elements to this definition, The House is a corporate body holding an estate made up of both material and immaterial goods. As a moral person, it is an alternate metaphor replacing blood in defining the identity of the group. As a symbol of the group, the House persists over generations, only the core group will inhabit the House as a residence. The other House members will come together on special ritual occasions. Other House members have multiple overlapping ties to other Houses as well, successful claims of membership may bring special benefits, such as the right to utilize House resources with the consent of the core members. Most of the examples of ‘sociétés à maison’ cited by Lévi-Strauss and this has led some to ask if feudalism was an essential feature of House societies, and answering in the negative. Schrauwers, in contrast, has argued that House societies are organized around a system of social ranks. Schrauwers gives, as an example, societies organized around slavery where a noble groups property are its slaves. These two forms of engagement may be connected through agonistic exchange institutions such as the Potlatch. Houses are tied together through oftentimes contradictory forms of kinship, whether descent or alliance, given that Houses are not lineages, leadership is rarely ascribed by genealogical seniority alone. Leadership of a House is gained through status competition, a number of traditional Southeast Asian kingdoms, such as those in Bali, or the kingdom of Luwu in Sulawesi, were dominated by noble Houses that competed with each other for control of the state. These states have alternately been described as mandala states, although they may be referred to as House Societies, not all societies with Houses have those Houses uniformly distributed among all ranks and classes. The House in Bali, as well as in the kingdom of Luwu in Sulawesi, is a kinship group. Schrauwers has argued that class and House formation are linked, in this case, class and rank are synonymous. Because they are property, slaves are prevented from forming their own Houses, commoners in those societies are of a different rank, but lack property, and therefore cannot form their own houses either
House society
–
Three
tongkonan noble "Houses" in a
Torajan village, Sulawesi.
8.
Ethnic group
–
An ethnic group or ethnicity is a category of people who identify with each other based on similarities, such as common ancestral, language, social, cultural or national experiences. Unlike other social groups, ethnicity is often an inherited status based on the society in which one lives, in some cases, it can be adopted if a person moves into another society. Ethnic groups, derived from the historical founder population, often continue to speak related languages. By way of language shift, acculturation, adoption and religious conversion, it is possible for individuals or groups to leave one ethnic group. Ethnicity is often used synonymously with terms such as nation or people. In English, it can also have the connotation of something exotic, generally related to cultures of more recent immigrants, the largest ethnic groups in modern times comprise hundreds of millions of individuals, while the smallest are limited to a few dozen individuals. Conversely, formerly separate ethnicities can merge to form a pan-ethnicity, whether through division or amalgamation, the formation of a separate ethnic identity is referred to as ethnogenesis. The term ethnic is derived from the Greek word ἔθνος ethnos, the inherited English language term for this concept is folk, used alongside the latinate people since the late Middle English period. In Early Modern English and until the mid-19th century, ethnic was used to mean heathen or pagan, as the Septuagint used ta ethne to translate the Hebrew goyim the nations, non-Hebrews, non-Jews. The Greek term in antiquity could refer to any large group, a host of men. In the 19th century, the term came to be used in the sense of peculiar to a race, people or nation, the abstract ethnicity had been used for paganism in the 18th century, but now came to express the meaning of an ethnic character. The term ethnic group was first recorded in 1935 and entered the Oxford English Dictionary in 1972, depending on the context that is used, the term nationality may either be used synonymously with ethnicity, or synonymously with citizenship. The process that results in the emergence of an ethnicity is called ethnogenesis, the Greeks at this time did not describe foreign nations but had also developed a concept of their own ethnicity, which they grouped under the name of Hellenes. Herodotus gave an account of what defined Greek ethnic identity in his day, enumerating shared descent. Whether ethnicity qualifies as a universal is to some extent dependent on the exact definition used. Many social scientists, such as anthropologists Fredrik Barth and Eric Wolf and they regard ethnicity as a product of specific kinds of inter-group interactions, rather than an essential quality inherent to human groups. According to Thomas Hylland Eriksen, the study of ethnicity was dominated by two distinct debates until recently, one is between primordialism and instrumentalism. In the primordialist view, the participant perceives ethnic ties collectively, as a given, even coercive
Ethnic group
–
Before the 1970s, the
Korowai people of
Papua were an
uncontacted people. Their population numbers no more than 3,000.
Ethnic group
–
The
Assyrians are the indigenous peoples of
Northern Iraq.
Ethnic group
–
Some European ethnic groups, such as
Basque people, do not constitute a majority in any one country.
9.
