Bombardment of Upolu
The Bombardment of Upolu, in 1841, was the second engagement with islanders of the Pacific Ocean during the United States Exploring Expedition. Following the murder of an American sailor on the island of Upolu, two United States Navy warships were dispatched to investigate; when the principal local chief would not hand over those suspected of the murder, they bombarded one village and went ashore and burned down others. The American expedition of discovery first arrived off Upolu in October 1839 while conducting surveys of the region; because United States-flagged merchant ships had traded a lot with the natives in the previous decades, Commander Charles Wilkes decided on establishing a treaty with the seven chiefs on the island which would govern future relations. Wilkes drafted what he called the "commercial regulations" that, among other things, provided that the Samoans would hand over any natives found guilty of murdering foreigners. An incident had occurred a few years before in which the followers of Chief Oportuno had killed three sailors from an American merchantman, so Wilkes wanted a treaty to handle such a situation.
All of the stipulations were agreed to and were signed on November 5, 1839, the same day that James C. William was appointed the American consul to the island. With that accomplished, Commander Wilkes left Upolu to continue his voyage around the world. Trade with the Samoans went well until about a year when the natives at Upolu killed another American; when Commander Wilkes learned of the death, he detached two vessels from his squadron to sail back to Samoa. The twenty-two gun sloop-of-war USS Peacock and the small two gun schooner USS Flying Fish were under the command of Lieutenant William L. Hudson and Commandant Samuel R. Knox, respectively; the two vessels arrived off Upolu on February 24, 1841. The Americans decided to meet with the principal chief Malietoa to demand that the murderer or murderers be handed over. Malietoa refused to surrender the suspects, so Lieutenant Hudson decided to land "70 odd men", including a force of no more than twenty marines, bombard the village of Saulafata.
After preparations for battle were completed, the landing party boarded boats and waited off the Peacock's starboard quarter while she and the Flying Fish shelled the Samoans. It was still the morning of February 24 when the American warships opened fire with grapeshot and round shot; the grapeshot had no effect and fell short of target, but the round shot began scoring hits upon the buildings on shore. The native warriors did not resist the attack in any way, after the first cannon was fired, they retreated from the beach to gather their families and belongings before fleeing into the jungle. After eighteen shots, the ships ceased firing, the shore party was sent into Saulafata. There the marines and sailors were divided into three units under Lieutenants William M. Walker of the Marine Corps, De Haven and George F. Emmos, as well as a few midshipmen. Two units began burning the forty of fifty huts with torches, while the third unit remained at the boats. There was no fighting. None of the Samoans were seen after the first cannon was fired.
With Saulafata destroyed, the Americans returned to their ships, but when they got there, Lieutenant Hudson ordered them to return ashore and destroy the villages of Fusi and Sallesesi. So again the party was landed after first receiving "a taste of grog" as encouragement. There were over 100 huts between the two villages, the second was destroyed in the same manner as the first, without any resistance from the natives; the Americans returned to the beach and destroyed all the canoes they could find before reboarding their ships and sailing away to rejoin Commander Wilkes. Punitive expedition First Fiji Expedition Second Fiji Expedition First Sumatran Expedition Second Sumatran Expedition Nukapu Expedition This article incorporates text from the public domain Dictionary of American Naval Fighting Ships. Ellsworth, Harry A.. One Hundred Eighty Landings of United States Marines 1800-1934. Washington D. C.: US Marines History and Museums Division
The Polynesian narrative or Polynesian mythology encompasses the oral traditions of the people of Polynesia, a grouping of Central and South Pacific Ocean island archipelagos in the Polynesian Triangle together with the scattered cultures known as the Polynesian outliers. Polynesians speak languages that descend from a language reconstructed as Proto-Polynesian, spoken in the Tonga - Samoa area around 1000 BC. Prior to the 15th century AD, Polynesian peoples fanned out to the east, to the Cook Islands, from there to other groups such as Tahiti and the Marquesas, their descendants discovered the islands from Tahiti to Rapa Nui, Hawai‘i and New Zealand. Latest research puts the settlement of New Zealand at about 1300 AD; the various Polynesian languages are all part of the Austronesian language family. Many are close enough in terms of vocabulary and grammar to permit communication between some other language speakers. There are substantial cultural similarities between the various groups in terms of social organisation, childrearing, as well as horticulture and textile technologies.
