A temple of Confucius or Confucian temple is a temple for the veneration of Confucius and the sages and philosophers of Confucianism in Chinese folk religion and other East Asian religions. They were the site of the administration of the imperial examination in China and Vietnam and housed schools and other studying facilities; the temples are known by a variety of names throughout East Asia. The two greatest temples in Qufu and Beijing are now known in Chinese as "Temples of Confucius". In Shanghai, Vietnam and Indonesia, they are known as "Temples of Literature" or "Temples of the Sage of Literature". In Southern China, temples by that name honor Wenchang Wang, a separate deity associated with the scholar Zhang Yazi. In Japan, they are known as "Temples" or "Halls of the Sage"; the development of state temples devoted to the cult of Confucius was an outcome of his gradual canonisation. In 195 BC, Han Gao Zu, founder of the Han Dynasty, offered a sacrifice to the spirit of Confucius at his tomb in Qufu.
Sacrifices to the spirit of Confucius and that of Yan Hui, his most prominent disciple, began in the Imperial University as early as 241. In 454, the Liu Song dynasty of southern China built a prominent state Confucian temple. In 489, the Northern Wei constructed a Confucian temple in the capital, the first outside of Qufu in the north. In 630, the Tang Dynasty decreed that schools in all provinces and counties should have a Confucian temple, as a result of which temples spread throughout China. Well-known Confucian shrines include the Confucian Temple in Jianshui, the Confucian Temple in Xi'an, the Fuzi Miao in Nanjing, the Confucian Temple in Beijing, first built in 1302; the Confucian Temple of old Tianjin is located on Dongmennei Dajie, a short distance west of Traditional Culture Street. Occupying 32 acres of land, The Confucian Temple is the largest extant traditional architectural complex in Tianjin; the largest and oldest Temple of Confucius is found in Confucius' hometown, present-day Qufu in Shandong Province.
It was established in 479 BC, one year after Confucius's death, at the order of the Duke Ai of the State of Lu, who commanded that the Confucian residence should be used to worship and offer sacrifice to Confucius. The temple was expanded over a period of more than 2,000 years until it became the huge complex standing. There is another temple in Quzhou. In addition to Confucian temples associated with the state cult of Confucius, there were ancestral temples belonging to the Kong lineage, buildings commemorating Confucius's deeds throughout China, private temples within academies. Beginning in the Tang dynasty, Confucian temples were built in prefectural and county schools throughout the empire, either to the front of or on one side of the school; the front gate of the temple is called the Lingxing Gate. Inside there are three courtyards, although sometimes there are only two. However, the complex in Qufu has nine courtyards containing scores of steles commemorating visits by an emperor or imperial grants of noble titles upon descendants of Confucius.
The main building, situated in the inner courtyard with entry via the Dachengmen, is called the Dachengdian, variously translated as "Hall of Great Achievement", "Hall of Great Completion", or "Hall of Great Perfection". In imperial China, this hall housed the Spirit Tablets of Confucius and those of other important sages and worthies. In front of the Dachengdian in Qufu is the Apricot Pavilion or Xingtan. Another important building behind the main building is the Shrine of Adoring the Sage, which honoured the ancestors of Confucius and the fathers of the Four Correlates and Twelve Philosophers. Unlike Daoist or Buddhist temples, Confucian temples do not have images. In the early years of the temple in Qufu, it appears that the spirits of Confucius and his disciples were represented with wall paintings and clay or wooden statues. Official temples contained images of Confucius himself. However, there was opposition to this practice, seen as imitative of Buddhist temples, it was argued that the point of the imperial temples was to honour Confucius's teachings, not the man himself.