Moka exchange
–
Moka are reciprocal gifts of pigs through which social status is achieved. Moka refers specifically to the increment in the size of the gift, however, the reciprocal gift giving may be confused with profit-seeking, as the lending and borrowing of money at interest. Since making this comparison, the Moka system has been the subject of debate on the nature of the gift. It has become a staple of classroom discussion as a result of the ethnographic film Ongkas Big Moka which documents one Moka cycle in the early 1970s, social status in the Big man political system is the result of giving larger gifts than one has received. These gifts are of a range of goods, primarily pigs. To return the amount as one has received in a moka is simply the repayment of a debt. To some, this represents interest on an investment, however, one is not bound to provide moka, only to repay the debt. One adds moka to the gift to increase ones prestige, and it is this constant renewal of the debt relationship which keeps the relationship alive, a debt fully paid off ends further interaction. Big men are the people to give gifts to, since one has a reasonable chance of repayment with extra. The extra one receives back can be re-gifted to others, increasing the number of exchange partners and this wider network, in turn, will return even more, leading to the exponential growth in both network size and amount gifted. Giving a gift to a Rubbish man is a waste, since they not be able to repay their debt with moka. Gift-giving thus becomes a competition between a number of high-status men, each of whom tries to give bigger gifts than they have received. The networks can grow to several hundred men, each competing with the others. Other Big men now take advantage and the competition for supremacy begins again, in the documentary Ongkas Big Moka, Ongka must try three times before he succeeds in staging his Moka. His gift consists of a truck,600 pigs, $10,000,8 cows, on a very general view, the array of economic transactions in the ethnographic record may be resolved into two types. First, those vice-versa movements between two parties known familiarly as reciprocity, the second, centralized movements, collection from members of a group, often under one hand, and redivision with this group. On an even more general view, the two types merge, for pooling is an organization of reciprocities, a system of reciprocities - a fact of central bearing upon the genesis of large scale redistribution under chiefly aegis. Sahlins used the example of Moka to distinguish between the principles of reciprocity and redistribution, reciprocity is a dyadic exchange relationship that we characterize, imprecisely, as gift-giving
Moka exchange
–
Mt. Hagen, Papua New Guinea
10.
Mandala (Southeast Asian political model)
–
Maṇḍala is a Sanskrit word that means circle. The mandala is a model for describing the patterns of political power distributed among Mueang or Kedatuan in early Southeast Asian history. It is employed to denote traditional Southeast Asian political formations, such as federation of kingdoms or vassalized polity under a center of domination and it was adopted by 20th century European historians from ancient Indian political discourse as a means of avoiding the term state in the conventional sense. In some ways similar to the system of Europe, states were linked in suzerain–tributary relationships. Any particular area, therefore, could be subject to several powers, other metaphors such as S. J. Tambiahs original idea of a galactic polity describe political patterns similar to the mandala. The historian Victor Lieberman prefers the solar polity metaphor, referencing the gravitational pull the sun exerts over the planets, China occupies a special place in that the others often in turn paid tribute to China, although in practice the obligations imposed on the lesser kingdoms were minimal. The most notable tributary states were post-Angkor Cambodia, Lan Xang, ancient Tondo was a kingdom which was located in the Manila Bay area, specifically north of the Pasig River, on Luzon island. Medieval Cambodia in particular was described by the Vietnamese emperor Gia Long as an independent country that is slave of two, the system was eventually ended by the arrival of the Europeans in the mid-19th century. Culturally, they introduced Western geographical practices, which assumed that area was subject to one sovereign. Practically, the colonisation of French Indochina, Dutch East Indies, British Malaya, the tributary states were then divided between the colonies and Siam, which exercised much more centralised power, but over a smaller area than thitherto. The obligations on each side of the relationship varied according to the strength of the relationship, in general, the tributary was obliged to pay bunga mas, a regular tribute of various valuable goods and slaves, and miniature trees of gold and silver. The overlord ruler reciprocated with presents often of value than those supplied by the tributary. However, the also had to provide men and supplies when called on. For further information, see Kinship - Recognition of fluidity in kinship meanings, the tributary ruler was subordinate to the overlord ruler, rather than to the overlord state in the abstract. A strong ruler could attract new tributaries, and would have strong relationships over his existing tributaries, a weaker ruler would find it harder to attract and maintain these relationships. This was put forward as one cause of the rise of Sukhothai under Ramkhamhaeng, for example. The tributary ruler could repudiate the relationship and seek either a different overlord or complete independence, the overlord was owed allegiance by the tributary ruler, or at most by the tributarys main town, but not by all the people of a particular area. The tributary owner in turn had power either over tributary states further down the scale, or directly over his people, no ruler had authority over unpopulated areas
Mandala (Southeast Asian political model)
–
Bunga mas (Flowers of Gold), tribute from northern
Malay states in Malay peninsula for
Siam. National Museum,
Kuala Lumpur.)
Mandala (Southeast Asian political model)
–
Notable mandalas in
classical Southeast Asian history (circa 5th to 15th century). From north to south;
Bagan,
Ayutthaya,
Champa,
Angkor,
Srivijaya and
Majapahit.
11.
Technology, Tradition, and the State in Africa
–
It was first published in 1971 by Oxford University Press for the International African Institute. In particular he criticises the idea that African political systems were ever feudal, in the first chapter, entitled Feudalism in Africa. He proceeds to discuss the definitions of feudalism, and the way in which it has been used by both noted sociologists such as Max Weber and Karl Marx and also by historians like Marc Bloch. Goody then goes into detail regarding how the term has been used to refer to various African states. Moving on to look at the approach to feudalism, Goody challenges the view championed by orthodox Marxists such as I. I. Instead, Goody argues, in much of Africa, land was plentiful and of economic importance. Goody goes on to look at the nature of land in Africa and he argues that the nature of land in Africa meant that the concept of serfdom, a prominent part of Medieval European society, never developed there. He rounds up the chapter with a discussion of the role that horses, Goody criticised those Africanists, such as S. F. Maquet, who have used such a term to describe societies which they are studying, mair, who make at least as adequate an analysis without introducing the concept at all. According to Goody, This second approach seems preferable as a procedure
Technology, Tradition, and the State in Africa
–
The first edition cover of the book.
12.