In some island groups, help is of fishing. There is a story of the marriage between Sky and Earth. There are stories of islands pulled up from the bottom of the sea by a magic fishhook, or thrown down from heaven. There are stories of voyages, migrations and battles, as one might expect. Stories about a trickster, Māui, are known, as are those about a beautiful goddess/ancestress Hina or Sina. In addition to these shared themes in the oral tradition, each island group has its own stories of demi-gods and culture heroes, shading into the firmer outlines of remembered history; such stories were linked to various geographic or ecological features, which may be described as the petrified remains of the supernatural beings. The various Polynesian cultures each have distinct but related oral traditions, that is, legends or myths traditionally considered to recount the history of ancient times and the adventures of gods and deified ancestors; the accounts are characterised by extensive use of allegory, parable and personification.
Orality has an essential flexibility. In an oral tradition, there is no fixed version of a given tale; the story may change within certain limits according to the setting, the needs of the narrator and the audience. Contrary to the Western concept of history, where the knowledge of the past serves to bring a better understanding of the present, the purpose of oral literature is rather to justify and legitimatise the present situation. An example is provided by genealogies, which exist in multiple and contradictory versions; the purpose of genealogies in oral societies is not to provide a'true' account, but rather to emphasise the seniority of the ruling chiefly line, hence its political legitimacy and right to exploit resources of land and the like. If another line should rise to ascendency, it was necessary to bestow upon the new line the most prestigious genealogy if this meant borrowing a few ancestors from the preceding dynasty; each island, each tribe or each clan will have their own version or interpretation of a given narrative cycle.
This process is disrupted when writing becomes the primary means to record and remember the traditions. When missionaries, anthropologists or ethnologists collected and published these accounts, they changed their nature. By fixing forever on paper what had been subject to infinite variation, they fixed as the authoritative version an account told by one narrator at a given moment. In New Zealand, the writings of one chief, Wiremu Te Rangikāheke, formed the basis of much of Governor George Grey's Polynesian Mythology, a book which to this day provides the de facto official versions of many of the best-known Māori legends; some Polynesians seem to have been aware of the danger and the potential of this new means of expression. As of the mid-19th century, a number of them wrote down their genealogy, the history and the origin of their tribe; these writings, known under the name of "pukapuka whakapapa" or in tropical Polynesia as "puta tumu" or "puta tūpuna” were jealously guarded by the heads of households.
Many were destroyed. In the 1890s, Makea Takau, a Rarotongan chief, ordered his tribe to burn all their family books, save his own; as a result, Makea Takau's version became the official history of the chiefly line, removing the possibility of dissent. At his request, extracts were published in the Journal of the Polynesian Society. Beckwith, Hawaiian Mythology, Yale University Press, 1940, as re-issued in 1970, University of Hawaii Press Buck, Sir Peter / Te Rangi Hiroa, Samoan Material Culture. Bishop Museum bulletin. Craig, D. Robert, Dictionary of Polynesian Mythology, 1989, Greenwood Press. Kirch, Patrick,'On the Road of the Winds' 2000, University of California Press. Malo, Hawaiian Antiquities, first published in English in 1898, available as Bernice P. Bishop Museum Special Publication 2, Second Edition, 1951
Savaiʻi is the largest and highest island in Samoa and the Samoan Islands chain. The island is the fifth largest in Polynesia, behind the two main islands of New Zealand and the Hawaiian Islands of Hawaii and Maui; the island of Savai'i is referred to by Samoans as Salafai, a classical Samoan term used in oratory and prose. The island is home to 43,142 people; the only township and ferry terminal is Salelologa, the main entry point to the island, situated at the east end of Savai'i. A tar sealed road serves as the one main highway, connecting most of the villages with local buses reaching most settlements. Savai'i is made up of six itūmālō; each district is made up of villages with strong traditional ties of kinship, history and matai chief titles. There is some limited ecotourism development which operates within the villages; the Mau, Samoa's non-violent movement for political independence during colonialism in the early 1900s, had its beginnings on Savai'i with the Mau a Pule movement. The island is the largest shield volcano in the South Pacific with recent eruptions in the early 1900s.