The lack of unity in likenesses in statues of Confucius first led Emperor Taizu of the Ming dynasty to decree that all new Confucian temples should contain only spirit tablets and no images. In 1530, it was decided that all existing images of Confucius should be replaced with spirit tablets in imperial temples in the capital and other bureaucratic locations. Statues remained in temples operated by Confucius's family descendants, such as that in Qufu; the state cult of Confucius centred upon offering sacrifices to Confucius's spirit in the Confucian temple. A dance known as the Eight-Row Dance, consisting of eight columns of eight dancers each, was performed; this was a Six-Row Dance, as performed for the lesser aristocracy, but in 1477 Confucius was allowed the imperial honour of the eight-row dance since he posthumously received the title of king. Musicians who accompanied this dance played a form of music termed yayue. In addition to worshipping Confucius, Confucian
Fusion Energy Foundation was an American non-profit think tank co-founded by Lyndon LaRouche in 1974 in New York. It promoted the construction of nuclear power plants, research into fusion power and beam weapons and other causes; the FEF was called fusion's greatest private supporter. It was praised by scientists like John Clarke, who said that the fusion community owed it a "debt of gratitude". By 1980, its main publication, claimed 80,000 subscribers; the FEF included notable scientists and others on its boards, along with LaRouche movement insiders in management positions. It published a popular magazine, a more technical journal as well as books and pamphlets, it conducted its members testified at legislative hearings. It was known for soliciting subscriptions to their magazines in U. S. airports, where its confrontational methods resulted in conflicts with celebrities and the general public. The FEF has been described by many writers as a "front" for the U. S. Labor Party and the LaRouche movement.
By the mid-1980s, the FEF was being accused of fraudulent fundraising on behalf of other LaRouche entities. Federal prosecutors forced it into bankruptcy in 1986 to collect contempt of court fines, a decision, overturned when a federal bankruptcy court found that the government had acted "in bad faith". Key personnel were convicted in 1988. According to an article in The Nation, the Fusion Energy Foundation had physicists, corporate executives, government planners on its board of advisors, many unaware of the foundations connection to the U. S. Labor Party, while the board of directors was filled with LaRouche movement regulars and some party outsiders. A 1983 report published by The Heritage Foundation said that the foundation gained the confidence of respected scientists who lent their reputations to it but it warned that they risked their reputations by doing so. Lyndon LaRouche was a co-founder and one of the three members of the foundation's board of directors. Steven Bardwell, a nuclear physicist, was another director.
The Executive Director was Paul Gallagher in the 1980s. Michael Gelber was the Central New York regional representative. Dennis Speed was the regional coordinator for Boston and Harley Schlanger was the southern regional coordinator. Uwe Parpart Henke was the director of research. Jon Gilbertson was the director of nuclear engineering. Marsha Freeman was a representative of the FEF's International Press Service. Charles B. Stevens, a chemical engineer, authored scores of articles on fusion energy research and development for both the earlier publication,The Fusion Energy Foundation Newsletter, its successor, Fusion. Eric Lerner was director of physics in 1977. Other notable scientists who wrote for FEF publications and lectured under its auspices include Friedwardt Winterberg, Krafft Arnold Ehricke, Winston H. Bostick. Melvin B. Gottlieb received an award from the FEF. Adolf Busemann received an award at a special dinner. In 1977, Executive Director Morris Levitt asserted that nuclear fusion power plants could be built by 1990 if the U.
S. spent $50 to $100 billion on research. The same year he announced that there would be no United States in the 21st century if President Jimmy Carter's ban on building breeder reactors was maintained; the director of the fusion power program at Argonne National Laboratory, Charles Baker, said in 1983 that the FEF was "overstating" the prospect of practical fusion power in the near future. "The judgment of the vast majority of the people working in fusion believe it will take longer" than the few years predicted by the FEF, according to Baker. By 1980, the Fusion Energy Foundation had close contacts with fusion researchers, they became a conduit for information between researchers. The head of fusion research for the Federal Government cooperated with the foundation, it was praised by scientists like John Clarke, who said that the fusion community owed it a "debt of gratitude". However the politicization of the foundation's journals and the LaRouche views printed in them repelled the scientists involved, according to The Nation.
The FEF received publicity in 1981 when it published a book explaining how to build a hydrogen bomb written by University of Nevada, professor Friedwardt Winterberg. The publication came two years after a magazine, The Progressive, had tried to print similar information but was prevented by an injunction that became the United States v; the Progressive. The government dropped the case after the information was published by the FEF; the author of the original article learned that a diagram by Uwe Papert published in 1976 in a LaRouche publication contained two important details of the weapon's design that he had been wrong about. The colonization of Mars is a major proposal of the LaRouche movement. Friedwardt Winterberg described how rocket engines incorporating fusion micro-explosions could provide enough acceleration to convey a large mass in a reasonable amount of time, a concept derived from Project Daedalus. In 1979 the Fusion Energy Foundation created the Independent Commission of Inquiry to investigate the accident at the Three Mile Island nuclear power plant.