Kapu
–
Kapu is the ancient Hawaiian code of conduct of laws and regulations. The kapu system was universal in lifestyle, gender roles, politics, an offense that was kapu was often a corporal offense, but also often denoted a threat to spiritual power, or theft of mana. Breaking one, even unintentionally, often meant immediate death, Koʻo kapu, the concept is related to taboo and the tapu or tabu found in other Polynesian cultures. The Hawaiian word kapu is usually translated to English as forbidden, though it carries the meanings of keep out, no trespassing, sacred, consecrated. The opposite of kapu is noa, meaning common or free, the Kapuhili were restrictions placed upon contact with chiefs, but these also apply to all people of known spiritual power. Kapu Kū mamao means prohibited from a place of the chief and it was kapu when entering a chiefs personal area to come in contact with his hair or fingernail clippings, to look directly at him, and to be in sight of him with a head higher than his. Wearing red and yellow feathers was kapu, unless an individual was of the highest rank, places that are kapu are often symbolized by Pahu Kapu, two crossed staffs, each with a white ball atop. The ʻAi kapu was the kapu system governing contact between men and women, many aliʻi obtained their power through this system, and then would give thanks to the god of politics Kū. ʻAi means to eat and Kapu means sacred, therefore, it is translated to sacred eating. It first came about because Wākea wanted to sleep with his daughter, to do this, his kupuna advised him to establish the ʻAi kapu which allowed him time away from his wife to be alone with his daughter. In this particular practice, men and women could not eat meals together, furthermore, certain foods such as pork, most types of bananas, and coconuts were considered kapu to women. In fact, women could not even make coconut rope, taro was kapu for women to cook and prepare. Some large fish were also kapu for women to eat, isabella Abbott, a leading ethnobotanist of Hawaii theorizes that because of the limited noa diet for Hawaiian women, seaweeds were relied upon more heavily for Hawaiians than other Pacific islands. Abolishing the ʻai kapu assured political power to the line of Kamehameha rulers as monarchs because it limited the power of the rulers below them, originally, it was from this political system that the rulers throughout the island would gain rank, power, and prestige. Although kapu can be taken to keep out, kapu has a larger meaning to most residents of Hawai‘i. By contrast, in New Zealand, the word tapu is almost always applied in English as meaning sacred. Some terms using Kapu, ʻaha kapu, the sennit cord put across the portal of a house to signify a ban on entering the house, ʻai kapu, the protocol regarding food. Hei kapu, The place where priests await messages from the gods, huʻa kapu, the borders of an off-limits place
Kapu
13.
Cargo cult
–
A cargo cult is a millenarian movement first described in Melanesia which encompasses a range of practices and occurs in the wake of contact with more technologically advanced societies. Cargo cults often develop during a combination of crises, under conditions of social stress, such a movement may form under the leadership of a charismatic figure. This leader may have a vision of the future, often linked to an ancestral efficacy thought to be recoverable by a return to traditional morality. This leader may characterize the present state as a dismantling of the old order, meaning that social hierarchy. Contact with colonizing groups brought about a transformation in the way indigenous peoples of Melanesia have thought about other societies. However, many of these practitioners actually focus on the importance of sustaining and creating new social relationships, since the late twentieth century, alternative theories have arisen. The indigenous societies of Melanesia were typically characterized by a big man system in which individuals gained prestige through gift exchanges. The more wealth a man could distribute, the people in his debt. Those who were unable to reciprocate were identified as rubbish men, faced, through colonialism, with foreigners with a seemingly unending supply of goods for exchange, indigenous Melanesians experienced value dominance. That is, they were dominated by others in terms of their own value system and these goods are intended for the local indigenous people, but the foreigners have unfairly gained control of these objects through malice or mistake. Thus, a feature of cargo cults is the belief that spiritual agents will, at some future time, give much valuable cargo. Symbols associated with Christianity and modern Western society tend to be incorporated into their rituals, the term cargo cult was first used in print in 1945 by Norris Mervyn Bird, repeating a derogatory description used by planters and businessmen in the Australian protectorate of Papua. The term was adopted by anthropologists, and applied retroactively to movements in a much earlier era. Discussions of cargo cults usually begin with a series of movements that occurred in the nineteenth century. The earliest recorded cargo cult was the Tuka Movement that began in Fiji in 1885 at the height of British colonial plantation era. Tuka was a leader who witnessed a loss of efficacy in his social group, a loss of land. The movement began with a return to a golden age of ancestral potency. Minor alterations to priestly practices were undertaken to update them and attempt to recover some kind of ancestral efficacy, colonial authorities saw Tuka as a rebel, and he was exiled, although he kept returning
Cargo cult
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Ceremonial cross of
John Frum cargo cult,
Tanna island, New Hebrides (now
Vanuatu), 1967
14.
