The Winnipeg general strike of 1919 was one of the most famous and influential strikes in Canadian history. For six weeks, May 15 to June 26, more than 30,000 strikers brought economic activity to a standstill in Winnipeg, which at the time was Canada's third largest city. In the short term, the strike ended in arrests and defeat, but in the long run it contributed to the development of a stronger labour movement and the tradition of social democratic politics in Canada. There were many background causes for the strike, most of them related to the prevailing social inequalities and the impoverished condition of the city's working class. Wages were low, prices were rising, employment was unstable, immigrants faced discrimination and health conditions were poor. In addition, there was resentment of the enormous profits enjoyed by employers during the war. Soldiers returning from the war were determined to see improved social conditions and opportunities after their harrowing experiences overseas.
Most workers did not have union representation, but many were influenced by the hope of achieving greater economic security through unions. Many workers were influenced by socialist ideas voiced by local reformers and revolutionaries; these attracted greater interest among the large population of immigrants from Eastern Europe, after the Russian Revolution of 1917. A meeting of western labour delegates in Calgary in March 1919 adopted numerous radical resolutions, including support for a five day week and a six hour day, they called for the establishment of a new union centre, the One Big Union, to promote class solidarity by uniting workers from all trades and industries in one organization. The idea that the OBU instigated the general strike is misleading, as the OBU was not formed until June 1919. However, the "one big union" idea contributed to the atmosphere of unrest. Similar volatile conditions existed elsewhere in Canada, in other countries around the world, at the end of World War I, but the combination of circumstances in Winnipeg proved to be explosive.
The most immediate cause of the strike involved support for collective bargaining in the metal trades and building trades, where workers were attempting to negotiate contracts through their trades councils. When the Metal Trades Council and the Building Trades Council had both failed to secure contracts with employers by the end of April, they went on strike, the building trades on May 1 and the metal trades on May 2. Shortly afterwards, the situation was discussed at meetings of the Winnipeg Trades and Labour Council, the umbrella body for the city’s unions; the Labour Council decided to call on their 12,000 affiliated members to vote on a proposal for a general strike. On a smaller scale, this tactic had achieved success for striking city workers a year earlier in 1918. Preliminary results of the vote among the Labour Council’s member unions were announced on May 13; the outcome showed overwhelming support for a general strike, 8,667 to 645. Ernest Robinson, secretary of the Labour Council, issued a statement that "every organization but one has voted in favour of the general strike" and that "all public utilities will be tied-up in order to enforce the principle of collective bargaining".
A Strike Committee was established, with delegates elected by the city's unions. The leadership included both moderate trade unionists, such as James Winning, a bricklayer, president of the Trades and Labour Council, socialists such as R. B. Russell, a machinist who favoured the OBU. At 11:00 a.m. on Thursday May 15, 1919 the entire working population of Winnipeg went on strike. Somewhere around 30,000 workers in the public and private sectors walked off their jobs, the city experienced a sudden cessation of many normal activities; the Strike Committee requested the police force, who had voted in favour of the strike, to remain on duty. Workers at the city waterworks remained on the job to provide service at reduced pressure. Union membership had increased during the spring of 1919, but most of the people who came out in support of the general strike were not union members. For instance, the first to leave work, at 7:00 a.m. were the telephone operators, the so-called "hello girls" at the city telephone exchanges, who were not at this time union members.
On the first day of the strike, the major organizations of returned soldiers announced their support and were active throughout the six weeks of the strike. In the early days of the strike, one historian has written, "The atmosphere was festive, the belief in ultimate victory strong." Participants assembled in city parks to listen to speakers report on the progress of the strike and discuss the many related social reform issues of the time. To ensure that strikers were kept informed of developments, the Strike Committee published a daily Strike Bulletin; this newspaper urged the strikers to remain peaceable as well as idle: “The only thing the workers have to do to win this strike is to do nothing. Just eat, play, love and look at the sun.... Our fight consists of doing no fighting.”. Women leaders played an important part in building solidarity among the strikers. Experienced organizers such as Helen "Ma" Armstrong, one of two women on the Strike Committee, encouraged young working women to join the strike and spoke on street corners and at public meetings.