The central region comprises the Central Savai'i Rainforest with 72,699 hectares that forms the largest continuous patch of rainforest in Polynesia. It is dotted with more than 100 volcanic craters and contains most of Samoa's native species of flora and fauna, making it globally significant in world conservation areas. Fa'a Samoa, the unique traditional culture and way of life in Samoan society, remains strong in Savai'i where there are fewer signs of modern life and less development than on the island of Upolu where the capital Apia is situated. Samoan society is communal and based on extended family relationships and socio-cultural obligations, so that kinship and genealogies are important; these fa'a Samoa values are associated with concepts of love, service to family and community and discipline. Most families are made up of a number of different households situated close to each other. Like the rest of Samoa, Savai'i is made up of villages with most of the land collectively owned by families or'aiga.'
Most people on Savai'i, 93% of the island population, live on customary land. The heads of the family are called the holders of family names and titles. An extended family can have a number of chiefs with different chief titles. Men and women in Samoa have equal rights to chief titles which are bestowed by consensus of the extended family. Traditionally and female roles are defined by labours and tasks, chiefly status and age. Women play an important role contributing to family decisions as well as village governance. Elders are respected. Social relationships are dictated by cultural etiquettes of common greetings; the Samoan language has a'polite' and formal variant used in Samoan oratory and ceremony as well as in communication with elders, people of rank and strangers. In all villages, the majority of people are sustained by plantation work and fishing with financial assistance from relatives working in Apia or overseas. Most people live in coastal villages although there are some settlements inland such as the villages of Aopo and Sili.
Behind the villages are cultivated plantations with crops of taro, cocoa koko, coconuts popo, yams palai,'ava and vegetables as well other native plants such as pandanus for weaving'ie toga fine mats and bark for tapa cloth. There is a church in every village Christian denominations. Sunday is sacred and a day of rest. White Sunday is one of the most important days of the year in Samoa when children are treated with special attention by their families and community. With the country's independence in 1962, Samoa incorporates both traditional political structures alongside a western parliamentary system; the modern national Government of Samoa, based in the capital Apia with the roles of Prime Minister, Members of Parliament and western styled political structure, is referred to as the Malo. Only Samoans with chief matai titles are eligible to become Members of Parliament. Alongside Samoa's national and modern political structure is traditional authority vested in family chiefs; the term Pule is applied to traditional authority in Savai'i.
The word Pule refers to appointments or authorities conferred on certain clans or individuals, sometime in the political history of Samoa. This traditional Pule authority was centred in certain villages around Savai'i. In the early 20th century, these Pule areas on Savai'i island were Safotulafai, Safotu, Satupa'itea and Palauli. Safotu, Satupa'itea and Vailoa gained'Pule' status at different times in the 19th Century, together with the two older Pule districts and Saleaula, became the six Pule centres on Savai'i. In 1908, the'Mau a Pule' resistance movement to colonial rule, which grew to become the national Mau movement, began on Savai'i and represented traditional authority against the German administration of Samoa; the equivalent term'Tumua' is associated with traditional authority on Upolu island. At the local level throughout Samoa, traditional authority is vested in a chiefs' council in each village; the fono o matai carry out'village law' and socio-political governance based on their traditional authority and fa'a Samoa.