State formation
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State formation is the process of the development of a centralized government structure in a situation where one did not exist prior to its development. The study of formation is divided generally into either the study of early states or the study of modern states. Academic debate about various theories is a prominent feature in fields like Anthropology, Sociology, Economics, there is no clear consensus on the defining characteristics of a state and the definition can vary significantly based upon the focus of the particular study. Theories of state formation have two distinct focuses, depending largely on the field of study, the transition in human society from tribal communities into larger political organizations. Studies of this topic, often in anthropology, explore the development of basic administrative structures in areas where states developed from stateless societies. In contrast, studies in science and in sociology have focused significantly on the formation of the modern state. Primary states are defined by anthropologists Spencer & Redmond as those states that developed in a context with no contact or prior development of a state in the area and these are those situations where states developed for the first time in that social environment. Studies on the formation of early states tend to focus on processes that create, examples of early states which developed in interaction with other states include the Aegean Bronze Age Greek civilizations and the Malagasy civilization in Madagascar. Early state formation causation can thus include borrowing, imposition, however, some scholars hold that the modern state model formed in other parts of the world prior to colonialism, but that colonial structures replaced it. There are a number of different theories and hypotheses regarding early state formation that seek generalizations to explain why the state developed in some places, other scholars believe that generalizations are unhelpful and that each case of early state formation should be treated on its own. Voluntary theories contend that diverse groups of people together to form states as a result of some shared rational interest. The theories largely focus on the development of agriculture, and the population, the argument is that such pressures result in integrative pressure for rational people to unify and create a state. Much of the social contract philosophical traditional proposed a theory for state formation. The theory was most significantly detailed Karl August Wittfogels argument that, in arid environments, in addition to this, is what Carneiro calls the automatic hypothesis, which contends that the development of agriculture easily produces conditions necessary for the development of a state. With surplus food stocks created by development, creation of distinct worker classes. For example, the trade in the 16th century may have been a key to state formation in West African states such as Whydah, Dahomey. Conflict theories of state formation regard conflict and dominance of some population over another population as key to the formation of states. A number of different theories rely on conflict, dominance, or oppression as a process or as a necessary mechanism within certain conditions
State formation
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Voters waiting in line to vote in
South Sudan (2011) to decide whether to form a new state or remain with Sudan
State formation
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Panorama of Monte Albán in present-day Mexico, seen from the South Platform. Archeologists often times look for evidence of such "large-scale construction projects, trade networks, and religious systems" to identify early states.
State formation
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The mountain
Huayna Picchu overlooks the ruins of
Machu Picchu. The
Andes mountains circumscribed much of the region.
State formation
–
A woodcut of the
Defenestrations of Prague in 1618—which began the
Thirty Years' War and ended with the Peace of Westphalia that started the recognition of the modern state
15.
Political economy in anthropology
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Political Economy introduced questions of history and colonialism to ahistorical anthropological theories of social structure and culture. Political Economy was introduced in American anthropology primarily through the support of Julian Steward, steward’s research interests centered on “subsistence” — the dynamic interaction of man, environment, technology, social structure, and the organization of work. This emphasis on subsistence and production - as opposed to exchange - is what distinguishes the Political Economy approach, stewards most theoretically productive years were from 1946-1953, while teaching at Columbia University. At this time, Columbia saw an influx of World War II veterans who were attending school thanks to the GI Bill, murphy, and influenced other scholars such as Elman Service, Marvin Harris and June Nash. Many of these participated in the Puerto Rico Project, a large-scale group research study that focused on modernization in Puerto Rico. Three main areas of interest rapidly developed, the first of these areas was concerned with the pre-capitalist societies that were subject to evolutionary tribal stereotypes. Sahlins work on hunter-gatherers as the affluent society did much to dissipate that image. The second area was concerned with the vast majority of the population at the time. The third area was on colonialism, imperialism, and the creation of the capitalist world-system, more recently, these political economists have more directly addressed issues of industrial capitalism around the world. Cultural materialism is a research orientation introduced by Marvin Harris in 1968, as a theoretical paradigm, indeed, it is said to be the most enduring achievement of that work. Harris subsequently developed a defense of the paradigm in his 1979 book Cultural Materialism, to Harris, cultural materialism is based on the simple premise that human social life is a response to the practical problems of earthly existence. Harris approach was influenced by but distinct from Marx, Harris method was to demonstrate how particular cultural practices served a materialistic function. Structural Marxism was an approach to Marxist philosophy based on structuralism, primarily associated with the work of the French philosopher Louis Althusser and it was influential in France during the 1960s and 1970s, and also came to influence philosophers, political theorists and anthropologists outside France during the 1970s. French structuralist Marxism melded Marxist political economy with Levi-Strausss structural methodology, eliminating the human subject, dialectical reason, a mode of production consisting of producers, non-producers and means of production, combined in a variety of ways, formed the deep structure of a social formation. A social formation combined several modes of production, only one of which was dominant or determinant, primary anthropological theorists of this school included Maurice Godelier, Claude Meillassoux, Emmanuel Terray and Pierre-Philippe Rey. Structural Marxism arose in opposition to the humanistic Marxism that dominated many western universities during the 1970s, in contrast to Humanistic Marxism, Althusser stressed that Marxism was a science that examined objective structures. Critical influences on Structural Marxism, primarily from the British Marxist historical tradition, Thompson, Eric Hobsbawm and Raymond Williams. They criticized the functionalist emphasis in Structural Marxism, that individuals in favour of the structural elements of their model
Political economy in anthropology
–
Dobe!Kung men lighting a fire.
Political economy in anthropology
–
Cecil Rhodes, driving force of British imperialism in Africa
Political economy in anthropology
–
Cambodian rice farming
16.
Network Analysis and Ethnographic Problems
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It is considered an important publication in anthropology and the political science of Central Asia. The analysis of these data provides for an account of social dynamics relevant to many parts of the Middle East, the basis for the book is the complete genealogical network for a nomad community, its history, and its migrants and migrations. These form a relational web not just for description but for analysis of social dynamics, the book shows how these adjust dynamically to changing social conditions. This is a level of integration hitherto never achieved in anthropology and it builds on a methodology for analysis of structural changes that was developed by the lead author. The book expands the theory of practice to show how changes in the structure of a societys kinship network affect the development of social cohesion over time. InterSciWiki, Network Analysis and Ethnographic Problems, a synopsis of the book. The Navigability of Strong Ties, Small Worlds, Tie Strength and Network Topology, in Networks and Complexity Special Issue, Complexity 8, douglas R. White and Michael Houseman. Turkish Aydinli Nomads Study Photos color figures from Network Analysis and Ethnographic Problems Book Contents
Network Analysis and Ethnographic Problems
–
3-D Graphic of
Relinking Marriages among Nomad Kin, color-coded by generations. Nodes are couples not individuals, so where downward lines meet it is a relative that is married. This is called relinking. The relinking structure and dynamic is a key to ethnographic understanding. Names of some of the lineage ancestors are shown at the top.