The Women’s Labour League raised money to help women workers pay rent. They set up a kitchen where hundreds of meals were served every day. On June 12 a "ladies day" was held at Victoria Park, where women occupied seats of honour to cheer a speech by J. S. Woodsworth promoting the emancipation of women and the equality of the sexes. Negotiations between members of the Strike Committee
Somerford Booths is a small civil parish in the unitary authority of Cheshire East and the ceremonial county of Cheshire, England. In the census of 2001 it was recorded as having a population of 175. Increasing to 181 at the 2011 Census; the civil parish holds a parish council meeting under a grouping scheme with the civil parish of Hulme Walfield, so it is called Hulme Walfield & Somerford Booths Parish Council. The parish is small and now consists of scattered farms and small groupings of houses, including the hamlet of Newsbank, it contains Somerford Booths Hall as well as Grove House Farm and Broomfield Farm which are shown as ancient buildings on the Ordnance Survey map of the area. Listed buildings in Somerford Booths Media related to Somerford Booths at Wikimedia Commons
Mia Lövheim is a professor of the Sociology of Religion at Uppsala University in Uppsala, Sweden with a research specialisation in new media. After completing her doctorate in 2004 with a dissertation published as Intersecting Identities: Young People and Interaction on the Internet, she did postdoctoral work at the Institute for Media and Communication at the University of Oslo, in Norway, pursuing the theme of her dissertation on youth self-definition on the internet in relation to girls and to religion, with a project entitled Between Postmodernity and Tradition: Young Women's Values in Mediated Stories on the Internet, was appointed to a professorship in 2011. Based on her research, she has spoken to the challenges the established churches face in attracting new members among youth. Intersecting Identities: Young People and Interaction on the Internet, Uppsala University, 2004, ISBN 978-91-506-1740-5 Media and Gender: Key Issues and New Challenges, Routledge, 2013, ISBN 9780415504720 Mia Lövheim at Network for New Media and Digital Culture Studies List of publications at Nordicom
Wilhelm Schaffrath was a German jurist and politician. He was a member of the Frankfurt Parliament in 1848, after 1871 a member of the national Reichstag, he was at various stages, a member of the Saxony Landtag. Wilhelm Michael Schaffrath was born, one of his parent's ten children, in Schöna, a small town in southern Saxony, close to the frontier with Austria. Two years after his birth the family relocated in connection with his father's work the short distance to Lauterbach, his father, Michael Gotthold Schaffrath, worked at one stage as a master weaver, in Lauterbach, as a village school teacher. Because the family was poor they were obliged to live in the school house, from the age of eight Wilhelm was contributing to the family budget by working as a part-time shepherd boy. Wilhelm was identified early on by the local priest as a talented scholar, his ability was encouraged, notably by the Stolpen deacon who taught him Latin; the Stolpen municipality awarded him a free school place which enabled him to obtain a first-class education at the Saint Afra School for gifted students in the city of Meissen.
Here he was talent-spotted by the crown prince Frederick who facilitated Schaffrath's entry to the Law faculty at Leipzig University in order to study Jurisprudence. He completed his first degree in only three years, took his doctorate a year after that, receiving his teaching qualification. At the age of 23 Wilhelm Schaffrath prepared to settle down to an academic career. Events intervened, however. During the time that he was working for his doctorate he undertook the legal defense of 19 Student Association members who had faced charges of "participation in secret and revolutionary associations"; the charges arose because membership of a student association was at the time considered sufficient to support them. The defendants were faced several years of detention. Schaffrath succeeded in obtaining their acquittal at an appeal hearing before the High Court at Dresden, he took the matter a stage further by publishing a report of the case. As a result, he found himself denied a university teaching post, or indeed any job in public service.
In 1840 he was elected a district judge in Sebnitz and in 1841 mayor in Mühltroff, but he was not able to take up either position because the central government refused to confirm the appointments. In 1841 Schaffrath set himself up as a lawyer in Neustadt bei Stolpen where in 1842 he was elected as a town councillor. In 1845/46 he was able to participate in the Saxony regional assembly as an "urban deputy" following an exhaustive investigation by the authorities which failed to find any reason to block the election result, he was described by the liberal radical contemporary Bernhard Hirschel as the "conscience" of the assembly because of his "exceptional legal knowledge". It was during this time that he developed his friendship with the Leipzig based politician and democracy-activist, Robert Blum. Together they produced two politically radical newspapers entitled "Verfassungsfreund" and the "Sächsischen Vaterlandsblätter". Schaffrach was present at meetings of the Hallgarten Circle, was elected a member of the Frankfurt Parliament when it convened in May 1848.