The authority of the ` matai' is balanced against the Malo. Most of the matai are males, the women in each village have a voice in domestic affairs through the women's committees; the main government administration offices of the Malo on Savai'i are
Survivor: South Pacific
Survivor: South Pacific is the twenty-third season of the American CBS competitive reality television series Survivor. The season was filmed from May 30 through July 7, 2011 and premiered on September 14, 2011. Applications were due in January 11, 2011 800 applicants visited in various states, from there 16 contestants were chosen as participants. Samoa was not selected as a location for this season, as the show had filmed two seasons in the area; the production team withdrew from their original locale, due to economic problems. The season was filmed in the vicinity of Upolu and it served as the location for the next season and this was the third season to be filmed in the country, tied with Panama. Redemption Island, first introduced in the prior season, returned for this season. Sophie Clarke was named the winner in the final episode on December 18, 2011, defeating Benjamin "Coach" Wade and Albert Destrade in a 6–3–0 vote. Ozzy Lusth won $100,000 as the "Sprint Player of the Season", winning this honor by the largest margin since the award's inception in Survivor: China, earning the fans' vote over John Cochran.
The complete season was released on DVD on September 2015, via Amazon.com's CreateSpace program. Alina Wilson from Nicaragua states that she was asked back to this season, but did not make the final cast. Michael Skupin from The Australian Outback declined the offer to return due to his mother passing away. After agreeing to compete on The Amazing Race, Jenna Morasca, winner of The Amazon, her boyfriend Ethan Zohn, winner of Africa, were asked to return in this season but they turned down because they didn't want to compete against each other for a second time, after having done so in Survivor: All-Stars. Jeff Varner from The Australian Outback, states that he was asked to return and accepted, but was cut. Shane Powers from Exile Island was considered to be on this season, but claims he was cut and replaced by Ozzy Lusth. Aras Baskauskas from Exile Island declined an offer to return, but he would return for Survivor: Blood vs Water; this season features 16 players new to Survivor split into two tribes, The two original tribes were Savaii and Upolu, the merged tribe into Te Tuna.
As well as two returning players: Ozzy Lusth from Cook Islands and Micronesia, Benjamin "Coach" Wade from Tocantins and Heroes vs. Villains. Among the new players were Brandon Hantz, nephew of three-time Survivor contestant Russell Hantz, country singer Whitney Duncan, a finalist on the fifth season of Nashville Star. Brandon Hantz, John Cochran and Dawn Meehan returned for Survivor: Caramoan. Whitney Duncan and Keith Tollefson have since married. Jim Rice and Mikayla Wingle were included on the public poll to choose the cast of Survivor: Cambodia, but neither was chosen to compete. Oscar "Ozzy" Lusth returned for a fourth time on Survivor: Game Changers. Sixteen new castaways divided into two tribes and Upolu, were joined by returning contestants, Oscar "Ozzy" Lusth and Benjamin "Coach" Wade, with Ozzy joining Savaii and Coach joining Upolu by random draw. Redemption Island was again in play: voted out players would be sent to Redemption Island and participate in duels, with the winner remaining there until either the next duel or until two specific points where players were brought back into the game.
Both tribes rallied under the leadership of Coach. Ozzy's style was somewhat more aggressive, establishing a rift between the majority of his alliance and others the weaker Cochran. Coach, having reflected on his past performances on Survivor, had a more open style, which most of the group followed, including Brandon, who revealed himself to be the nephew of former Survivor castaway Russell Hantz, had feared revealing this to draw his tribe's ire. Both Ozzy and Coach found their tribes' respective Hidden Immunity Idols; the two tribes fared at challenges and retained similar numbers, as they approached the perceived merge, Ozzy offered a plan to volunteer to be voted to go to Redemption Island, where he would win the challenge over Christine, a former Upolu member, assuring that the tribes would be equal at six members each when merged. This plan went as expected, the newly merged tribe named themselves Te Tuna. However, Ozzy's former rash behavior to Cochran was seen as an opportunity by the former Upolu members, they were able to turn Cochran to their side on the first vote after the merge, voting out former Savaii member Keith.