17.
Georges Balandier
–
Georges Balandier was a French sociologist, anthropologist and ethnologist noted for his research in Sub-Saharan Africa. He was a professor at the Sorbonne, and is a member of the Center for African Studies and he held for many years the Editorship of Cahiers Internationaux de Sociologie and edited the series Sociologie dAujourdhui at Presses Universitaires de France. He died on 5 October 2016 at the age of 95,2005 Civilisation et Puissance, Paris, LAube 2005 Le Grand dérangement, Paris, PUF,119 p. Trad. arabe. Changement d’époque, L’Aube / Poche essai,2004,46 p.2004 Sens et puissance, les dynamiques sociales, PUF,1971,334 p. Trad. anglaise, espagnole, italienne, portugaise, japonaise. 1997 Conjugaisons, Paris, Fayard,411 p.1996 Une anthropologie des moments critiques, Paris, EHESS, pour en finir avec le XXème siècle, Paris, Éd. Fayard,1994,236 p. Trad. italienne, brésilienne,1992 Sociologie actuelle de l’Afrique Noire. Dynamique des changements sociaux en Afrique centrale, Paris, PUF,1955, XII-511 p. Trad. anglaise, américaine, italienne,1992 Afrique ambiguë, Paris, Plon,293 p. Trad. anglaise, américaine, allemande, japonaise, italienne, espagnole, portugaise. 1992 La vie quotidienne au royaume du Kongo du XVIe au XVIIIe siècle, Paris, Hachette,286 p. Trad. anglaise, américaine, italienne, polonaise. 1988 Le désordre, Éloge du mouvement, Paris, Fayard,252 p. Trad. espagnole, italienne, portugaise, brésilienne. 1977 Histoire dAutres, Paris, Stock,319 p.1974 Anthropo-logiques, Paris, PUF, cet ouvrage montre bien les constructions sociales des inégalités à partir des différences de sexe, dâge et dactivité sociale ou de groupe familial. 1972 Georges Gurvitch, sa vie, son œuvre, Pairs, PUF,120 p. Trad. anglaise
Georges Balandier
–
Georges Balandier in March 2010
18.
Fredrik Barth
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Thomas Fredrik Weybye Barth was a Norwegian social anthropologist who published several ethnographic books with a clear formalist view. He was appointed a government scholar in 1985, Barth was born in Leipzig to Thomas Barth, a professor of geology, and his wife Randi Thomassen. Barth and his sister grew up in Norway in an academic family and their uncle was Edvard Kaurin Barth, a professor of zoology. Fredrik Barth developed an interest in evolution and human origins, when his father was invited to give a lecture at the University of Chicago, the younger man accompanied him and decided to attend the university, enrolling in 1946. He earned an MA in paleoanthropology and archaeology in 1949, after receiving his MA, Barth returned to Norway, keeping a connection to Chicago faculty. In 1951 he joined an expedition to Iraq led by Robert Braidwood. Barth stayed on after the expedition was over, and conducted ethnographic population studies with the Kurdish population and he spent a year at the London School of Economics writing up this data, and in 1953 published his first book, Principles of Social Organization in Southern Kurdistan. Barth had originally planned to submit the manuscript of his Principles of Social Organization as his Ph. D. dissertation and he continued graduate study, moving to Cambridge, England to study with Edmund Leach, whom he had previously worked with at the LSE. For his PhD, Barth conducted fieldwork in Swat, Pakistan, shortly afterwards he was part of a UNESCO study of pastoral nomadism, which focused on the Basseri in what is now Iran. From this work, he published the 1961 monograph Nomads of South Persia, in 1961, Barth was invited to the University of Bergen to create an anthropology department and serve as the chair. This important and prestigious position gave him the opportunity to introduce British-style social anthropology to Norway, the only other existing anthropology program, at the University of Oslo, was older and connected to the universitys ethnographic museum. It was based in Victorian folklore and museum approaches, by founding the department at Bergen, Barth hoped to create a modern, world-class department with an approach similar to those found in England and the United States. Barth remained at Bergen from 1961 to 1972, during this time his own work developed in two key ways. First, he developed research projects inside Norway, second, he began writing more purely theoretical works that secured his international reputation within anthropology. These included Models of Social Organization and especially the small, edited volume, Ethnic Groups and Boundaries, Barths introduction to Ethnic Groups and Boundaries became his most well-known essay and ended up among the top 100 on the social science citation index for a number of years. In 1974 Barth moved to Oslo, where he became professor of social anthropology, during this period, anthropology was changing. Marxism and interpretive approaches were becoming more central, while Barths focus on strategy and choice was being taken up by economics, Barth shifted to studying meaning and ritual as developed in ethnic groups, and conducted research in Papua New Guinea, where he conducted fieldwork with the Baktaman. He published several works from these studies, namely the Ritual and he also continued studies in the Middle East, conducting fieldwork in Oman with his wife Unni Wikan
Fredrik Barth
–
Fredrik Barth
19.