Because of his participation in the Frankfurt Parliament in 1848/49 he was unable to return to the Saxony Landtag. Instead he remained in Frankfurt, he did not join in the popular uprising in 1848, but was still a member of the Frankfurt parliament when it relocated to Stuttgart, was still a member of what came to be known as the "Stuttgart Rump Parliament" when it was closed down at gunpoint in June 1849. After the year of revolutions he emigrated to Switzerland where he claimed political asylum till 1852, he returned to Saxony and was able to negotiate a full judicial pardon, which opened the way for a return to his political career. He returned to Neustadt bei Stolpen. In 1856 he relocated to Dresden, where in 1872 he obtained permission to undertake public notary work; the move to Dresden was followed by an ten-year break in his political career. Schaffrath was one of the founders, in 1863, of the "Saxony Progressive Association", the Saxony component of what was becoming the pan-German left-wing liberal Progressive Party.
Between 1865 and 1872 he sat as a member of the Dresden City Council, remaining active in city politics till the mid 1870s. In February 1867 he was elected as a Progress Party member to the Reichstag of the newly created North German Confederation. Both the confederation and its Reichstag proved short-lived. Following unification, however, in 1871 they were replaced by a new German state and a new national Parliament. Wilhelm Schaffrath was a member between March 1871 and 1874, again between 1878 and 1879. At the same time, in October 1871 he was elected a member of the Saxony Landtag, where he would sit as a member till 1879. Despite the unceremonious nature of his exclusion from the chamber in 1849, following his high-profile participation in the political aspects of the "events" of 1848, in 1871 he was promptly elected president of the Saxony Second Chamber, the king confirmed the appointment. However, he lost the presidency of the chamber in 1875 following fresh regional elections in 1874 which had giv
KONČAR – Elektroindustrija d.d. is a Croatian electrical and energy company based in Zagreb, Croatia. Listed on the Zagreb Stock Exchange being constituent of CROBEX, the company consists of 16 subsidiary companies, employing a staff of 3,600. Annual sales account for 460 million euros. During recent years, KONČAR has delivered its products and plants to more than 100 countries across all continents. KONČAR dates from 1921, when a modest but at the time significant manufacture of electrical motors commenced in Zagreb; the company is named after World War II resistance fighter Rade Končar. KONČAR - Catering Equipment Ltd. is an industrial company that operates within the KONČAR Group. The company was founded in 1946 and specializes in the design, manufacture and servicing of professional catering equipment. KONČAR - Catering Equipment Ltd company offers a wide range of professional catering products based on turnkey system. Products include: cooking equipment, neutral equipment, refrigeration equipment of various sizes and purposes, professional dishwashers, special equipment for hospital kitchens, marine equipment, special equipment, Free-Flow System, etc.
The production lines are located in an industrial facility organized under the ISO 9001:2008 quality management system. All products are manufactured in accordance with relevant guidelines and standards of Republic of Croatia and European Union. Industry of Croatia Nuclear energy in Croatia Official website
Aldo Antonio Bobadilla Ávalos is a Paraguayan retired footballer who played as a goalkeeper. He is the current manager of Independiente Medellín. Bobadilla started his career at Paraguayan club Cerro Porteño in the junior league, he was trained by Modesto Sandoval, how he got the skills to play in the pro team some years then moved to Gimnasia y Esgrima de La Plata of Argentina, he returned to Paraguay to play for Club Libertad until mid-2006, when he signed for Argentine Boca Juniors. Though he started the last season as the first-choice goalkeeper for Boca Juniors, he lost his place to Caranta after his rival's good performances in friendly matches. In early September 2007 he signed a contract with Colombian side Independiente Medellín helping the team overcome the problem they had in the previous season by being the team with the most goals scored against. Early in 2011, Bobadilla signed a two-year contract with Club Olimpia of Asunción. After Olimpia finishing in second place during that year´s Apertura Tournament, Bobadilla decided to end his career, starting to take Manegerial jobs with Paraguayan lower-ranking teams.
Bobadilla was part of the Paraguayan national football team that competed in the 2006 FIFA World Cup. He was not expected to play. However, Bobadilla had to replace starting goalkeeper Justo Villar after Villar's injury in the first match, against England. Cerro Porteño Paraguayan Primera División: 2001, 2004Libertad Paraguayan Primera División: 2006Boca Juniors Copa Libertadores: 2007Independiente Medellín Categoría Primera A: 2009 Finalización Aldo Bobadilla at National-Football-Teams.com Aldo Bobadilla – FIFA competition record Aldo Bobadilla at Footballdatabase