The Upolu members and Cochran would continue to dominate at Tribal Council, sending the remaining Savaii members to Redemption Island, starting with Ozzy, who dominated at Redemption Island subsequently. With no other Savaii members remaining, Cochran was voted out next, followed by Upolu outsider Edna. In the subsequent challenge, Brandon won immunity but offered it to his closest ally Albert, the intended target of the vote. Brandon was defeated by Ozzy the next day at the final Redemption duel. Ozzy won the subsequent challenge. In the final immunity challenge between Coach, Ozzy and Albert, Sophie was narrowly able to defeat Ozzy. Coach and Sophie faced the final Tribal Coun
Mount Vaea is a 472 m summit overlooking Apia, the capital of Samoa located on the north central coast of Upolu island. The mountain is situated south about 3 km inland from Apia harbour; the settlement at the foothills on the northern side of the mountain is called Lalovaea. Mount Vaea is most well known as the burial place of Robert Louis Stevenson who lived the last four years of his life in Samoa before his death on 3 December 1894. Stevenson, who had lived on the east side of Mount Vaea, had chosen the mountain top as his final resting place; the day following his death, his coffin was carried by Samoans to the summit for burial. The steep path to his grave is called the'Road of Loving Hearts.' It takes about an hour to ascend by foot. Stevenson was called Tusitala by the people of Samoa. Inscribed on Stevenson's tomb is his requiem: Under the wide and starry sky,Dig the grave and let me lie. Glad did I live and gladly die; this be the verse you grave for me:Here he lies where he longed to be.
The ashes of his wife Fanny Stevenson, who died in California in 1914, were taken back by her daughter to Samoa in 1915 and buried beside her husband. The bronze plaque for Fanny bears her Samoan name'Aolele'. Stevenson's estate and colonial home, Villa Vailima, is now a national museum in his honour, it is situated in the village of Vailima at the eastern foot of Mount Vaea, Stevenson's memorial on Mount Vaea and more than 100 acres from the estate are protected by law in Samoa through the Stevenson Memorial Reserve and Mount Vaea Scenic Reserve Ordinance 1958. Part of the 1958 Law states; the lands described...shall be known as the Stevenson Memorial Reserve and shall be maintained in perpetuity by the Government of Samoa in memory of Robert Louis Stevenson and his love for the people of Samoa.....the Mount Vaea Scenic Reserve shall be maintained in perpetuity by the Government of Samoa as a scenic reserve. Media related to Mount Vaea, Samoa at Wikimedia Commons Chanel College, Moamoa
Archaeology of Samoa
Archaeology of Samoa began with the first systematic survey of archaeological remains on Savai'i island by Jack Golson in 1957. Since surveys and studies in the rest of Samoa have uncovered major findings of settlements and earth mounds including star mounds, Lapita pottery remains and pre-historic artifacts. An important part of archaeology in Samoa and Oceania involves finding the answer to the origins of Polynesians, ongoing research, being undertaken in conjunction with other fields including linguistics and genetics; the oldest date so far from pre-historic remains in Samoa has been calculated by New Zealand scientists to a true age of circa 3,000 BP from a Lapita site at Mulifanua during the 1970s. Earlier accounts of'earthmounds' and'monumental architecture' were known but no scientific surveys were carried out until Golson's in-depth work in 1957. Golson carried out field work on Upolu where he discovered the first pottery sherds in Samoa at Vailele village on the island's north coast.
At the 10th Pacific Science Congress in Honolulu in 1961, archaeologists decided to make a coordinated approach in investigating the region's pre-history. During 1963-1964, this work was carried out by an international team led by Roger Curtis Green under the Polynesian Archaeology Programme of Auckland University. Building on Golson's surveys, the team carried out field work on the islands of Savai'i, Upolu and Apolima. Another team leader was New Zealand archaeologist Janet Davidson who has made major contributions to the field of archaeology in Samoa and the rest of the Pacific. Green and Davidson laid the groundwork for archaeology in Samoa. Among the many findings of this project were ceramics on Upolu and Apolima. However, a key finding near the end of this trip was the discovery of Lapita pottery remains at Mulifanua with radio carbon dates of 930-800 BC. Up to 2008, all known pottery in Samoa is'plain ware' except for those excavated at Mulifanua. An important part of Davidson's work in Samoa over the years focused on settlement patterns before European contact.