Jean Comaroff
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Jean Comaroff is Professor of African and African American Studies and of Anthropology, Oppenheimer Fellow in African Studies at Harvard University. She is an expert on the effects of colonialism on people in Southern Africa, until 2012, Jean was the Bernard E. & Ellen C. Sunny Distinguished Service Professor of Anthropology and of Social Sciences at the University of Chicago and she received her B. A. in 1966 from the University of Cape Town and her Ph. D. in 1974 from London School of Economics. She has been a University faculty member since 1978, in collaboration with her husband John Comaroff, as well as on her own, Comaroff has written extensively on colonialism, and hegemony based on fieldwork conducted in southern Africa and Great Britain. Comaroff also serves as a member of the Editorial Collective of the journal Public Culture, an important recent book that she wrote with John Comaroff is Theory from the South, which among other things covers how Euro-America is evolving towards Africa. Jean Comaroff was born in Edinburgh, Scotland, shortly after World War II and her father, a Jewish South African doctor, joined the British Army Medical Corps while studying abroad to specialize in obstetrics and gynecology. Her mother was a convert to Judaism, born to a Lutheran German family that had emigrated to South Africa in the nineteenth century. Dr. Comaroffs parents returned to South Africa when she was ten months old, while the family supported local political unrest, her father kept a low-profile due to his role running a local clinic. Her mother was involved in community work, including running soup kitchens and night-school, in late 1960s, she and her husband, anthropologist John Comaroff moved to Great Britain to pursue a PhD in anthropology. Both Jean and John Comaroff were faculty members at the University of Chicago between 1979 and 2012, for full interview, see 2008 interview with Kalman Applbaum. The fascinating thing is that anthropology is anti-hegemonic in many of the questions it asks, but the ideas produced within anthropology are still generative far beyond the discipline. Nov.20081985 Body of Power, Spirit of Resistance, The Culture,2007 Beyond the Politics of Bare Life, AIDS and the Global Order. Joint Publications,1991 Of Revelation and Revolution Vol I, Christianity, Colonialism,1992 Ethnography and the Historical Imagination. 1997 Of Revelation and Revolution Vol II, The Dialectics of Modernity on a South African Frontier,2000 Millennial Capitalism, First Thoughts on a Second Coming. 2006 Law and Disorder in the Postcolony University of Chicago Press,2006 The Portraits of an Ethnographer as a Young Man, The Photography of Isaac Schapera in Old Botswana. 2007 Picturing a Colonial Past, The African Photographs of Isaac Schapera,2009 Ethnicity, Inc.24, pp. 148–1702012 Theory from the South, Or, How Euro-America is Evolving Toward Africa. University of Chicago Faculty Bio Harvard University Faculty bio
Jean Comaroff
–
Prof. Jean Comaroff in Cape Town, South Africa, February 2009
20.
Pierre Clastres
–
Pierre Clastres was a French anthropologist and ethnologist. He is best known for his contributions to the field of anthropology, with his fieldwork among the Guayaki in Paraguay. Seeking an alternative to the hierarchized Western societies, he mostly researched indigenous people in which the power was not considered coercive, with a background in literature and philosophy, Clastres started studying anthropology with Claude Lévi-Strauss and Alfred Métraux since the 1950s. Between 1963 and 1974 he traveled five times to South America to do fieldwork among the Guaraní, the Chulupi, Clastres mostly published essays and, because of his premature death, his work was unfinished and scattered. His signature work is the essay collection Society Against the State and his bibliography also includes Chronicle of the Guayaki Indians, Le Grand Parler, Clastres was born on 17 May 1934, in Paris, France. He studied at University of Sorbonne, obtaining a licence in Literature in 1957, and he was also a student of Alfred Métraux at the École pratique des hautes études in 1959. Clastress first published article was released in 1962, a year before Clastres went into a trip to a Guayaki community in Paraguay with the help of Métraux. In 1965 Clastres returned to Paraguay and he met the Guaraní—this rencontre led him to write Le Grand Parler, in 1966 and 1968 Clastres went into expeditions to Paraguayan groups of Chulupi people in the Gran Chaco region. This experience was used to produce the essays What Makes Indians Laugh, in his fourth travel Clastres observed the Venezuelan Yanomami from 1970 to 1971 and wrote The Last Frontier. He briefly visited the Guaraní which migrated from Paraguay to Brazil in his last mission in 1974, in 1971 he became lecturer at the fifth section of the EPHE, and was promoted to director of studies of the religion and societies of South American Indians in October 1975. That same year he left his office as researcher of the Laboratory of Social Anthropology—which he occupied since 1961—after conflicts over Lévi-Strausss theories, later that year, Clastres, aged 43, died in Gabriac, Lozère, on 29 July, in a car accident. Originally published in France by Plon in 1972 under the title Chronique des indiens Guayaki, ce que que savent les Aché, chasseurs nomades du Paraguay, in the book, the author describes Guayaki culture with a focus on their cycle of life and their daily struggles for survival. He describes their mores on rites of passage, marriage, hunting, warfare, in 1976 Paul Auster, then a penniless unknown, translated the book into English but it was only published in 1998 by Zone Books. Auster translated the work because he was fascinated by Clastress prose, although its literary qualities have been what attracted Auster, the work has been criticized as romantic. In opposition to Geertz and Dean, David Rains Wallace said it was a work because it is not quite the nostalgic view of primitive life that now prevails in literary circles. Wallace asserted Clastress might have misinterpreted the Guayakis relation with nature because he was predisposed to see stronger oppositions between culture and nature as a Structuralist, however, he wrote Whatever the validity. Abbink also refused the idea it had not a critical perspective and that they should be reformed in our image and respond to our models of social and economic life. Considered his major work for introducing the concept of Society against the State, recherches danthropologie politique was first published by Les Éditions de Minuit in 1974
Pierre Clastres
–
Pierre Clastres
Pierre Clastres
–
Clastres was student of the anthropologists
Alfred Métraux (left) and
Claude Lévi-Strauss, whose ideas influenced him.