The commission's members included Jon Gilbertson, Charles Bonilia. The commission determined that the accident must have been caused by sabotage because no other explanation was possible. According to Gallagher, "New evidence is accumulating that sabotage likely occurred". According to the Herald newspaper of Titusville, when asked by reporters for evidence Gilbertson said he had none. According to Fusion, two members of the FEF went to the Soviet Union to attend conference on "laser interaction" in December 1978. In 1982 and 1983, me
Michael John Pantelides is an American politician who served as the mayor of the city of Annapolis, Maryland. He is a member of the Republican Party. Pantelides was elected in November 2013. Pantelides was 30 years old at the time of his election and was the city's first Republican mayor in more than a decade. Pantelides was born in Annapolis, Maryland on September 5, 1983 to parents John and Gloria Pantelides, he attended Kneseth Israel Kindergarten, Germantown Elementary School, St. Martin's Lutheran School, Archbishop Spalding High School in Severn. In 2007 he received his B. A. degree in philosophy from West Virginia University where he was a member of the Pi Kappa Phi fraternity. A third generation Annapolitan, Mike's grandparents arrived in Annapolis from Greece and Cyprus in the 1940s and opened The Royal Restaurant in the heart of the city's historic district. Pantelides' first political experience came when he was 3, during his father's congressional campaign in 1986. After graduating from college, Pantelides moved back to Annapolis.
He served as an at-large member of the Annapolis Republican Central Committee and was president of the Germantown-Homewood Civic Association. He managed the campaign for Republican David Cordle, who in 2009 lost to Josh Cohen in the race for mayor. Pantelides served as campaign manager for Jerry Cave when Cave ran for the state Senate in 2010. Before being elected mayor, Pantelides sold government relations software at Vocus, a Beltsville-based cloud marketing software firm. Prior to that position he sold advertising for The Capital newspaper in Annapolis, The Baltimore Sun, for less than a year each, he worked for his father, John Pantelides, as a land development consultant. Pantelides is an Eagle Scout, said during the campaign that he has been a volunteer with the Annapolis Jaycees, Habitat for Humanity, 21st Century Education Foundation. In November 2013, Pantelides was elected Mayor of Annapolis, becoming the city's first Republican mayor since 1997. At the time, he credited his campaign's success to his volunteers.
During the campaign, Pantelides ran on a "Sweep Annapolis Clean" platform, creating a crusade to change policy and processes in the city. During his first 100 days in office, he reorganized departments and created initiatives in an attempt to support business and economic development in the city, he worked with the city council to pass the city's 2015 budget, which succeeded by an eight to one vote. He dealt with several resignations from city leaders in the early months of this term. Mayor Pantelides set his own standard for the transition process in his administration. Pantelides opened up the application process for his transition team to the public. More than 200 citizens applied, he appointed Democrats and Greens in an effort to be bipartisan. Pantelides wanted an inclusive approach for citizen involvement. One way the Mayor's office is making it possible to communicate with populations that, in the past, were difficult to reach, is the Language Bank. Made up of 61 residents that speak 23 different languages, they offer their talents to the city, helping individuals to communicate through their translation services.
Pantelides brought on a Hispanic liaison to work with local faith based groups and the growing Hispanic community. But with this effort, the mayor faced early criticism for a lack of diversity in city government. Pantelides established an open door policy, on the first Tuesday of each month citizens could come into his office and discuss concerns, offer advice, or ask questions related to Annapolis. In March 2014, Pantelides came under fire for passing a profane note to an Annapolis City Alderman during a City Council meeting. Pantelides faced criticism when it was revealed that the acting city attorney met with the mayor's cousin in an Annapolis police station after the cousin was arrested for attempted murder. Pantelides is an ex officio member of the National Sailing Hall of Fame, is a board member on the Annapolis and Anne Arundel County Visitors Bureau and sits on the Legislative Committee for the Maryland Municipal League. In 2014, Pantelides endorsed Republican Anne Arundel County executive candidate Steve Schuh in the general election.
In 2017, Pantelides lost re-election to Democrat Gavin Buckley