She became the first to make a case based on archaeological field work for the distribution of a much greater Samoan population in the 17th and 18th centuries AD. Early population estimates in the 19th century had been vastly different. There were other archaeologists who carried out important field work in Samoa, including American Jesse D. Jennings and Richard Holmer in the 1970s. Jennings led studies at Mt Olo Plantation on inland from Sapapali'i on Savai'i. Extensive pre-historic settlement ruins were surveyed and excavated in August and October 1974, 1976 and 1977 under the University of Utah Samoan Archaeological Program. From 1978 to 1979, further field work was carried out with extensive surveys of a pre-historic settlement in the Palauli district; this survey at Palauli was done by Gregory Jackmond, an American Peace Corps volunteer who had done field work of pre-historic ruins inland from Sapapali'i village. In 2002-2004 extensive excavations were carried out at the Pulemelei mound in Savai'i under the leadership of the Swedish archaeologist Helene Martinsson-Wallin in collaboration with Paul Wallin and Geoffrey Clark.
These excavations and subsequent field studies by Martinsson-Wallin at the Letolo plantation, Malaefono Starmound and Fale o le Fe'e, led to a collaboration with the National University of Samoa to create an archaeology programme. Many other scholars contributed to the field of archaeology in Samoa before 1957 including Māori historian Te Rangi Hīroa and Derek Freeman who carried out field work at Vailele and the Falemauga Caves on Upolu while he was a school teacher in Samoa during the early 1940s. Key sites in field work on Savai'i island include prehistoric settlements situated inland at Sapapali'i, extensive village settlements in Palauli, where the Pulemelei Mound is situated and a midden site at the village of Siutu on the south coast. Archaeological work at Sapapali'i was carried out by Jackmond, who surveyed a 20 hectare area and discovered extensive prehistoric ruins; the data from Jackmond's work at Sapapali'i tended to replicate the data collected at the Mt Olo Plantation site on Upolu with similar stone walls, raised walkways and platforms.
One important difference were the greater number of earth ovens uncovered at the Savai'i site. The team at the Mt Olo site had theorised that earth ovens were a sign of social ranking and status; when these surveys were completed in 1976, Jackmond's Peace Corp work was extended for a further two years and he carried out field work on the extensive prehistoric settlements in Palauli district. Earlier mapping of Savai'i including the Pulemelei mound had been carried out by S. D. Scott and Alistair G. Buist in 1969, their field work on Savai'i in 1969 showed archaeological remains of dense inland settlements prior to European contact in Safotu and Fagamalo, on the north coast of the island. The prehistoric settlement at Letolo is situated in the Palauli district on the south coast at the east end of Savai'i; the site is situated on land, known in modern times as the Nelson Plantation under the Nelson Corporation Board. During colonialism in the late 19th century, the land came under German ownership and sold to a Swedish trader August Nilspeter Gustav Nelson, who married a Samoan woman and ran a trading post in Safune.
In recent years, court cases have resulted between chiefs in Palauli and the Nelson family over ownership of the land. Entry into the plantatation is over the bridge at the west end of Vailoa, the capital of Palauli. Jackmond's s
A Dominion was the "title" given to the semi-independent polities under the British Crown, constituting the British Empire, beginning with Canadian Confederation in 1867. "Dominion status" was a constitutional term of art used to signify an independent Commonwealth realm. The Balfour Declaration of 1926 recognised the Dominions as "autonomous Communities within the British Empire", the 1931 Statute of Westminster confirmed their full legislative independence. Earlier usage of dominion to refer to a particular territory dates to the 16th century and was used to describe Wales from 1535 to 1801 and New England between 1686 and 1689. A distinction must be made between a British "dominion" and British "Dominions"; the use of a capital "D" when referring to the'British Dominions' was required by the United Kingdom government in order to avoid confusion with the wider term "His Majesty's dominions" which referred to the British Empire as a whole. All territories forming part of the British Empire were British dominions but only some were British Dominions.