Pierre Clastres
Pierre Clastres
–
Chronicle of the Guayaki Indians 's literary qualities attracted novelist
Paul Auster (pictured)—who translated the book into English—; critics, however, qualified it as a "
romantic " work.
21.
E. E. Evans-Pritchard
–
Sir Edward Evan Evans-Pritchard, known as E. E. Evans-Pritchard, was an English anthropologist who was instrumental in the development of social anthropology. He was Professor of Social Anthropology at the University of Oxford from 1946 to 1970. Evans-Pritchard was educated at Winchester College and studied history at Exeter College, Oxford, where he was influenced by R. R. Marett, there he came under the influence of Bronisław Malinowski and especially Charles Gabriel Seligman, the founding ethnographer of the Sudan. His first fieldwork began in 1926 with the Azande, a people of the upper Nile, Evans-Pritchard continued to lecture at the LSE and conduct research in Azande and Bongo land until 1930, when he began a new research project among the Nuer. This work coincided with his appointment to the University of Cairo in 1932, after his return to Oxford, he continued his research on Nuer. It was during this period that he first met Meyer Fortes, Evans-Pritchard began developing Radcliffe-Browns program of structural-functionalism. As a result, his trilogy of works on the Nuer, evans-Pritchards empirical work in this vein became well-known through philosophy of science and rationality debates of the 1960s and 1970s involving Thomas Kuhn and especially Paul Feyerabend. During the Second World War Evans-Pritchard served in Ethiopia, Libya, Sudan, in Sudan he raised irregular troops among the Anuak to harass the Italians and engaged in guerrilla warfare. In 1942 he was posted to the British Military Administration of Cyrenaica in North Africa, in documenting local resistance to Italian conquest, he became one of a few English-language authors to write about the tariqa. After a brief stint in Cambridge, Evans-Pritchard became professor of anthropology at the University of Oxford. He remained at All Souls College for the rest of his career, one of his students was Talal Asad, who now teaches at the City University of New York. Evans-Pritchards later work was more theoretical, drawing upon his experiences as anthropologist to philosophize on the nature of anthropology, in 1950 he famously disavowed the commonly held view that anthropology was a natural science, arguing instead that it should be grouped amongst the humanities, especially history. In 1965, he published the influential work Theories of Primitive Religion. Edward Evan Evans-Pritchard was born in Crowborough, East Sussex, England and he converted to Roman Catholicism in 1944. Known to his friends and family as EP, Evans-Pritchard had five children with his wife Ioma and his youngest son, Ambrose Evans-Pritchard, is an investigative reporter for the London Daily Telegraph and author of The Secret Life of Bill Clinton. His younger daughter, Deirdre Evans-Pritchard, PhD, is an expert on folklore and she is a recipient of the Fulbright Fellowship. His eldest daughter, Shineen Evans-Pritchard, is a businesswoman and he also had two other children, twins, Nicky Evans-Pritchard, who works in computers, and John Evans-Pritchard, an economics teacher and author of several books. Evans-Pritchard died in Oxford on 11 September 1973, in 1972, a Festschrift was prepared for him, entitled Essays in Sudan ethnography, presented to Sir Edward Evans-Pritchard
E. E. Evans-Pritchard
–
E. E. Evans-Pritchard
E. E. Evans-Pritchard
–
E. E. Evans-Pritchard with a group of
Zande boys in
Sudan. Picture taken in the period 1926–1930
E. E. Evans-Pritchard
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Photo of an elder Luo by Evans-Pritchard
E. E. Evans-Pritchard
–
Luo woman wearing the headdress (ligisa) of the first wife (mikayi) by Evans-Pritchard
22.
Wolfgang Fikentscher
–
Wolfgang Fikentscher was a German jurist and legal anthropologist. Fikentscher was born in Nuremberg, Germany and he earned his Dr. juris and S. J. D at Ludwig Maximilian University of Munich/Germany. His professional career began as assistant in the law department of Wackerchemie, at that time under Allied IG Farben control, in 1952, he received the degree of LL. M at University of Michigan Law School. In 1957, he was appointed professor at University of Münster School of Law. Since then he teaches the anthropology of law at Munich University Law School as an adjunct, in 1977, he was elected ordinary member of Bavarian Academy of Humanities and Sciences, Philosophical-Historical Class, Munich, chairing its Commission on Studies in Cultural Anthropology. In 1994, he was granted, together with Professor Robert D. Cooter, Berkeley, Fikentscher holds the Federal Cross of Merits 1st Class of the Federal Republic of Germany, and the Bavarian Order of Merits. In 1995, he was awarded the degree of Doctor juris honoris causa of the University of Zurich/Switzerland. M, U. S. A, gruter Institute for Law and Behavioral Research, Portola Valley, CA, U. S. A. Guest professorships, Georgetown University Law Center, Washington, D. C, University of Michigan School of Law, Ann Arbor, MI, U. S. A. Yale Law School and Yales Department of Anthropology, New Haven, CT,1986, University of Nanjing, University of California School of Law, Berkeley, CA, U. S. A. Fikentscher was married with Irmgard, née van den Berge, and has four children, fikentscher´s scientific work is focused on intellectual property law, competition law, comparative law and anthropology of law. His publications on antitrust law and international law were seminal and influenced German, Greek, European, Japanese and Taiwanese legislation. Fikentscher consulted German, European and UN authorities and the U. S. Senate on antitrust and he authored a textbook on obligations. In his later years, Fikentscher contributed to the anthropology of law, or comparative legal cultures. He performed fieldwork, for example in Native American and Taiwanese aboriginal tribal cultures, trying to trace basic axioms of human legal. Munich 2009, C. H. Beck & Bavarian Academy of Sciences Modes of Thought,1994, 2nd ed.2004 Tübingen, Mohr Siebeck Culture, Law and Economics, Three Berkeley Lectures. Berne & Durham, NC,2004, Staempfli & Carolina Academic Press Die Freiheit und ihr Paradox, graefelfing 1997, Dr. Resch Demokratie - eine Einführung. Munich 1993, Serie Piper Wirtschaftsrecht, vol.1 Weltwirtschaftsrecht, Europäisches Wirtschaftsrecht, Munich 1983, C. H. Beck Methoden des Rechts in vergleichender Darstellung, vol. Tübingen 1975 -77, Mohr Siebeck Wettbewerb und gewerblicher Rechtsschutz, Munich 1958, C. H. Beck A Theory of Legal Monopolies
Wolfgang Fikentscher
–
Wolfgang Fikentscher
23.
Ernest Gellner
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His first book, Words and Things, prompted a leader in The Times and a month-long correspondence on its letters page over his attack on linguistic philosophy. He is considered one of the leading theoreticians on the issue of nationalism, Gellner was born in Paris to Anna, née Fantl, and Rudolf, a lawyer, an urban intellectual German-speaking Jewish couple from Bohemia. He was brought up in Prague, attending a Czech language primary school before entering the English-language grammar school and this was Franz Kafkas tricultural Prague, antisemitic but stunningly beautiful, a city he later spent years longing for. In 1939, when Gellner was 13, the rise of Adolf Hitler in Germany persuaded his family to leave Czechoslovakia and move to St Albans, just north of London, at Balliol, he studied Philosophy, Politics and Economics and specialised in philosophy. During this period, Prague lost its hold over him, foreseeing the communist takeover. So all the bastards, all the distinctive personalities, rapidly went into the Party. So what was coming was totally clear to me, and it cured me of the emotional hold which Prague had previously had over me, I could foresee that a Stalinoid dictatorship was due, it came in 48. The precise date I couldnt foresee, but that it was due to come was absolutely obvious for various reasons, I wanted no part of it and got out as quickly as I could and forgot about it. He returned to Balliol College in 1945 to finish his degree, winning the John Locke prize, the same year, he began his academic career at the University of Edinburgh as an assistant to Professor John Macmurray in the Department of Moral Philosophy. He moved to the London School of Economics in 1949, joining the department under Morris Ginsberg. Ginsberg admired philosophy and believed that philosophy and sociology were very close to each other and he employed me because I was a philosopher. It took him time to discover that I wasnt. Leonard Trelawny Hobhouse had preceded Ginsberg as Martin White Professor of Sociology at the LSE, Ginsberg. was totally unoriginal and lacked any sharpness. And so Ginsberg extrapolated this, and on his view the whole of humanity moved to ever greater rationality, from drunk Polish peasant to T. L. Hobhouse and a Hampstead garden. Gellners critique of linguistic philosophy in Words and Things focused on J. L. Austin, the book brought Gellner critical acclaim. He obtained his Ph. D. in 1961 with a thesis on Organization, Thought and Change was published in 1965, and in State and Society in Soviet Thought, he examined whether Marxist regimes could be liberalized. He was elected to the British Academy in 1974 and his Plough, Sword and Book investigated the philosophy of history, and Conditions of Liberty sought to explain the collapse of socialism. On 5 November 1995, after returning from a conference in Budapest, he suffered an attack and died at his flat in Prague
Ernest Gellner
–
Ernest Gellner
Ernest Gellner
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"Prague is a stunningly beautiful town, and during the first period of my exile, which was during the war, I constantly used to dream about it, in the literal sense: it was a strong longing."
Ernest Gellner
–
Gellner first encountered the strong hold of linguistic philosophy while at Balliol.
24.
Ulf Hannerz
–
Ulf Hannerz, is a Swedish anthropologist. He is currently a professor of social anthropology at Stockholm University. He is also a member of the Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences, hannerzs research interests includes urban societies, local media cultures, transnational cultural processes, and globalization. His works Soulside and Exploring the City are classic books in the area of urban anthropology, Hannerz is the author of “Cosmopolitans and Locals in World Culture”. His theory essentially explores cosmopolitanism from the analysis of expatriates, in 2000, Hannerz delivered the Lewis Henry Morgan Lecture at the University of Rochester, considered by many to be the most important annual lecture series in the field of Anthropology. In 2005, he received a doctorate from The Faculty of Social Sciences. In the first episode, aired on 12 January 1957, 14-year-old Hannerz presented by his nickname Hajen, was quizzed on the tropical aquarium fish. Hannerz succeeded in winning 10,000 Kronor in spite of a judgement error in the program, the judge asked him which of the seven displayed fish had lids. No, the said, its slamkrypare, he wanted to dismiss young Ulf from the game show. However, Ulf Hannerz was indeed correct and the name entered the Swedish language as a term for a cocksure
Ulf Hannerz
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Ulf Hannerz as a boy, appearing in Kvitt eller dubbelt, with
Nils Erik Bæhrendtz, January 12, 1957