At the time of the adoption of the Statute of Westminster, there were six British Dominions: Canada, New Zealand, South Africa and the Irish Free State. At the same time there were many other jurisdictions that were British dominions, for example Cyprus; the Order in Council annexing the island of Cyprus in 1914 declared that, from 5 November, the island "shall be annexed to and form part of His Majesty's dominions". Use of dominion to refer to a particular territory dates back to the 16th century and was sometimes used to describe Wales from 1535 to around 1800: for instance, the Laws in Wales Act 1535 applies to "the Dominion and Country of Wales". Dominion, as an official title, was conferred on the Colony of Virginia about 1660 and on the Dominion of New England in 1686; these dominions never had full self-governing status. The creation of the short-lived Dominion of New England was designed—contrary to the purpose of dominions—to increase royal control and to reduce the colony's self-government.
Under the British North America Act 1867, Canada received the status of "Dominion" upon the Confederation of several British possessions in North America. However, it was at the Colonial Conference of 1907 when the self-governing colonies of Canada and the Commonwealth of Australia were referred to collectively as Dominions for the first time. Two other self-governing colonies—New Zealand and Newfoundland—were granted the status of Dominion in the same year; these were followed by the Union of South Africa in 1910 and the Irish Free State in 1922. At the time of the founding of the League of Nations in 1924, the League Covenant made provision for the admission of any "fully self-governing state, Dominion, or Colony", the implication being that "Dominion status was something between that of a colony and a state". Dominion status was formally defined in the Balfour Declaration of 1926, which recognised these countries as "autonomous Communities within the British Empire", thus acknowledging them as political equals of the United Kingdom.
The Statute of Westminster 1931 converted this status into legal reality, making them independent members of what was called the British Commonwealth. Following the Second World War, the decline of British colonialism led to Dominions being referred to as Commonwealth realms and the use of the word dominion diminished. Nonetheless, though disused, it remains Canada's legal title and the phrase Her Majesty's Dominions is still used in legal documents in the United Kingdom; the phrase His/Her Majesty's dominions is a legal and constitutional phrase that refers to all the realms and territories of the Sovereign, whether independent or not. Thus, for example, the British Ireland Act 1949, recognised that the Republic of Ireland had "ceased to be part of His Majesty's dominions"; when dependent territories that had never been annexed were granted independence, the United Kingdom act granting independence always declared that such and such a territory "shall form part of Her Majesty's dominions", so become part of the territory in which the Queen exercises sovereignty, not suzerainty.
The sense of "Dominion" was capitalised to distinguish it from the more general sense of "dominion". The word dominions referred to the possessions of the Kingdom of England. Oliver Cromwell's full title in the 1650s was "Lord Protector of the Commonwealth of England and Ireland, the dominions thereto belonging". In 1660, King Charles II gave the Colony of Virginia the title of dominion in gratitude for Virginia's loyalty to the Crown during the English Civil War; the Commonwealth of Virginia, a State of the United States, still has "the Old Dominion" as one of its nicknames. Dominion occurred in the name of the short-lived Dominion of New England. In all of these cases, the word dominion implied no more than being subject to the English Crown; the foundation of "Dominion" status followed the achievement of internal self-rule in British Colonies, in the specific form of full responsible government. Colonial responsible government began to emerge during the mid-19th century; the legislatures of Colonies with responsible government were able to make laws in all matters other than foreign affairs and international trade, these being powers which remained with the Parliament of the United Kingdom.
Bermuda, was never def